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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO M. DUMAS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,

I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 15th and 24th, the latter inclosing a letter to congress, which I will do myself the honor to inclose with my first despatches. This method will be very agreeable to me, if you choose to continue it.

There are bruits here of a seventy-four gunship with six homeward bound East Indiamen taken from the English by some French men-of-war near the Cape of Good Hope. The report comes from Lisbon, but waits confirmation.

I do not see or hear any thing of the manifesto yet, nor about another thing that gives me more anxiety than any other,—the determination of the court of justice of Holland upon the conduct of Amsterdam.

I have fixed my eye upon that court of justice, because I think that the full justification of the regency of Amsterdam ought to be inserted in the manifesto. The British manifesto cannot be answered without it. The world will never think the republic in earnest until this is done. Keeping it in suspense is considered as a design to leave open a passage to retreat. It is treating notre ami with great indignity, and in some measure depriving the public of his counsel and assistance at a time when it is most wanted. It is suffering the spirit of the people to subside and their passions to cool, a matter of the last importance in war.

  • “There is a tide in the affairs of men,
  • Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune.”

However, the maxims of government here are different from most other countries; and the nation itself and its rulers must be the best judges of its interest, duty, and policy.

My mind has a long habit of looking forward, and guessing what future events will be the consequence of those that are past; and although we are very shortsighted, yet we can sometimes reason upon sure principles, and prophesy with a good degree of certainty. Upon this plan, then, what will be the conduct of the neutral union, and what that of England? I cannot see but the neutral confederacy must demand restitution of all the Dutch ships, upon pain of war. And England must, unless she departs from every maxim that has governed her, not only throughout this reign, but several others before it, unless she departs from the character of the nation too, as well as the maxims of the court, refuse to restore the Dutch ships. The consequence will be,—Russia, Sweden, Holland, France, Spain, and America, all at war against England at once. A rare and curious phenomenon to be sure!

But what will be the consequence of this? Peace? By no means.

The neutral union moving slowly, and unused to war at sea, will depend upon England’s giving up, and will not exert themselves. England, whose navy has lived among flying balls for some time, will be alert and active and do a great deal of mischief before her enemies are properly aroused. I think, in the end, they will be aroused, and the consequence of it will be, that England will be ruined and undergo a terrible convulsion. Say, are these reveries wholly chimerical? You are sensible that our country, America, has two objects in view,—one is a treaty of amity and commerce, at least, with this republic; the other is a loan of money. You will be so good as to keep these points always in view, and inform me if you discover any disposition towards both or either in persons capable of effecting it or putting things in a train for that purpose. The court is supposed to be decided against America; but is this certain? It has had an inclination towards England, but having got over that, why should it be against America? I am persuaded that nothing can be done without the court.

Do you think it would be prudent in me to endeavor to get introduced to one or more persons in power, the grand pensionary of Holland, or any members of the states-general, in order to have some conversation upon American affairs? Do you suppose I should succeed, if I were to attempt to obtain such a conference? If it is the interest of the two republics to connect themselves together, as you and I believe it to be, it would not be amiss to have these interests explained mutually, and objections, if there are any, considered and obviated.

I am, sir, respectfully and affectionately yours,

John Adams.