The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Official Letters, Messages, and Public Papers.
• Introductory Note.
• 28 Nov. 1777: The President of Congress to John Adams.
• 3 Dec. 1777: The President of Congress to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To Henry Laurens, President of Congress.
• To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
• Baron De Kalb to John Adams.
• ( Inclosed With the Foregoing. ) Baron De Kalb to the Comte De Broglie.
• Baron De Kalb to M. Moreau.
• 9 Jan. 1778: The Marquis De La Fayette to John Adams.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the Marquis De La Fayette.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine. 2
• To the Committee of Commerce.
• M. De Sartine to the Commissioners.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• The Commissioners to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
• M. De Sartine to the Commissioners. ( Translation. ) 1
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• The Commissioners to M. De Beaumarchais.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• To M. Le Ray De Chaumont.
• M. Le Ray De Chaumont to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• M. De Sartine to the Commissioners. ( Translation. )
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
• To the American Prisoners In Forton, Plymouth, Or Elsewhere In Great Britain.
• To Ralph Izard.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Ralph Izard to John Adams.
• To Ralph Izard.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• The Commissioners to William Lee.
• Ralph Izard to John Adams.
• The Commissioners to John Ross.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• To Ralph Izard.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• To Arthur Lee.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• M. Genet 1 to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to M. Schweighauser.
• The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• To the President of Congress.
• The Commissioners to Dr. Price.
• The Commissioners to John Ross.
• 1 Jan. 1779: The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• The Commissioners to John Lloyd and Others.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
• To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
• To M. De Sartine.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
• To the Marquis De Lafayette.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. De Sartine to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• ( Inclosed With the Preceding. ) M. De Sartine to Benjamin Franklin.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• To Arthur Lee.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the Treasury Board.
• The Chevalier De La Luzerne to John Adams.
• The Chevalier De La Luzerne to Captain Chavagnes.
• M. De Marbois to John Adams.
• To M. De Sartine.
• To M. De La Luzerne.
• To M. De Marbois.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• 15 Feb, 1780: To the President of Congress.
• To the Marquis De Lafayette.
• To M. Genet.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• M. Genet to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Genet.
• To General Knox.
• To Captain Landais.
• To the President of Congress.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• William Lee to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• William Lee to John Adams.
• To Arthur Lee.
• To William Lee.
• To W. Carmichael.
• T. Digges to John Adams. ( Extract. )
• To the President of Congress.
• William Carmichael to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• To M. Genet.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
• W. Carmichael to John Adams. ( Without Date. )
• T. Digges to John Adams. ( Extract. )
• To M. Genet.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• To M. Genet. 1
• From the Count De Vergennes.
• From the Count De Vergennes.
• To W. Carmichael.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To John Jay.
• To T. Digges. 1
• To John Jay.
• To M. Genet.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• To M. Genet.
• To the Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Arthur Lee.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress
• To Count De Vergennes.
• ( Extract Inclosed ) Richard Cranch to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• ( Extract Inclosed. ) Elbridge Gerry to John Adams.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. 1 )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To Thomas Digges.
• Queries By B. Franklin.
• Answer to the Queries.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Thomas Jefferson.
• To B. Franklin.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• ( Inclosed Extract. ) B. Rush to John Adams.
• William Lee to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• David Hartley to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To William Lee.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To the President of Congress.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• Observations On Mr. Adams’s Letter of 17th July, 1780. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• David Hartley to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To John Luzac. 1
• To the President of Congress.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To David Hartley.
• John Luzac to John Adams.
• To John Luzac.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Van Vollenhoven.
• From M. Van Blomberg.
• From M. Van Blomberg.
• From M. Mylius.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• Twenty-six Letters Upon Interesting Subjects Respecting the Revolution of America, Written In Holland, In the Year Mdcclxxx
• To Mr. Calkoen.
• M. Bicker to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Thomas Digges.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To B. Franklin.
• To the President of Congress.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Van Blomberg.
• From M. Van Blomberg.
• To M. Bicker.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• From M. Bicker. ( Translation. )
• To M. Bowens.
• ( Memorandum On the Foregoing Letter. )
• To M. Dumas.
• To M. Bicker.
• From M. Bicker. ( Translation. )
• To Commodore Gillon.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To M. John Luzac.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To B. Franklin.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• 1 Jan. 1781: The President of Congress to John Adams.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To M. Dumas.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To M. Bicker.
• M. Bicker to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To M. Bicker.
• To M. Dumas.
• To M. Dumas.
• A Memorial to the States-general. to Their High Mightinesses, the States-general of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
• To the Prince De Galitzin, Minister of the Empress of Russia.
• To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of the City of Amsterdam.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon, Ambassador of France At the Hague.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
• To Francis Dana.
• The Duke De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
• To John Jay.
• To the President of Congress.
• To B. Franklin.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• To B. Franklin.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To Francis Dana.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Peter Van Bleiswyck.
• To M. Fagel.
• Memorial to Their High Mightinesses, the States-general of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
• Memorial to the Prince of Orange.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To the President of Congress.
• To John Laurens.
• To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To M. Dumas.
• To the President of the Assembly of the States-general.
• M. BÉrenger to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. BÉrenger.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes. 1
• M. De Rayneval to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To M. De Rayneval.
• To the President of Congress.
• Articles to Serve As a Basis to the Negotiation For the Reëstablishment of Peace. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Answer of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Articles to Serve As a Basis to the Negotiation For the Reëstablishment of Peace.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• (private. Partly In Cipher.)
• To the President of Congress.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• (inclosed In the Preceding.) the President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To B. Franklin.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To B. Franklin.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• George Washington to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• To John Jay.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To John Jay.
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Dumas.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To John Luzac.
• To Francis Dana.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• 6 Jan, 1782: Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To the President of Congress.
• To B. Franklin.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• David Hartley to John Adams.
• To B. Franklin.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To John Jay.
• To the Duc De La Vaugyon.
• The Duke De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To M. Bergsma.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams. ( Without Date. )
• To M. Dumas.
• To Francis Dana.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To John Luzac.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• T. Digges to John Adams.
• (inclosed In the Preceding.) D. Hartley to John Adams.
• To T. Digges.
• To M. Dubbledemutz.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• Traduction De La Résolution De Leurs Nobles Et Grandes Puissances Les Seigneurs États De Hollande Et De West Frise.
• M. Dumas to John Adams. ( Copie De Ma Lettre à Notre Ami. )
• To Peter Van Bleiswyck.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• T. Digges to John Adams.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• C. De Gyselaer to John Adams.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To M. Dubbledemutz.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• B. E. Abbema to John Adams.
• To M. Abbema.
• To J. U. Pauli.
• John Luzac to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To Secretary Livingston. 1
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To M. Hodshon.
• Proposals For Opening a Loan.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• (the Two Following Letters Explain the Preceding.) Jacob Nolet to John Adams.
• Jacob Nolet to M. Dumas.
• To M. Dumas.
• Verbal Message of C. W. F. Dumas to the City of Schiedam.
• To B. Franklin.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• W. and J. Willink, Nic. and Jac. Van Staphorst, and De La Lande and Fynje to John Adams.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Messrs. W. and J. Willink, N. and J. Van Staphorst, and De La Lande and Fynje.
• Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Messrs. W. and J. Willink and Others.
• Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• To Messrs. Willink and Others.
• To John Hodshon.
• To B. Franklin.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• C. L. Beyma to John Adams.
• E. F. Van Berckel to John Adams. ( Extract. )
• To M. Van Berckel.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• M. Van Berckel to John Adams.
• To M. Van Berckel.
• To John Jay.
• To Messrs. Willink and Others.
• To Mr. Mazzei.
• To John Jay.
• To Henry Laurens.
• To John Jay.
• To Henry Laurens.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• Henry Laurens to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• Robert Morris to John Adams.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• To M. De La Fayette.
• M. Cerisier to John Adams.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• To John Jay.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Francis Dana.
• Francis Dana to John Adams. ( Secret and Confidential. )
• J. G. Holtzhey to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To B. Franklin.
• To Jean George Holtzhey.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Robert Morris.
• To Henry Laurens.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Robert Morris.
• To Francis Dana.
• Appendix.
• (a. P. 452.)
• Extrait De La Réponse De La Cour De France Aux Propositions Faites Au Sujet Du Rétablissement De La Paix Par Les Cours De Petersbourg Et De Vienne.
• Proposition.
• RÉponse.
• Projet De Réponse Aux Trois Cours Belligérantes.
• RÉponse (mutatis Mutandis).
• Réponse De Sa Majesté Très Chrétienne à La Réplique Des Deux Cours Impériales.
• Extract From the Answer of the Court of France to the Propositions Made On the Subject of the Reëstablishment of Peace By the Courts of Petersburg and of Vienna.
• Proposition.
• Answer.
• Project of an Answer to the Three Belligerent Courts.
• Answer (mutatis Mutandis).
• Answer of His Most Christian Majesty to the Reply of the Two Imperial Courts.

TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.

Amsterdam, 21 January, 1781.

Sir,—

I have not been able to find an opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of the esteemed favor with which you honored me on the 24th of December, until now.

I think it very probable that the several causes you have enumerated coöperate to lessen the credit of the United States; but I think, at the same time, it is because the facts are misrepresented and exaggerated by the friends of England. Let us consider them for a few moments one by one.

The invasion of Georgia and South Carolina is the first. But why should the invasion of these two States affect the credit of the thirteen, more than the invasion of any two others? Massachusetts and Rhode Island have been invaded by armies much more formidable. New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, have been all invaded before. But what has been the issue? Not conquest, not submission. On the contrary, all those States have learned the art of war and the habits of submission to military discipline, and have got themselves well armed, nay, clothed and furnished with a great deal of hard money by these very invasions. And what is more than all the rest, they have got over the fears and terrors that are always occasioned by a first invasion, and are a worse enemy than the English; and besides, they have had such experience of the tyranny and cruelty of the English as have made them more resolute than ever against the English government. Now, why should not the invasion of Georgia and Carolina have the same effects? It is very certain, in the opinion of the Americans themselves, that it will. Besides, the unexampled cruelty of Cornwallis has been enough to revolt even negroes; it has been such as will make the English objects of greater horror there than in any of the other States.

The capture of Charleston is the second. But why should the capture of Charleston have a greater effect than that of Boston or Philadelphia, the latter of which was of vastly more importance to the common cause than Charleston?

The loss of the continental frigates. This is a grief to be sure; but why were these four or five frigates of so much more importance than several times that number that we had lost before? We lost several frigates with Philadelphia, and shipping to a much greater value than at Charleston. We lost frigates with New York; but, above all, we lost at Penobscot armed vessels to five times a greater amount than at Charleston. But all these losses have been suddenly repaired, insomuch that our armed vessels in the course of the last summer have taken more prizes than they ever did, by half. They did more damage to the English than the whole maritime power of France and Spain have done from the beginning of the war. We can afford to lose a great many frigates, because they cost us nothing. I am assured, from an accurate calculation from the public accounts, the prizes taken by the continental navy have amounted to a large sum, more than the whole sum expended in building, equipping, manning, victualling, and paying the ships from the beginning of the war.

The defeat of Gates. But why should this defeat discourage America, or weaken her credit in Europe, more than the defeat on Long Island, the loss of Fort Washington, the defeat at Brandywine, at Germantown, the loss of Canada, Ticonderoga, &c.; much greater defeats and more deplorable losses?

The inaction of the combined fleet of De Guichen and Solano. But if we consider that the Spaniards got their fleet and army and artillery safe to America to put their dominions there in a state of safety; that the French have convoyed home safe their merchant fleets; that De Guichen fought Rodney twice or three times on equal terms, and the English gained no advantage; and the French fleet is now at Brest under D’Estaing to keep the English in awe; perhaps it is better for the common cause than if they had put more to hazard.

The decided superiority of the English in the islands. But if we consider the French and Spanish ships that are still in the West Indies, and the disabled condition of the English fleet, their want of men, and especially the weakness of their garrisons in their islands, and the strength of the French and Spanish garrisons, we are sure the English are not in a condition to attempt any thing against them.

The superiority of the English at New York is but just sufficient to prevent their enemies from destroying them.

The defection of Arnold will be considered by every man who considers all the circumstances that attended it, as a proof of the weakness of the English, and the decisive strength and confidence of the Americans.

When we consider the crimes he had committed, and the unpopularity into which he had justly fallen; when we consider that an officer of his high rank, long services, and brilliant reputation was not able to carry over with him a single officer or soldier, nor even his own valet, nor his wife, nor his child; when we consider the universal execration in which his treason is held by the whole army and the whole continent; when we consider the firmness and dignity with which Andre was punished, we must conclude that the American army and people stand strong; as strong against the arts and bribes as the arms and valor of their enemies.

The discontent of the army. There never was an army without anxiety and a constant agitation of hopes and fears. When the officers think their pay is not enough, what can they do but represent them to government for redress? This has constantly been done. But what are the discontents in the English army and navy? Much greater I assure you than in the American service.

The jealousy between the army and the body politic is not to be dreaded; it only shows that the spirit of liberty is still alive and active in the people. The Baron Van der Capellen, I am sure, will applaud the people for keeping a watchful eye over the army, to see that it does not ravish from them that liberty for which all have been contending.

Mr. Necker seems to stand upon firm ground; and the changes in the French ministry probably have been for the better. But it is scarcely possible to believe that any change in the French ministry should do any considerable injury to the common cause. The changes already made were because enough was not done. France’s importance, nay her existence as a maritime and commercial power, is so much at stake in this business, that it is impossible she should forsake the cause.

The depreciation of the paper money is the most difficult to be answered, because it is the most difficult to explain to a gentleman who has not been in the country and seen its operation. The depreciation of the money has been a real advantage, because it is a tax upon the people, paid as it advances, and, therefore, prevents the public from being found in debt. It is true it is an unequal tax, and therefore causes what your friend, G. Livingston, justly calls perplexity, but by no means disables or weakens the people from carrying on the war. The body of the people lose nothing by it. The merchant, the farmer, the tradesman, the laborer loses nothing by it. They are the moneyed men, the capitalists, those who have money at interest and live upon fixed salaries,—that is, the officers of government,—who lose by it, and who have borne this tax. This you see is an ease and relief to the people at large. The consequence of this depreciation has been, that while England has increased her national debt sixty millions by this war, ours is not a tenth part of it, not six millions. Who then can hold out longest?

This depreciation has no tendency to make the people submit to Great Britain, because that submission would not relieve, but increase the perplexity; for submission would not procure us peace. We must raise men and money to fight France, Spain, Holland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. The congress, instead of attempting to save the paper money by hard cash, has ordered it all in at the depreciated value, and this measure is adopted by the States without any difficulty, which is the only method of justice or policy.

Nobody need fear that the English will seize the moments when our army shall be feeble for want of pay. There have been several moments when our army has been reduced to almost nothing, not for want of pay, but from the expiration of their periods of enlistment. These moments the English seized, before they had sent half their army to the West India Islands. But what was the consequence? When our army was reduced to a few hundreds, and theirs more than double what it is now, they marched through the Jerseys, and what was the consequence? Their post at Trenton was attacked and taken, another body of their troops was attacked and defeated at Princeton, and General Washington took post at Morristown in their rear, and they dared not move another step the whole winter.

The affairs of Trenton, Bennington, and, lately, of the summit of King’s Mountain, prove beyond reply, that if our army is reduced ever so low, and theirs extend themselves ever so far, their necessary advanced posts are in our power, in the power even of a handful of militia. No, sir; their power to hurt us lies more in keeping hid in a fortified seaport town, protected by their men-of-war, than by marching into the country.

As to a total failure of specie, we are in no danger of it. The English are furnishing us with silver and gold every day. What is become of all the millions they have sent to America during this war? What, of all the cash that France sends to pay and subsist her fleet and army? The truth is that silver and gold now circulate freely in America, and there are greater quantities of it than anybody in Europe imagines.

As to the danger of the people’s submitting from indigence, the danger of that, if ever there was any, is past. In 1776 and 1777, the people suffered very much, and the army, too, for want of salt, sugar, rum, and clothing. But at this day their trade is so far extended, they make such numbers of prizes, and have introduced and established so many necessary manufactures, that they have a plentiful supply. We have been more distressed for want of salt and powder than any thing else; but there is now an abundance of both manufactured in the country and imported too.

As to the ability of America to pay. It depends upon a few words. America has between three and four millions of people. England and Scotland have between five and six. The lands in America produce as much as any other lands. The exports of America in 1774 were twelve millions, including too a great part of the commodities of the growth of America. England is two hundred millions in debt. America is six millions. England has spent sixty millions in this war. America six. Which people then are the ablest to pay? Yet England has credit, America not. Is this from reasoning or prejudice?

Numbers of people, their industry, the quantity and quality of their lands and the value of their exports, are the only rules that I know of to judge of the ability of a people to pay taxes and debts. In all these respects American credit will bear the most rigorous examination.

The country that sends them money will get the most by it; their principal and interest will be safe, and what is more, their money will be laid out among them in the purchase of clothing and supplies, so that the trade will be promoted by it.

When England and every other nation of Europe is obliged to borrow money every year to carry on war, England to the amount of her whole annual exports, it is not to be wondered that America has occasion to borrow a sum after six years war, equal to a twelfth or a twenty-fourth part of her annual exports. With such a loan we could carry on the war more at our ease; our poor soldiers would be more warm and comfortable; but if we cannot obtain it, we shall not have it to pay; and I am positively certain we can carry on the war longer without a loan than Great Britain can with.

You may depend upon it, sir, I shall be cautious, and maintain the most severe regard to truth in my representations to congress. But I dare not deceive them with false hopes. No man living has more at heart than I have a friendly and a lasting connection between the two republics. The religion, the government, and the commerce of the two countries point out such a connection. Old prejudices and habits of veneration for Holland in the minds of all Americans, who have ever considered the Dutch as their friends and allies, (for it should be remembered that we have been as long in alliance and friendship with this country as England, and have as good a right, for what I know, to the benefit of the treaties as the English) make the Americans rivals for such a connection. And, therefore, if the truth will not warrant me in representing to congress so much zeal and warmth in this nation for a connection with America as I could wish, it will not be my fault, but my misfortune and my grief.

I am, &c.

John Adams.