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The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Author: John Adams
Editor: Charles Francis Adams

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, 1 January, 1781.

Sir,—

You will receive herewith inclosed a commission as minister plenipotentiary to the United Provinces of the low countries, with instructions for your government on that important mission, as also a plan of a treaty with those States, and likewise a resolve of congress relative to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, respecting the protection of neutral ships, &c.

Proper letters of credence on the subject of your mission will be forwarded by the next conveyance; but it is thought inexpedient to delay the present despatches on that account.

I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

Samuel Huntington,President.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

Hotel Valois, Rue Richelieu, Paris, 1 January, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I will no longer omit to acquaint you of my safe arrival here; I should have done it before, but I wished first to obtain the sight of the British declaration against the Dutch, which I could not effect, till the last evening. Will the Dutch remain firm, and in good earnest set about the equipment of their navy? If they will, we may hope something from their exertions. Let me have your sentiments upon this important event, so far, at least, as it may in any way effect our particular business. It appears to me to have thrown open the door wide; and let us enter without hesitation. If the second matter is necessary to accomplish the first, I would, if in your case, undertake it provisionally. All circumstances considered, I am persuaded such a step would meet with the approbation of those whom it immediately concerns. It is sometimes necessary to step over a prescribed line, and when this is done with a sincere intention to promote the general interest of one’s country, by seizing upon an unexpected event, the man who will not suffer it to pass away unimproved, is entitled to much merit. He hazards something, but it is with the purest views. I have presumed to offer to your consideration these hints, not doubting but you will take them in good part; besides, I sincerely wish the honor of effecting both these matters may be yours; and it really appears to me vain to expect one, without being willing to do the other. Would they hesitate upon this provisional ground? Is it not easy to give them assurances that it is safe and firm? But I have said, perhaps, more than enough on this subject. I shall hope for your sentiments in return.

I have some reason to wish you would give a gentle hint to a certain gentleman of our acquaintance, about whom we do not differ in opinion, to be somewhat more upon the reserve.

Soon after my arrival here, which was on the evening of the 23d, I had a visit from Francisco, a long one, during which we went over much political ground, which convinced me every thing we had heard of the very extraordinary conversation of this man, was strictly true.1 Our country, according to him, was already conquered; the power of Great Britain rising above all control; that of her enemies almost spent; Holland absolutely to be crushed in the course of three months; the armed neutrality in consequence annihilated; the British manifesto extolled for its cogent reasons above all the similar acts of the belligerent powers; all Europe blind to their own interests, which, in fact, were in direct repugnance with those of America, particularly those of Holland and all the northern powers; congress a mere cipher, having lost all its influence everywhere in America; and to crown the whole, an apology for the infamous apostate Arnold. I kept my temper and heard him out. You may easily conjecture what my feelings were on such an occasion, and I manifested them in some part of my replies.

I have read General C.’s letter to Governor Greene, in Mr. Luzac’s Leyden paper, of the 27th of last month. What does he mean by this reflection? Referring to the part of the letter which speaks of Vermont, “Vu que l’issue en sera probablement de porter le nombre des États-Unis à quatorze, au cas qu’aucun de ceux qui composent actuellement l’Union Américaine n’en soit finalement démembré à la paix.” It is holding up an idea which ought not to appear, and I do not see that it was natural in this place. I am at a loss, therefore, how it came to be inserted by M. Luzac.

If the commodore has not sailed, I presume the change of public affairs has cleared away all difficulties. You will please to present my regards to him, Mr. Searle, Mr. Thaxter, and any others who you think care about me, not forgetting the young gentlemen.

No news yet of Comte d’Estaing, de Guichen, and convoy. The winds have been favorable several days, and ’tis probable they are at this time at Brest. I cannot yet learn what assistance America may hope for the approaching campaign. I pray God she may not be again flattered by any false hopes. Let our allies give essential aid or withdraw all they have sent; when our country will see they must work out their own political salvation. I wish to write you much more largely, but I have several letters besides this to copy into my book, and have not time. Yours to the doctor, I delivered to him yesterday; he read it, but said nothing. Its contents I know nothing of.

I am, with the greatest respect, &c.

Fra. Dana.

P. S. I wish you to give me a secret address.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 5 January, 1781.

Sir,—

On the 10th of November, 1780, the memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke to the states-general was presented, for a disavowal, satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and punishment of the guilty.

28th November. A formal disapprobation of the states-general, of the conduct of the Regency of Amsterdam.

12th December. Second memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, for a satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and the punishment of the guilty.

14th. Answer of the states-general despatched by express to London, importing, that their High Mightinesses had taken the said memorials ad referendum.

16th. Order of his Britannic Majesty to Sir Joseph Yorke to withdraw from the Hague, without taking leave, despatched by express; arrived at the Hague on the 23d.

19th. Letter of the Count de Welderen to the states-general, acknowledging the receipt of those of the 12th and of the 15th; declaration of the states-general, touching their accession to the confederation of the north.

20th. Signature of the manifesto of his Britannic Majesty, published the 21st in the London Gazette extraordinary.

21st. Expedition of an express to Sir Joseph Yorke, arrived at the Hague on the night of the 23d, with the manifesto published the 21st.

22d. Resolution of the states-general to refer the affair of the satisfaction, and punishment of the guilty, to the provincial court of justice.

25th. The departure of Sir Joseph Yorke for Antwerp.

26th. Expedition of an express to the Count de Welderen, with orders to present the declaration touching the confederation of the north, and to withdraw from London without taking leave.

28th. The ordinary packet from London not yet arrived, and the last letters from London are of the 19th.

In this rapid succession have events rolled one after another, until the war has seemingly become inevitable.

The Prince of Orange has made a requisition or a proposition to the states-general, to augment their navy with fifty or sixty vessels of war, and their army to fifty or sixty thousand men. The ships of war will be agreed to, but the troops not, as I am told. Once more I beg leave to say, I can believe nothing until it is past.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

In Congress, 10 January, 1781.

Sir,—

Congress consider your correspondence with the Count de Vergennes on the subject of communicating your plenipotentiary powers to the ministry of Great Britain, as flowing from your zeal and assiduity in the service of your country; but I am directed to inform you that the opinion given to you by that minister, relative to the time and circumstances proper for communicating your powers and entering upon the execution of them is well founded.

Congress have no expectations from the influence which the people of England may have on the British counsels, whatever may be the dispositions of that nation or their magistrates towards these United States. Nor are they of opinion that a change of ministers would produce a change of measures; they therefore hope you will be very cautious of admitting your measures to be influenced by presumptions of such events or their probable consequences. NA (By order of congress.)

I am, sir, with great respect, &c.

Samuel Huntington,President.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Amsterdam, 18 January, 1781.

My Dear Sir,—

Yesterday I had the pleasure of yours of the 7th; both the packets came safe and in good order.

As to a secret address, you may address under cover, à Madame la veuve de M. Henry Schorn, op de Agterburg wal, by de Hoogstraat, Amsterdam.

It is not possible to suppress all suspicions, after the conversation you heard; but your own coolness and judgment will be sufficient, without any hint from me, to be cautious about mentioning these suspicions until evidence shall appear.

The newspapers are all paid for a year from the time of subscription, which was in the spring; it is not worth while to subscribe anew for the Gazette de France, nor for more than one foreign gazette. As I take the English papers here at a horrid expense, I wish you would pay Mr. Genet, and let me know the amount. My most cordial respects to that gentleman, for whom I have the highest esteem; I think you may depend upon his friendship and sincerity. My respects to Dr. Folke, and thanks for the newspaper. I have conceived a great esteem for that young gentleman. Mr. Edwards is gone to France; I shall get published the contents of his newspaper.

This nation can hardly yet believe that the English are or will be at war with them. Instead of depending upon themselves, they now look up to Russia and the northern powers; if these should fail them, which I think however they cannot, I know not what would be the consequence.

But I shall never get a ducat until it is decided whether the neutral union will support the republic. Every party, and every man almost, is afraid to do the least thing that England can complain of and make a noise about, lest the blame of involving the country in war should be thrown upon them. What I shall do, I know not. Congress draws upon me, but I shall have no resource but from Dr. Franklin to pay a farthing; if that fails me, I am undone. I wish our countrymen would assume courage enough to augment the taxes upon themselves, and reduce the needless expenses, so as to do without succors which are unattainable.

At least I think nothing will ever be done here, until a treaty is concluded between the two republics. There are a million jealousies about the Escaut, about trade with the Emperor’s dominions, about the succession of the empire, or rather another election in the House of Austria, &c. Individuals dare nothing in this country until the countenance of government is given, nor in any other part of Europe. A treaty with this country is so great a work that it would require time, and this is said not to be the proper time to talk about it.

Affectionately yours,

John Adams.

TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.

Amsterdam, 21 January, 1781.

Sir,—

I have not been able to find an opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of the esteemed favor with which you honored me on the 24th of December, until now.

I think it very probable that the several causes you have enumerated coöperate to lessen the credit of the United States; but I think, at the same time, it is because the facts are misrepresented and exaggerated by the friends of England. Let us consider them for a few moments one by one.

The invasion of Georgia and South Carolina is the first. But why should the invasion of these two States affect the credit of the thirteen, more than the invasion of any two others? Massachusetts and Rhode Island have been invaded by armies much more formidable. New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, have been all invaded before. But what has been the issue? Not conquest, not submission. On the contrary, all those States have learned the art of war and the habits of submission to military discipline, and have got themselves well armed, nay, clothed and furnished with a great deal of hard money by these very invasions. And what is more than all the rest, they have got over the fears and terrors that are always occasioned by a first invasion, and are a worse enemy than the English; and besides, they have had such experience of the tyranny and cruelty of the English as have made them more resolute than ever against the English government. Now, why should not the invasion of Georgia and Carolina have the same effects? It is very certain, in the opinion of the Americans themselves, that it will. Besides, the unexampled cruelty of Cornwallis has been enough to revolt even negroes; it has been such as will make the English objects of greater horror there than in any of the other States.

The capture of Charleston is the second. But why should the capture of Charleston have a greater effect than that of Boston or Philadelphia, the latter of which was of vastly more importance to the common cause than Charleston?

The loss of the continental frigates. This is a grief to be sure; but why were these four or five frigates of so much more importance than several times that number that we had lost before? We lost several frigates with Philadelphia, and shipping to a much greater value than at Charleston. We lost frigates with New York; but, above all, we lost at Penobscot armed vessels to five times a greater amount than at Charleston. But all these losses have been suddenly repaired, insomuch that our armed vessels in the course of the last summer have taken more prizes than they ever did, by half. They did more damage to the English than the whole maritime power of France and Spain have done from the beginning of the war. We can afford to lose a great many frigates, because they cost us nothing. I am assured, from an accurate calculation from the public accounts, the prizes taken by the continental navy have amounted to a large sum, more than the whole sum expended in building, equipping, manning, victualling, and paying the ships from the beginning of the war.

The defeat of Gates. But why should this defeat discourage America, or weaken her credit in Europe, more than the defeat on Long Island, the loss of Fort Washington, the defeat at Brandywine, at Germantown, the loss of Canada, Ticonderoga, &c.; much greater defeats and more deplorable losses?

The inaction of the combined fleet of De Guichen and Solano. But if we consider that the Spaniards got their fleet and army and artillery safe to America to put their dominions there in a state of safety; that the French have convoyed home safe their merchant fleets; that De Guichen fought Rodney twice or three times on equal terms, and the English gained no advantage; and the French fleet is now at Brest under D’Estaing to keep the English in awe; perhaps it is better for the common cause than if they had put more to hazard.

The decided superiority of the English in the islands. But if we consider the French and Spanish ships that are still in the West Indies, and the disabled condition of the English fleet, their want of men, and especially the weakness of their garrisons in their islands, and the strength of the French and Spanish garrisons, we are sure the English are not in a condition to attempt any thing against them.

The superiority of the English at New York is but just sufficient to prevent their enemies from destroying them.

The defection of Arnold will be considered by every man who considers all the circumstances that attended it, as a proof of the weakness of the English, and the decisive strength and confidence of the Americans.

When we consider the crimes he had committed, and the unpopularity into which he had justly fallen; when we consider that an officer of his high rank, long services, and brilliant reputation was not able to carry over with him a single officer or soldier, nor even his own valet, nor his wife, nor his child; when we consider the universal execration in which his treason is held by the whole army and the whole continent; when we consider the firmness and dignity with which Andre was punished, we must conclude that the American army and people stand strong; as strong against the arts and bribes as the arms and valor of their enemies.

The discontent of the army. There never was an army without anxiety and a constant agitation of hopes and fears. When the officers think their pay is not enough, what can they do but represent them to government for redress? This has constantly been done. But what are the discontents in the English army and navy? Much greater I assure you than in the American service.

The jealousy between the army and the body politic is not to be dreaded; it only shows that the spirit of liberty is still alive and active in the people. The Baron Van der Capellen, I am sure, will applaud the people for keeping a watchful eye over the army, to see that it does not ravish from them that liberty for which all have been contending.

Mr. Necker seems to stand upon firm ground; and the changes in the French ministry probably have been for the better. But it is scarcely possible to believe that any change in the French ministry should do any considerable injury to the common cause. The changes already made were because enough was not done. France’s importance, nay her existence as a maritime and commercial power, is so much at stake in this business, that it is impossible she should forsake the cause.

The depreciation of the paper money is the most difficult to be answered, because it is the most difficult to explain to a gentleman who has not been in the country and seen its operation. The depreciation of the money has been a real advantage, because it is a tax upon the people, paid as it advances, and, therefore, prevents the public from being found in debt. It is true it is an unequal tax, and therefore causes what your friend, G. Livingston, justly calls perplexity, but by no means disables or weakens the people from carrying on the war. The body of the people lose nothing by it. The merchant, the farmer, the tradesman, the laborer loses nothing by it. They are the moneyed men, the capitalists, those who have money at interest and live upon fixed salaries,—that is, the officers of government,—who lose by it, and who have borne this tax. This you see is an ease and relief to the people at large. The consequence of this depreciation has been, that while England has increased her national debt sixty millions by this war, ours is not a tenth part of it, not six millions. Who then can hold out longest?

This depreciation has no tendency to make the people submit to Great Britain, because that submission would not relieve, but increase the perplexity; for submission would not procure us peace. We must raise men and money to fight France, Spain, Holland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. The congress, instead of attempting to save the paper money by hard cash, has ordered it all in at the depreciated value, and this measure is adopted by the States without any difficulty, which is the only method of justice or policy.

Nobody need fear that the English will seize the moments when our army shall be feeble for want of pay. There have been several moments when our army has been reduced to almost nothing, not for want of pay, but from the expiration of their periods of enlistment. These moments the English seized, before they had sent half their army to the West India Islands. But what was the consequence? When our army was reduced to a few hundreds, and theirs more than double what it is now, they marched through the Jerseys, and what was the consequence? Their post at Trenton was attacked and taken, another body of their troops was attacked and defeated at Princeton, and General Washington took post at Morristown in their rear, and they dared not move another step the whole winter.

The affairs of Trenton, Bennington, and, lately, of the summit of King’s Mountain, prove beyond reply, that if our army is reduced ever so low, and theirs extend themselves ever so far, their necessary advanced posts are in our power, in the power even of a handful of militia. No, sir; their power to hurt us lies more in keeping hid in a fortified seaport town, protected by their men-of-war, than by marching into the country.

As to a total failure of specie, we are in no danger of it. The English are furnishing us with silver and gold every day. What is become of all the millions they have sent to America during this war? What, of all the cash that France sends to pay and subsist her fleet and army? The truth is that silver and gold now circulate freely in America, and there are greater quantities of it than anybody in Europe imagines.

As to the danger of the people’s submitting from indigence, the danger of that, if ever there was any, is past. In 1776 and 1777, the people suffered very much, and the army, too, for want of salt, sugar, rum, and clothing. But at this day their trade is so far extended, they make such numbers of prizes, and have introduced and established so many necessary manufactures, that they have a plentiful supply. We have been more distressed for want of salt and powder than any thing else; but there is now an abundance of both manufactured in the country and imported too.

As to the ability of America to pay. It depends upon a few words. America has between three and four millions of people. England and Scotland have between five and six. The lands in America produce as much as any other lands. The exports of America in 1774 were twelve millions, including too a great part of the commodities of the growth of America. England is two hundred millions in debt. America is six millions. England has spent sixty millions in this war. America six. Which people then are the ablest to pay? Yet England has credit, America not. Is this from reasoning or prejudice?

Numbers of people, their industry, the quantity and quality of their lands and the value of their exports, are the only rules that I know of to judge of the ability of a people to pay taxes and debts. In all these respects American credit will bear the most rigorous examination.

The country that sends them money will get the most by it; their principal and interest will be safe, and what is more, their money will be laid out among them in the purchase of clothing and supplies, so that the trade will be promoted by it.

When England and every other nation of Europe is obliged to borrow money every year to carry on war, England to the amount of her whole annual exports, it is not to be wondered that America has occasion to borrow a sum after six years war, equal to a twelfth or a twenty-fourth part of her annual exports. With such a loan we could carry on the war more at our ease; our poor soldiers would be more warm and comfortable; but if we cannot obtain it, we shall not have it to pay; and I am positively certain we can carry on the war longer without a loan than Great Britain can with.

You may depend upon it, sir, I shall be cautious, and maintain the most severe regard to truth in my representations to congress. But I dare not deceive them with false hopes. No man living has more at heart than I have a friendly and a lasting connection between the two republics. The religion, the government, and the commerce of the two countries point out such a connection. Old prejudices and habits of veneration for Holland in the minds of all Americans, who have ever considered the Dutch as their friends and allies, (for it should be remembered that we have been as long in alliance and friendship with this country as England, and have as good a right, for what I know, to the benefit of the treaties as the English) make the Americans rivals for such a connection. And, therefore, if the truth will not warrant me in representing to congress so much zeal and warmth in this nation for a connection with America as I could wish, it will not be my fault, but my misfortune and my grief.

I am, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 25 January, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 15th and 24th, the latter inclosing a letter to congress, which I will do myself the honor to inclose with my first despatches. This method will be very agreeable to me, if you choose to continue it.

There are bruits here of a seventy-four gunship with six homeward bound East Indiamen taken from the English by some French men-of-war near the Cape of Good Hope. The report comes from Lisbon, but waits confirmation.

I do not see or hear any thing of the manifesto yet, nor about another thing that gives me more anxiety than any other,—the determination of the court of justice of Holland upon the conduct of Amsterdam.

I have fixed my eye upon that court of justice, because I think that the full justification of the regency of Amsterdam ought to be inserted in the manifesto. The British manifesto cannot be answered without it. The world will never think the republic in earnest until this is done. Keeping it in suspense is considered as a design to leave open a passage to retreat. It is treating notre ami with great indignity, and in some measure depriving the public of his counsel and assistance at a time when it is most wanted. It is suffering the spirit of the people to subside and their passions to cool, a matter of the last importance in war.

“There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune.”

However, the maxims of government here are different from most other countries; and the nation itself and its rulers must be the best judges of its interest, duty, and policy.

My mind has a long habit of looking forward, and guessing what future events will be the consequence of those that are past; and although we are very shortsighted, yet we can sometimes reason upon sure principles, and prophesy with a good degree of certainty. Upon this plan, then, what will be the conduct of the neutral union, and what that of England? I cannot see but the neutral confederacy must demand restitution of all the Dutch ships, upon pain of war. And England must, unless she departs from every maxim that has governed her, not only throughout this reign, but several others before it, unless she departs from the character of the nation too, as well as the maxims of the court, refuse to restore the Dutch ships. The consequence will be,—Russia, Sweden, Holland, France, Spain, and America, all at war against England at once. A rare and curious phenomenon to be sure!

But what will be the consequence of this? Peace? By no means.

The neutral union moving slowly, and unused to war at sea, will depend upon England’s giving up, and will not exert themselves. England, whose navy has lived among flying balls for some time, will be alert and active and do a great deal of mischief before her enemies are properly aroused. I think, in the end, they will be aroused, and the consequence of it will be, that England will be ruined and undergo a terrible convulsion. Say, are these reveries wholly chimerical? You are sensible that our country, America, has two objects in view,—one is a treaty of amity and commerce, at least, with this republic; the other is a loan of money. You will be so good as to keep these points always in view, and inform me if you discover any disposition towards both or either in persons capable of effecting it or putting things in a train for that purpose. The court is supposed to be decided against America; but is this certain? It has had an inclination towards England, but having got over that, why should it be against America? I am persuaded that nothing can be done without the court.

Do you think it would be prudent in me to endeavor to get introduced to one or more persons in power, the grand pensionary of Holland, or any members of the states-general, in order to have some conversation upon American affairs? Do you suppose I should succeed, if I were to attempt to obtain such a conference? If it is the interest of the two republics to connect themselves together, as you and I believe it to be, it would not be amiss to have these interests explained mutually, and objections, if there are any, considered and obviated.

I am, sir, respectfully and affectionately yours,

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 28 Janvier, 1781.

Honored and Dear Sir,—

J’ai l’honorée vôtre du 25e, dont le contenu m’a fait grand plaisir, non seulement par l’approbation que vous donnez, de vous adresser de temps en temps des lettres pour le Congrès, mais aussi par l’entretien agréable que m’ont procuré les matières intéressantes dont elle est remplie.

Il faudra attendre, que la prise des vaisseaux des Indes Anglais près du cap de Bonne Espérance, par l’escadre Française, se confirme, pour la croire.

Il est apparent que le manifeste ne paroitra ici, qu’après la réponse de Pétersbourg au courier dépêché d’ici le 29 Décembre pour donner connoissance à l’impératrice de celui du Roi d’Angleterre, et pour demander le secours de cette princesse, &c. En attendant, il n’y a pas grand mal que cette pièce n’ait pas encore paru; on ne m’en a pas dit grand bien; et l’on espère qu’on la changera en mieux.

La décision de la cour d’Hollande ne pourra avoir lieu qu’autour du milieu de Février; et l’on n’en est nullement en peine. Du reste, je pense comme vous, que toutes ces lenteurs sont mauvaises, et qu’on s’en trouvera mal.

Vos réflexions sur la conduite que tiendront les nouveaux alliés d’un côté, et l’Angleterre de l’autre, ont beaucoup plu à un membre des États Généraux, à qui je n’ai pu refuser d’en donner un extrait en Français; car il n’entend pas l’Anglais.

Je ne perdrai pas un instant de vue les deux objets dont vous me parlez, monsieur; et plût à dieu, que je pusse dès ce moment vous inviter ici. Il faut voir le tour que prendront les choses 1o. Entre cette république et l’Angleterre. 2o. Entre la même et la Russie, &c. Je crois que vous avez décidé le premier de ces points, et que l’Angleterre ne se relàchera point vis-a-vis de la république. Je pense aussi comme vous quant à l’autre; et que l’impératrice ne peut plus reculer, mais qu’elle prendra hautement le parti de la république, et par conséquent, qu’il y aura guerre entre elle et l’Angleterre. Dans ce cas là, et dès que cette guerre auroit éclatée, il conviendroit d’agir auprès de l’impératrice comme chef de l’alliance, pour faire reconnoître l’Amérique à la fois par les quatre puissances; et mon opinion est que cela ne seroit pas difficile alors, du moins de la part de l’impératrice. Mais tant qu’il y a encore quelque possibilité à raccommoder les choses, de manière que cette république reste neutre avec les trois couronnes du Nord, on ne peut rien entamer de pareil. Voyons donc arriver le nouveau courier de Pétersbourg; et selon le tour que prendront les choses, il ne me sera peut-être pas difficile de vous ménager une entrevue, en lieu tiers, qui pourra conduire plus loin.

Le second objet dépend en grande partie du premier; et la facilité à cet égard seroit infiniment plus grande, lorsqu’il existeroit un traité d’amitié, &c.

Je suis, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 2 February, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

Nulla dies sine lineâ, said a great geometrician, and you are so good an American that you will agree with me that we ought to let no day nor hour pass, in which we can do any service to our country, without embracing the opportunity. Such an occasion is the present, when the popular affections and even the sentiments of men in power seem to be turning towards America.

When I landed in Spain, I was told by the viceroy of Galicia that he had received orders from the Court of Madrid to treat all Americans who should arrive within his government as the best friends of Spain.

Would it not be wisdom and policy, as well as humanity, for their High Mightinesses to publish some permission to Dutch men-of-war, privateers, letters of marque, and even merchantmen, to carry their prizes into American ports, and even to trade with that country? And also some permission to American privateers and other vessels to come freely into the ports of this republic, bring in their prizes, sell them, and even have them condemned in the courts of admiralty? What reasonable objection or argument can there be against this? What damage can it do the republic? Cannot we contrive to have this suggested to all the northern courts?

By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance with France, the Most Christian King and the United States agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received injuries from England to make common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance under such conditions as shall be freely agreed to and settled between all the parties.

Is not this a proper opportunity for congress to propose to the King of France to join in such an invitation to all the neutral powers, as we yet call them, though it seems they are all within a hair’s breadth of being belligerent powers? What think you of this?

Adieu.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS.

Amsterdam, 2 February, 1781.

Gentlemen,—

Having adjusted the form of the obligations to be given in the proposed loan, nothing remains but to agree upon the other terms, respecting the commission to be allowed to your house for receiving the money from the lenders and paying it out upon the drafts of congress, and paying the interest half-yearly to the lenders, and finally paying off and discharging the obligations.

I have had much conversation upon this subject with several gentlemen of character and experience, and am advised that one per cent. to the house for receiving the money and paying it to the orders of congress, one per cent. for paying off the interest, and one per cent. for paying off the principal finally to the lenders, is a just and reasonable allowance. This I am willing to allow.

There is the affair of brokerage, also, which will require some explanation between us. I should be glad if you would inform me how much you expect to be allowed for brokerage, when you engage and employ the broker.

But there is one point I beg leave to reserve to myself and to any other minister or agent who may be sent here in my stead; it is this,—that I, while I stay, and my successor after me, shall have a right to employ any broker that I or he may choose; and, whenever one or the other may think proper, to dispose of the obligations, or as many of them as I or he may think proper, and to allow what brokerage we shall find necessary, the money, however received upon them, to be paid into the hands of your house.

I should be glad of your answer as soon as may be, and, in the mean time, I have no further objection to your getting the form of the obligations and coupons translated into Dutch and printed with all expedition.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.1

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 6 February, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I have received your favors of the 3d and 5th with their inclosures all in good order. I have but one copy of the treaty of alliance, otherwise I would send you one with pleasure. I am of your opinion that no propositions should be yet made to the states-general as a body; but hints and ideas may be suggested to individuals, in order to prepare men’s minds by familiarizing them with such speculations. It is very true there are critical moments, after which things go of themselves; but it is necessary to prepare things for a crisis, that every thing may be ready when it arrives. The act of the midwife often assists the birth, and avoids fatal dangers in constitutions the most vigorous. And the corps diplomatique, with all their superb pomp, are but a company of grannies.

Mr. Searle declares that congress gave Mr. Laurens a commission of minister plenipotentiary, and they gave me the same. But if Mr. Searle is not mistaken, which I rather believe, the full powers to me were omitted to be sent me by some neglect. For I tell you candidly I have no other powers but a commission to borrow money.

As to Mr. Franklin’s power, the matter stands thus:—The three commissioners at the Court of Versailles,—Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lee, and myself,—had full power, by a resolution of congress, to treat and make a treaty of commerce with any power in Europe. Whether the dissolution of that commission annuls that full power, may be a question; but the subsequent appointment of Mr. Laurens, with full powers to treat with this republic, would, I suspect, be legally or diplomatically considered as a supersedeas of that authority here. So that, considering things candidly, I am afraid there is nobody now in Europe fully authorized to treat with this republic but Mr. Laurens.

The accessions of the nations which compose the neutral confederacy to the treaty of alliance, would, however, be an event so brilliant and decisive for America that there is not a doubt to be made that congress would joyfully ratify it in the first moment, whether it was made by Dr. Franklin or me, or even if it was made by the King of France without consulting either of us, upon equitable conditions. I find the people are alike in some particulars in every part of the world. This nation is now flattering itself with hopes of peace. They think that when England sees the neutral union going to war with her, she will give up, beg pardon, change the ministry, make peace, rise in arms against the ministry, &c. &c. &c. Alas! There will be no such thing. There must fly a great many cannon-balls first. I should have thought this cool, penetrating nation more intimately acquainted with the English heart. The pride, the self-conceit, the vanity of that people is infinite. Nine in ten of that whole people fully and firmly believe themselves able to fight and beat all the maritime powers of the world. Their imaginations are all on fire. They think of nothing but drowning Holland, sinking the whole Russian, Danish, and Swedish fleets, exhausting the finances of France and Spain, and, above all, of Americans loving, admiring, and adoring them so much, as very soon humbly to implore their King to take them under his gracious protection without even making a condition.

No, sir. Combinations, political arrangements, and magnificent parade will not do with the English in their present state of intoxication. Nothing but hard blows, taking their fleets of merchant ships, and burning, taking, sinking, or destroying their men-of-war, will bring them to reason. Nor this neither, until it is carried to such a length as to deprive so many of the people of their subsistence as to make them rise in outrages against the government. I am sorry that things must go to such an extremity, but I have not the least doubt that they will.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Amsterdam, 8 February, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I had yesterday the pleasure of receiving two letters from you,—one dated February 1st, and one without a date,—but I suppose written the day before. With these, I received the packets, but there are in them no letters from my wife. The resolution of congress of the 12th of December, gives me great pleasure, as it proves that we had the good fortune to be possessed of the true principles of congress, and to enter fully into their views in the resolutions of last March, respecting the paper money; but I cannot recollect what were the two papers in the duplicate, more than in the original; there is no minute in the book to show.

I assure you, sir, I have not had more satisfaction in the resolution, than in the affectionate manner in which Mr. Lovell and you have communicated it to me. I am prepared in my own mind to receive from congress resolutions of a different nature; but of these we will say nothing until we see them.

I must beg you to send a key to the ciphers; the letter is wholly unintelligible to me for want of one. I see by the journals that we are authorized to accede to the principles of the Empress of Russia; but I find no commission for that purpose, nor any resolution of congress authenticated by the secretary, or the committee. Will you talk with D. D. and Fun about what is proper to be done?1

All accounts from all parts of America show that a great spirit reigns triumphant; a vigor, an elasticity appears in all parts, notwithstanding the croaking of Sullivan, Pickering, and Francisco; the last has been here, and gone away without doing me the honor of a visit. Rodney’s and Vaughan’s repulse is a grand stroke, a balance for five or six Jersey affairs. All things, in all quarters, conspire to show that the English will have their fill of glorious war. Gillon’s hour of sailing is uncertain; not for a long time, I fear. Do you learn any thing of Davis’s arrival, or capture or loss? If I had a commission as minister here, I verily believe I could borrow money. Without it, no man ever will, in any considerable quantity.

John Adams.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 15 February, 1781.

This morning, the house of Botereau & Co. of this city presented to me sixty-six bills of exchange drawn by congress on the 26th day of October last, in favor of Nathaniel Tracy of Newburyport, amounting to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, payable at ninety days’ sight.

I was obliged to ask the favor of the house to wait until I could write to your Excellency, to see if you can furnish the funds to discharge these bills. Without your warranty they must be protested; for I have not yet obtained a single ducat, nor any certain assurance of one.

I have at length fixed my plan, and when it shall be made certain that the war with England is to continue, the prospectus will be published and the experiment tried. Some persons think I shall get some money; but there is no certainty of it. If this people should make peace with England, which they will if they can, we shall get no money at all. I think, however, that a peace is impossible, and, therefore, am not without hopes of borrowing some money.

I must request the honor of your Excellency’s answer by the return of post; because at that time M. Botereau will expect an answer from me.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. BICKER.

Amsterdam, 20 February, 1781.

Sir,—

Your questions to me to-day have induced me to communicate to you a copy of my commission.

You see that I have not the title of ambassador nor of minister plenipotentiary by virtue of this commission, nor have I, in express words, power to make a treaty of amity and commerce, much less a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive.

My power is to negotiate a loan; but it may be negotiated with any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate; and the congress promises in good faith to ratify and confirm whatever shall be done by me in the premises or relating thereto.

Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane, and Mr. Lee, who made a treaty of amity and commerce and another treaty of alliance offensive and defensive with the King of France, had not, by their commission, the title of ambassadors nor of ministers plenipotentiary.

Now, if it is necessary to make a treaty in order to obtain a loan, I suppose I have power to do it; and accordingly I would readily enter into conferences upon the subject, and if we could agree on the terms, one article of which should be a loan, I would not hesitate to execute a treaty, and I should have no doubt of the ratification of congress.

You have, however, a copy of my commission, and you may judge for yourself how extensive the powers are which it contains. I have no objection to your showing it to such person or persons as you think proper, in confidence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. BICKER TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 21 Fevrier, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Pour que je ne fusse trop préoccupé de mon système, j’ai profité de votre permission de consulter autrui, quoique seulement une personne, mais qui en valait bien dix en fait de connoissances, sur votre commission du congrès des treize États; mais malgré que messieurs Franklin, Deane, Lee, n’ont eu d’autres titres que vous, monsieur, nous n’y pouvons trouver d’autre autorité ni d’autres agrémens que de lever de l’argent, et cela par toute l’Europe et principalement parmi des particuliers; car il est un peu recherché de vouloir expliquer et étendre les paroles, with any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate, qu’il seroit par là sous-entendu de pouvoir traiter avec des souverains ou avec des membres d’iceux.

Pardonnez ma franchise, monsieur, et croyez moi avec une parfaite considération, &c. &c.

Bicker.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 22 February, 1781.

Sir,—

I received the letter your Excellency did me the honor of writing to me the 15th instant, respecting bills presented to you for acceptance, drawn by congress in favor of N. Tracy for ten thousand pounds sterling, payable at ninety days’ sight; and desiring to know if I can furnish funds for the payment.

I have lately made a fresh and strong application for more money. I have not yet received a positive answer. I have, however, two of the Christian graces,—faith and hope. But my faith is only that of which the apostle speaks,—the evidence of things not seen. For, in truth, I do not see at present how so many bills drawn at random on our ministers in France, Spain, and Holland, are to be paid, nor that any thing but omnipotent necessity can excuse the imprudence of it. Yet I think the bills drawn upon us by the congress ought at all risks to be accepted. I shall accordingly use my best endeavors to procure money for their honorable discharge against they become due, if you should not in the mean time be provided. And if those endeavors fail, I shall be ready to break, run away, or go to prison with you, as it shall please God.

Sir George Grand has returned to me the remainder of the book of promises, signed by us, which his house had not an opportunity of issuing. Perhaps the late change of affairs in that country may open a way for them. If, on consulting him, you should be of that opinion, I will send them to you.

Late advices from congress mention that Colonel Laurens is coming over as envoy extraordinary to this Court, and Colonel Palfrey as consul-general. They may be expected every day.

With great respect, &c. &c.

B. Franklin.

TO M. BICKER.

Arms of Amsterdam, 1 March, 1781.

Sir,—

I received your letter at Leyden inclosing the copy I had the honor to send you, and thank you for your candid judgment of its extent and import.

I have now the honor to inform you that on my return to Amsterdam the 25th of February, I received a letter from congress inclosing another commission in proper form, containing full powers to treat with their High Mightinesses, and to conclude and sign a treaty. I received also authority to accede to the principles of the armed neutrality.

I should now be still more obliged by your candid opinion, what is the best course for me to take.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 1 March, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

The letters I received at Leyden obliged me to leave you sooner than I intended; but I shall soon see you again at the Hague.

I have received important despatches from congress, upon which I want your advice. I hope it is no bad news. You will say nothing, reflect well upon the times, and be prepared to answer me serious questions upon public affairs; nothing personal, nor selfish, nor little. I shall see you in the course of next week, if nothing turns up to prevent it, which I do not foresee. Do not raise your expectations too high. Remember nil admirari.

Adieu.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Leyden, 8 March, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I send you the letters; if any thing is necessary to be added to the memorial before the signature, you will be so good as to add it. I should be obliged to you for a line by the bearer in return, and the news if any. My first démarche, you see, is on the Prince’s birthday, which is, no doubt, a good omen both to his highness and your servant. You will please to put a wafer under the seals.1

John Adams.

A MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

High and Mighty Lords,—

The subscriber, a minister plenipotentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to lay before your High Mightinesses, as one of the high contracting parties to the marine treaty, lately concluded, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a resolution of congress of the 5th of October last, concerning the same subject.

As the American Revolution furnished the occasion of a reformation in the maritime law of nations of so much importance to a free communication among mankind by sea, the subscriber hopes it may not be thought improper that the United States should become parties to it, entitled to its benefits and subjected to its duties. To this end, the subscriber has the honor of requesting that the resolution of congress may be taken into the consideration of your High Mightinesses, and transmitted to the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark.

The subscriber beg leaves to subjoin that he should esteem it one of the most fortunate events of his life, if this proposition should meet with the approbation of your High Mightinesses and the other powers who are parties to the neutral confederacy, and he be admitted as the instrument of pledging the faith of the United States to the observance of regulations which do so much honor to the present age.

The Hague, 8 March, 1781.

John Adams.

TO THE PRINCE DE GALITZIN, MINISTER OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA.

Leyden, 8 March, 1781.

Sir,—

I have lately received from congress, as one of their ministers plenipotentiary, their resolution of the 5th of October last, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a copy of which I do myself the honor to inclose to your Excellency, as the representative of one of the high contracting parties to the marine treaty, lately concluded concerning this subject. As I am fixed by my duty, for the present, to this part of Europe, I have no other way of communicating this measure of congress to the northern courts, but by the favor of their ministers in this republic. I must, therefore, request of your Excellency, if there is no impropriety in it, to transmit the resolution to the minister of foreign affairs of her Imperial Majesty.

Your Excellency will permit me to add that I should esteem myself very fortunate to be the instrument of pledging in form the faith of the United States of America to a reformation in the maritime law of nations which does so much honor to the present age.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

Transcripts of the above letter were sent on the same day to the Baron de Saphorin, Envoy of the King of Denmark at the Hague; and to the Baron d’Ehrenswerd, Envoy of the King of Sweden at the same place.

TO M. VAN BERCKEL, FIRST COUNSELLOR PENSIONARY OF THE CITY OF AMSTERDAM.

Leyden, 8 March, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose a resolution of congress of the 5th of October last, and to inform you that I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses, the states-general, and to the ministers of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark at the Hague.

With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Leyden, 8 March, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose a copy of a resolution of congress of the 5th of October last, and to inform your Excellency that I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces, and to the ministers of the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark at the Hague.

Your Excellency will permit me to hope for your concurrence in support of this measure, as there may be occasion, and to assure you of the great respect and consideration with which

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, Vendredi à 4½ heures 9 Mars, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Le principal personnage par lequel je dois commencer, n’étant pas chez lui ce matin, et ne devant rentrer que tard, je dois différer jusqu’à demain matin à dix heures, qui est le temps qu’on m’a dit où je le trouverai chez lui. Dès que j’aurai fait ma commission chez lui, &c., j’aurai l’honneur de vous en rendre compte. En attendant, je suis avec un grand respect, monsieur,

Dumas.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 10 Mars, 1781.

Monsieur,—

J’ai porté ce matin vos divers paquets, en commençant, selon vos ordres, par le President de L. H. P. Sur les questions qu’il m’a faites, d’où elle venoit? quel en étoit le contenu? &c., je vous ai nommé, ainsi que le lieu actuel de votre séjour, et votre qualité de ministre plénipotentiaire des États Unis en Europe. J’ai dit le contenu en substance; et je lui ai laissé mon nom sur une carte, et ma demeure. Quant aux trois ministres du Nord, comme c’est aujourd’hui leur jour de courier, je n’ai pu être admis que chez celui de Danemarc, qui m’a chargé de vous assurer, monsieur, qu’il enverra votre lettre à sa cour. J’ai laissé aux deux autres, avec une carte, celles qui étoient pour eux. M. le Duc de la Vauguyon m’a dit qu’il vous répondroit. J’envoic ce soir à notre ami celle qui lui est destinée.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

Dumas.

TO MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS.

Leyden, 11 March, 1781.

Sir,—

I received this morning your favor of yesterday with the inclosures. You seem to think that the loan has been opened too soon; but I am not of that opinion. Better too soon than too late. If it had been too late, you see, the time would have been passed and could never be recalled. But if it is only too soon, there is nothing wanting but a little patience to wait, and the true time will come in its course.

I should be obliged to you to send along the obligations as soon as convenient, that I may sign them and dispose of them. I can find persons in my travels who will take them and give me the money for them. I think to stand my own broker, undertaker, and banker. I should be obliged to you, if you would countersign some of the obligations before you send them to me, because there are persons ready to take some of them. Do not be amused. The mediation of Russia cannot interrupt or retard our affairs. If that mediation produces nothing, and the war goes on, it will not affect our loan. If it produces an acknowledgment of American independence and of the rights of neutral vessels, as it is given out that it will, surely this will not retard our loan. In all cases, be not deceived. I will not be. My business is to try the experiment, and to know whether we have credit and friends or not. If we find we have not, there is no harm done. Every one in that case will follow his own taste, which you know there is no disputing.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.1

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Leyden, 12 March, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I do not know whether I have acknowledged yours of the 12th of February; that of the 25th came to me yesterday. The letter inclosed was from Mr. I. Smith, of 18 December. He says they were busily employed in raising their quota for the army during the war or for three years, and that the other provinces were doing the same. He says Mrs. Dana was well a few days before; that Davis had arrived after having thrown over his letters, being chased by an American. This is all. I have letters from the president and from Lovell, the last unintelligible, in ciphers but inexplicable by his own cipher; some dismal ditty about my letters of 26th of July; I know not what.

But, my dear sir, I hasten to the most interesting part of your letter,—your project of a repassage of the mountains,—I shudder at the thoughts of it, when I consider what a bad traveller you are, and that robbers by the way may take you to their dens. I do not know how to part with you. I want your advice constantly now, every day, yet I think you are doing more good where you are than you could here. I know that by conversation with A. Z.1 you might do good; but there are so many hazards that I dare not advise you. I think with you that we shall have nothing to do in our principal department, yet the mediations of the Emperor and Empress seem to require attention from us, although I am persuaded it is only the artifice of England to embroil all Europe. I will commit to you a secret; let it be kept so. I have received a commission, dated 28 December, for this republic. I want your advice; but I can ask it by letter while you are at Paris. I suppose it was the intention of congress that I should employ Dumas as my secretary here; but I have no orders or hints about it; there is no commission to him, which makes me think A. Z. intended I should be at liberty to employ him or not, as I shall judge proper. I suppose A. Z. intended to leave the way open to employ him, by their not sending a commission to you. Upon the whole, I do not know how to advise you. We will consider of it a little longer, if you please.

I can give you no assurances or lively hopes of money or friendship in this country. They are furious for peace. Multitudes are for peace with England at any rate, even at the expense and risk of joining them in the war against France, Spain, America, and all the rest. They are in a torpor, a stupor such as I never saw any people in before; but they cannot obtain peace with England on any other terms than joining her in the war; and this they will not, because they cannot do. I sometimes think that their affections would lead them to do it, if they dared.

John Adams.

THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, ce 14 Mars, 1781.

J’ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire, ainsi que la copie de la résolution du congrès des États Unis de l’Amérique septentrionale qui y étoit jointe; vous m’annoncez que vous avez donné une communication ministerielle au président de l’assemblée des états généraux ainsi qu’aux envoyés des cours de Pétersbourg, Stockholm, et Copenhagen, et vous me priez d’appuyer cette démarche de mes bons offices. Je suis persuadé, monsieur, que vous sentez parfaitement l’impossibilité de la seconder sans un ordre exprès du roi, quelque soit mon zèle personnel pour les vrais intérêts de l’Amérique septentrionale. Recevez, monsieur, l’assurance très sincère des sentimens de la considération la plus distinguée, &c. &c.

Le Duc de la Vauguyon.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 17 Mars, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Je n’eus le temps hier au soir que de vous envoyer la lettre que S. E. M. l’Ambassadeur de France m’avoit fait remettre pour vous en réponse de celle du 8e courant, que je lui avois remise de votre part. Messrs. les P. d’A., D., et II., m’ont tous chargé de vous témoigner leur reconnoissance de la bonté que vous avez eu de leur communiquer la résolution du congrès; et ceux d’A. en particulier leur regret de ce que les circonstances actuelles ne leur permettent pas de répondre formellement aux lettres que vous leur avez écrites. Celui de D. étoit convenu avec moi, que nous ferions aujourd’hui un tour à Leide ensemble, et que j’aurois l’honneur de vous le présenter pour faire connoissance. Mais il a dù partir hier pour Dort. Ainsi ce sera pour une autre fois.

Le contre-manifeste de la république à celui du roi Britannique vient enfin de paroître. Vous le verrez bientôt paroître traduit dans les Gazettes Françaises; ainsi je puis me dispenser de vous l’analyser. Il est long. Est il aussi vigoureux que long? C’est ce dont vous jugerez. Je suis avec un grand respect, &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Leyden, 17 March, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I received this morning your favor of the 16th, inclosing a polite letter from the Duke de la Vauguyon.

I hope to receive another from you this evening, and that it will contain an account of the fate of my memorial. Has it been laid before their High Mightinesses, or not? and what was done with it? Pray, has the president, by the constitution of this country, a right to pocket, suppress, or deliver to the stadtholder papers addressed to their High Mightinesses?

Is the delusion almost over? When will mankind cease to be the dupes of the insidious artifices of a British minister and stockjobber? Peace is a tub easily thrown out for the amusement of the whale, while the minister opens his budget, concerts his taxes, and contracts for his loan, and it never fails to be taken for a fish.

This is the best place for business in the world. I have written my name eight or nine thousand times to papers since I saw you. Pray do you know if M. de Neufville has any person at the Hague to dispose of my obligations? If he has not, will you think of a proper person, as a broker or undertaker, or both, and inform me?

I am, with great esteem, your servant,

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, 19 March, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received your Excellency’s letter of the 1st of January, with the commission and instructions inclosed. I am very sensible of this fresh instance of the confidence of congress, and shall do every thing in my power to discharge the duties of this new trust; but I am obliged to say that no commission that ever was given required more patience, fortitude, and circumspection than this; virtues which I much fear have not fallen in sufficient quantities to my share.

I have experienced since my residence in this republic a great change in the external behavior of several persons of rank, who, upon my first arrival, received me with distinction, but, from the moment of the publication of the papers taken with Mr. Laurens, have been afraid to see me. The nation has indeed been in a violent fermentation and crisis. It is divided in sentiments. There are stadtholderians and republicans; there are proprietors in English funds, and persons immediately engaged in commerce; there are enthusiasts for peace and alliance with England; and there are advocates for an alliance with France, Spain, and America; and there is a third sort who are for adhering in all things to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark; some are for acknowledging American independence, and entering into treaties of commerce and alliance with her; others start at the idea with horror, as an everlasting impediment to a return to the friendship and alliance with England; some will not augment the navy without increasing the army; others will let the navy be neglected rather than augment the army.

In this perfect chaos of sentiments and systems, principles and interests, it is no wonder there is a languor, a weakness and irresolution that is vastly dangerous in the present circumstances of affairs. The danger lies not more in the hostile designs and exertions of the English, than in the prospect of seditions and commotions among the people, which are every day dreaded and expected. If it were not for a standing army and troops posted about in several cities, it is probable there would have been popular tumults before now; but everybody that I see, appears to me to live in constant fear of mobs and in a great degree of uncertainty, whether they will rise in favor of war or against it, in favor of England or against it, in favor of the Prince or of the city of Amsterdam, in favor of America or against it. I have ventured, in the midst of these critical circumstances, pressed as I am to get money to discharge the bills of exchange which congress have drawn and I have accepted, to open a loan; but this is looked upon as a very hardy and dangerous measure, which nobody but an American would have risked, and I am obliged to assure congress that people are as yet so much afraid of being pointed out by the mob or the soldiery, as favorers of this loan, that I have no hopes at all of succeeding for several months, if ever.

I have been advised to do nothing in consequence of my commission to the States at present, for fear of throwing before the people new objects of division and dissension. I have, however, communicated to their High Mightinesses and to the ministers of Russia, Denmark, Sweden, and France, the resolution of congress of the 5th of October, relative to the principles of the neutral confederation. The memorial and letters I have transmitted to congress.

Whenever I shall communicate to their High Mightinesses the full powers of congress, the course will be this. They will lie long upon the table; then taken ad referendum, that is, sent to the several provinces, cities, and bodies of nobles who compose the sovereignty, or, as some say, the deputies of the sovereignty; these will deliberate and deliberate and deliberate, and probably some will be for, and some against making a treaty; at least, it is supposed that Zealand and one or two other Provinces will be against it. But, in the mean time, there will be much communication and negotiation among individuals at least, between this country and Russia, Sweden and Denmark, upon the subject; and if it is true, as I am informed in a letter from Mr. Gerry, that a minister is appointed to the Court of Petersburg, as I hope it is, and that the same minister or some other is empowered to treat with Sweden and Denmark, it is not impossible, I think it indeed probable, that we may succeed with these four nations at once; for, let me add, there is not, in my apprehension, the least prospect of a general peace. England is at her old game of seduction and division, and is laboring under the pretence of employing the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia in mediations for peace, insidiously to embroil all Europe in the war.

From motives of philanthropy I hope she will not succeed, unless the same feelings of humanity should prompt me to wish all mankind at war with that nation, for her humiliation, who is at this time if ever one was, hostis humanigeneris.

I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Leyden, 19 March, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

The inclosed extracts are of so much importance, that I send them to you for your opinion, whether it is prudent to communicate them to the Russian minister or not. The intelligence is such that I can make no official communication; if you think it will do any good and no harm, or at least more good than harm, you may communicate it in confidence to friends. Mr. Dana’s commission, which perhaps is to treat with any or all the northern powers, is to come by Colonel Palfrey, and duplicates by young Colonel Laurens, as I conjecture. I have read the manifesto1 with pleasure, because it is a reasonable and a manly performance; it would have been better perhaps without the last clause, which will be taken both by friends and enemies as a sigh for peace with England; but much may be said in excuse of it. I wish, too, they had left out their disapprobation of Amsterdam, which was not necessary, and never did their High Mightinesses any honor; at least I venture to think so.

Adieu.

John Adams.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Leyden, 22 March, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I have received several letters from you, but have been so busy signing my name that I could not answer.

I give you joy of Laurens’s arrival. It is a great event. I hope he brought you an important paper, which Lovell mentions in his letter to you, and Gerry in an excellent one to me. I rejoice, sir, in your honor and in the public good, but I feel myself weakened and grieved at the personal loss of a treasure of advice and ability. I hope to see you here in your route. Pray commit to writing all your observations on our first errand, and give them to me. I hope your old commission is not superseded. In case of negotiation, of which however there is no likelihood for years, I shall summon you. Mr. Laurens must have letters and important papers for me. I hope to have them soon. There is no one knows the banking commission but M. de Neufville and me; it is not more however than precedents; but let them lie about it if they will; I am not afraid of their lies. Statia is gone, and the Dutch yet dead; when they will come to life, I know not.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS.

Leyden, 27 March, 1781.

Gentlemen,—

I have just received yours, inclosing the Lettres Hollandaises, and thank you for your attention. You give me great joy by your account of the arrival of a vessel from Boston. I hope we shall soon hear of more.

As to the loan, I am not indifferent about its success. My own reputation with some people, in Europe and America, will depend in some measure upon it. But this has little weight with me. It is of importance to America to have a comptoir or banker in Amsterdam upon whom congress could occasionally draw, as they have at Paris and Madrid. And my instructions from congress are such as rendered it my indispensable duty to open a loan and try the experiment. If it does not succeed I shall have done my duty. But the same duty requires that I should write an account to congress and to Dr. Franklin of its success; to congress that they may draw their bills in future upon Paris and Madrid; to Dr. Franklin, that he may be able to obtain the money of the Court of Versailles to discharge the bills I have already accepted. In this case, Mr. Grand, the banker in Paris, will give orders, as I expect, to the house of Horneca, Fizeaux, & Co., at Amsterdam, to pay the bills. This, you see, will make it public that my loan has not succeeded. And the whole will divert that part of the trade of America which would naturally have flowed to Amsterdam to France and Spain. I shall be mortified at this; but there will be one consolation; we shall have no interest to pay but what we please and when we please; for the money obtained of those courts has been generously granted without any terms whatsoever, respecting the terms of interest or the time of payment of interest or principal.

We shall be under more obligations at Paris and Madrid, and less elsewhere. I am not therefore anxious, nor will I depart a single doit from the terms, if the whole falls through. I have already gone farther than will be for the good of my reputation, or promote the intercourse between the two countries.

The secret intelligence you give me I am rejoiced to hear. It shall remain a secret with me. I have a great deal of news, too, which I must keep a secret at present, but which holds out hopes of great and good things to our righteous cause. I expect to learn more of it every hour.

I am, with great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

Leyden, 28 March, 1781.

Sir,—

It is so long since I wrote you, that I am almost ashamed to recollect. I have been in the most curious country, among the most incomprehensible people, and under the most singular constitution of government in the world. I have not been able to write you what could or would be done here, because I was not able to discover, nor did I ever yet find one man in the country who would pretend to say what course the republic would take. At this moment, although I think there cannot be a peace between them and England, yet I do not see a probability of their being in earnest in the war for some time.

I can tell you one thing, however, for certain,—that the conduct of Spain has great influence here. Her delay in acknowledging our independence, contributes amazingly to the indecision of the republic. If Spain had fully entered into the system, this country would soon follow. I must, therefore, beg of you to communicate to me as much concerning this subject as you are at liberty to do. All nations it is to be feared will wait for Spain, and thus prolong the evils of war to unnecessary lengths. My best compliments to your family, and believe me to be, with great esteem, sir,

Your most obedient servant,

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 6 April, 1781.

Sir,—

This day the skipper of a treck-schuyt brought me your Excellency’s important despatches by Colonel Laurens. The Colonel delivered them to Mr. Dana at Paris, with perfect propriety. Mr. Dana, with equal propriety, delivered them to a gentleman of character, who undertook to deliver them at Amsterdam, but unfortunately forgot them at Valenciennes; from Valenciennes, they travelled partly by post, partly by the diligence, and partly by the treck-schuyt, that is, the barks which ply in this country in the canals, and by a kind of miracle arrived safe. I had been apprised of them and their misfortune long before they reached me, and suffered torments enough on their account, although I took all the precautions in my power to recover them. Their wonderful preservation affords some hopes that they are destined to do good. Yet the prospect is but distant.

I am very sensible of the honor done me by these fresh instances of the confidence of congress, and most sincerely wish it were in my power to give any encouragement of success. But my proposals for a loan, although apparently well received by the public, have as yet had no success, and I have no power to discharge the bills of exchange drawn upon Mr. Laurens and me, and accepted, but from Mr. Franklin. The war has struck such a damp and gloom, excited so great a fermentation and so many apprehensions of popular commotion and many other dangers, some real and some imaginary, that I think still as I have constantly written to congress, we shall find no private credit, until we are publicly received by the States and by the Prince; and when that will be, I know not. I fear it will be long, but shall soon try the experiment. The powers and credentials are perfect, and Mr. Dana’s appointment to Russia will aid me, if any thing can. The delay of Spain is an obstruction to us here and everywhere.

If one were to judge by the paragraphs which appear in the English newspapers, and in the Courier du Bas Rhin, one would think that there was a most malignant spirit against Mr. Van Berckel and the burgomasters of Amsterdam, and a determination to sacrifice him, if possible. I rather think, however, that these paragraphs are the fabrication of some of the old instruments of Sir Joseph Yorke. They are not most certainly the sense of this nation, in whose estimation, in general, the gentlemen of Amsterdam stand high.

I will not dissemble, however, to congress. The councils of this people are the most inscrutable of any I ever saw. There is a standing army, and that is marched and cantoned about in new places. This army, and every civil officer in public trust, is supposed to have a decided inclination to England, and against America, but especially against France. There are mutual suspicions of designs of innovation, but I hope not well founded. All this, together with the novelty of war, and the defenceless state of the nation, intimidates everybody.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Leyden, 10 April, 1781.

Sir,—

Relying on your virtues and graces of faith and hope, I accepted the bills to the amount of ten thousand pounds sterling, drawn in favor of Mr. Tracy.

I have received advice from congress, of more bills drawn upon me. When they arrive and are presented, I must write you concerning them, and desire you to enable me to discharge them; for I am sorry to be obliged to say, that although I have opened a loan, according to the best plan I could, and the plan and the loan seem to be countenanced by the public, yet there is little money obtained, scarcely enough to defray the expense of obligations and stamps; and it is daily more and more clear to me, that we shall never obtain a loan here, until our independence is acknowledged by the States. Till then, every man seems to be afraid that his having any thing to do in it, will be made the foundation of a criminal process, or a provocation to the resentment of the mob.

The time is very near when some of the bills I accepted become payable. I must entreat your Excellency’s answer to this as soon as convenient, and to point out to me whether you choose that the house of Fizeaux, Grand & Co., or any other, should pay the money. It is a most grievous mortification to me to find that America has no credit here, while England, certainly, still has so much; and to find that no gentleman in public life here dare return me a visit, or answer me a letter, even those who treated me when I first arrived here with great politeness. I am entreated, however, to keep this secret, but have no motive to secrete it from you; on the contrary, you ought to know it.

I am told there will be great alterations very soon. But I have seen by experience that no man in this country knows what will be in the morrow.

Let me ask the favor of you, sir, to give my best respects to Colonel Laurens and Mr. Franklin.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 14 Avril, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Quoique je n’aie encore vu personne, je prends néanmoins la plúme pour avoir l’honneur de vous dire, qu’après y avoir bien mûrement pensé depuis que nous nous sommes quittés il me semble que vous ne pourrez vous passer, pour éviter tout blâme et inimitié, lorsque vous viendrez ici pour la démarche en question, de faire votre première visite chez M. l’ambassadeur de France, afin de lui donner connoissance verbale de votre dernière commission et lettres de créance, et de la nécessité indispensable òu vous vous trouvez d’en donner connoissance directe et immédiate à ceux à qui elles s’adressent. Ainsi, sans soumettre la démarche même et son détail essentiel à d’autre vue et détermination que la vôtre seule, vous conserverez l’amitié et les bons offices personnels (qu’il faut bien distinguer des ministériels, pour lesquels il faudroit un ordre de sa cour) que pourra vous rendre la seule personne qui soit dans le cas, pour le présent, de les avouer et témoigner hautement. Au lieu que l’omission de cette politesse diplomatique et l’aveu froid qui s’ensuivroit immanquablement vis-à-vis de ceux ici, qui déferent de plus en plus aux avis de l’ambassadeur, qu’on n’a aucune connoissance de votre mission, &c., feroit sûrement un éffet plus ou moins nuisible et mortifiant, en détruisant, ou du moins reculant pour long temps, ce que nous voulons avancer. Voilà, monsieur, ce que je crois devoir vous conseiller positivement, tant pour votre agrément personnel dans la suite, que pour le bien de la chose, comme une chose qui ne sauroit être d’aucune mauvaise conséquence, ni ce que vous appellez aprecedent.

On me mande de Paris, “nous allons vous envoyer une escadre au Texel. Elle sera bien commandée. Nous commençons à espérer que les cinq vaisseaux de ligne et les deux mille hommes que nous envoyons au cap, y arriveront avant Johnston qui d’ailleurs n’est pas de force à se mesurer avec nos cinq vaisseaux.”

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

Dumas.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

Leyden, 16 April, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I have received from congress full powers and instructions to treat with the states-general, and to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce consistent with the relations already formed between the United States and France; and that I have also received a letter of credence, as a minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange.

With the greatest respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Leyden, 16 April, 1781.

Sir,—

I yesterday had the honor of yours of the 7th. The letter inclosed is a bitter satire on the nation which produced it. Is it possible that Arnold should show his face among men, after such a letter? If it is not a bribe, it is robbery committed in the American service, for it is well known that Arnold had no such sum when the war began. He is now employed in stealing tobacco and negroes; so is Cornwallis. A fair employment for peers, for Arnold is the peer of them all. I think the Southern States will have the honor, after all, of putting the continent in a right way to finish the business of the war; there has been more sheer fighting there, in proportion, than anywhere.

All the papers, English, French, and Dutch, assure the world that I have succeeded in a loan. I wish they would prove their words. I am told it will do by and by. So I am, that the nation will act vigorously by and by. I wish both may prove true; but I have not one grain of your faith nor hope. There are capitalists who believe us able and honest to pay, and that we shall prevail, and they have inclinations enough they say to the loan; but the true motive of their conduct is fear of being pointed out, to mobs and soldiers, as persons who have contributed to the commencement or continuance of the war with England. I wrote you some days ago, that I had not succeeded at all, and requesting your orders how the bills accepted should be paid. Some of them become payable the beginning of May, and on the 15th of that month the sixty-six bills, amounting to ten thousand pounds sterling, which were drawn in favor of Mr. Tracy, become due. I congratulate you on your success at Versailles. If Spain would make a treaty with Mr. Jay, it would assist us here. Everybody asks, why does Spain delay. You and I know very well, but cannot tell. But so it is. One always negotiates ill, when one is not in a condition to make one’s self feared. If America could dissemble enough to threaten other nations with a return to Great Britain, they would be ready to hang themselves to prevent it. But America is too honest and sincere to play this game. England would have all the mountains of Mexico and Peru in a few years, if America should join her. Yet we are slighted. God forgive them, and enable America to forget their ungenerosity.

America has fought Great Britain and Ireland six years, and not only Great Britain, but many States of Germany, many tribes of Indians, and many negroes, their allies. Great Britain has been moving earth and hell to obtain allies against us, yet it is improper in us to propose an alliance! Great Britain has borrowed all the superfluous wealth of Europe, in Italy, Germany, Holland, Switzerland, and some in France, to murder us, yet it is dishonorable in us to propose to borrow money! By heaven, I would make a bargain with all Europe, if it lay with me. Let all Europe stand still, neither lend men nor money nor ships to England nor America, and let them fight it out alone. I would give my share of millions for such a bargain. America is treated unfairly and ungenerously by Europe. But thus it is, mankind will be servile to tyrannical masters, and basely devoted to vile idols.

With great respect, your obedient servant,

John Adams.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, ce 17 Avril, 1781.

J’ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre par laquelle vous m’informez que le congrès des États Unis de l’Amérique septentrionale vous a revêtu du caractère de son ministre plénipotentiaire auprès des États généraux des Provinces Unies. J’ignore si vous vous proposez de présenter vos lettres de créance à leurs hautes puissances dans ce moment, mais si telle est votre intention je désirerois bien avoir l’honneur de vous entretenir auparavant et vous communiquer des vues qui me paroissent intéresser mutuellement la cause commune.

Soyez bien persuadé, je vous prie, monsieur, de la vérité des sentimens inviolables de la considération distinguée avec, &c.

Le Duc de la Vauguyon.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

Leyden, 18 April, 1781.

I feel myself happy that congress have made it my duty to consult your Excellency upon the mission with which they have charged me for the Court of Petersburg. To this end I have already laid before you all the papers which I have received from congress any way relating to it, and also my correspondence with his Excellency the Comte de Vergennes, and Dr. Franklin, upon the same subject, as well as my letters to the president of congress, from the time I received this commission. From all these, your Excellency will be fully instructed in the several matters on which I wish to have your advice; but to bring some of them more immediately under your view, I beg leave to state the following questions:—

Whether, all circumstances considered, your Excellency thinks it expedient for me to proceed to Petersburg in the character of a private citizen of the United States only, and to wait there for a favorable moment to announce my public character?

Whether, previous to my going in such a character, you judge it expedient for me to communicate my design to Prince Galitzin, the Russian Ambassador at the Hague (secreting from him at the same time my public character) and to take his opinion thereon, according to the intimation given to me by the Comte de Vergennes at our conference?

Whether it is advisable to communicate my real character to the Court of Petersburg, and to ask their permission before I undertake the journey?

Whether, in case you think it advisable for me to proceed to Petersburg in a private character only, without further communications to any one, you conceive it to be the intention of congress that I should present their resolutions relative to the rights of neutral vessels to the Court of Petersburg on my arrival there, or whether this is left to my discretion, to be regulated by the then state of affairs at that Court?

Your Excellency will readily perceive the propriety of my writing to you on this business, although we have already had a conference upon it, and of my requesting your sentiments in writing also.

I shall be happy to make a more particular communication of my own sentiments and views in further conversation, if you think it needful, before you give me yours.

I am, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

Francis Dana.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Leyden, 18 April, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I am at no loss what advice to give you in answer to the questions in your letter of this day, because they relate to a subject on which I have long reflected, and have formed an opinion as fully as my understanding is capable of. I think, then, it is necessary for you to prepare for a journey to St. Petersburg, without loss of time; that you travel in the character of a gentleman, without any distinction of public or private, as far as the publication of your appointment already made in France will permit.

I should think it altogether improper to communicate to the ambassador your design of travelling to St. Petersburg as a private gentleman, secreting from him at the same time your public character. It would expose you to something very disagreeable. The ambassador would ask you why you asked his advice, when it is well known that private gentlemen travel in every country in Europe without molestation. Besides, the ambassador, I have reason to believe, would not give you any advice without instructions from his Court; and this would require so much time, that the most favorable opportunity which now presents itself would be lost. And, after applying to the ambassador, and being advised against the journey, or to postpone it for instructions from his Court, it would be less respectful to go than to go now, when the circumstances of the times are very favorable.

The same reason applies equally against writing to the Court beforehand. The best opportunity would be lost, and the Court would never encourage you to come until they had determined to receive you, and you would have no opportunity to assist the deliberations upon the subject, by throwing in any light, by answering objections, or explaining the views of congress.

After your arrival at St. Petersburg, I should advise you, unless upon the spot you discover reasons against it, unknown to us at present, to communicate your character and mission to NA or the minister of foreign affairs in confidence, asking his advice, but at the same time presenting him a memorial ready prepared for the NA . If he informs you, it is best for you to reside there as a private gentleman, or to travel for a time into Sweden or Denmark, or to return here to Holland, where I shall be happy to have your company and counsels, take his advice.

The United States of America have nothing dishonorable to propose to any court or country. If the wishes of America, which are for the good of all nations as they apprehend, are not deemed by such courts or nations consistent with their views and interest, of which they are the supreme judges, they will candidly say so, and there is no harm done. On the contrary, congress will be applauded for their candor and good intentions. You will make your communication to the French ambassador of course according to your instructions. This method was taken by this republic in her struggle with Spain; nay, it was taken by the republican parliament in England, and by Oliver Cromwell. It was taken by Switzerland and Portugal in similar cases with great success. Why it should be improper now, I know not.

I conceive it to be the intention of congress, that you should communicate their resolutions relative to the rights of neutral vessels; and I am the more entirely of this opinion, because I have already communicated those resolutions to their High Mightinesses, the states-general, and to their Excellencies the ministers of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, at the Hague, in pursuance of the letters I had received from the president; and I should now think it improper in me to sign a treaty according to those resolutions, if invited thereto, because it would be interfering with your department.

America, my dear sir, has been too long silent in Europe. Her cause is that of all nations and all men; and it needs nothing but to be explained, to be approved. At least, these are my sentiments. I have reasons in my mind which were unknown to their Excellencies the Count de Vergennes and Dr. Franklin, when you consulted them; reasons which it is improper for me to explain at present. But the reasons I have given appear to me conclusive. No measure of congress was ever taken in a more proper time, or with more wisdom, in my opinion, than the appointment of a minister at the Hague and at St. Petersburg. The effects of it may not appear in sudden and brilliant success, but the time was exactly chosen, and the happy fruits of it will appear in their course.

Although I shall be personally a sufferer by your appointment, yet I sincerely rejoice in it for the public good. When our enemies have formed alliances with so many princes in Germany and so many savage nations against us, when they are borrowing so much of the wealth of Germany, Italy, Holland, and Switzerland, to be employed against us, no wise court or reasonable man can blame us for proposing to form relations with countries whose interest it is to befriend us. An excess of modesty and reserve is an excess still. It was no dishonor to us to propose a treaty to France, nor for our ministers to reside there more than a year without being acknowledged. On the contrary, all wise men applauded the measure, and I am confident the world in general will now approve of an application to the maritime powers, although we should remain without a public reception as long as our ministers did in France and Spain; nay, although we should be rejected. In this case, congress and their constituents will all be satisfied. They will have neglected no duty in their power; and the world will then see the power and resources of three or four millions of virtuous men inhabiting a fine country, when contending for every thing which renders life worth supporting. The United States will then fix a medium, establish taxes for the payment of interest, acquire the confidence of their own capitalists, and borrow money at home; and when this is done, they will find capitalists abroad willing enough to venture in their funds.

With ardent wishes for your health and success,

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 18 Avril, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Je fus hier au soir chez un ami de poids, qui, sur ce que je lui témoignai ma surprise de ce que votre mémoire avoit été remis au Greffe, c’est à dire, comme jeté ou rejeté, comme on me l’avoit fait entendre, me dit, que l’expression étoit outrée, et que ce qui étoit remis là étoit considéré comme déposé jusqu’a nouvel ordre.

On attend tous les jours des dépêches de Petersbourg; et l’on est assuré davance qu’elles seront satisfaisantes. J’espère d’en savoir d’avantage Vendredi au soir.

On me fit demander hier au soir votre adresse; ainsi je ne doute pas que vous n’ayez reçu aujourd’hui une lettre de certaine part, et qu’elle ne soit cordiale et polie. Je n’ai pas encore fait visite à cette part là. Je vous en dirai la raison quand nous nous verrons; et vous l’approuverez. Je persiste dans ce que je vous en ai écrit dernièrement.

Je viens d’apprendre que Messrs. Searle et Dana sont avec vous. Si vous avez la bonté de me donner demain de vos nouvelles et des leurs, je me ferai un devoir de vous visiter et de les complimenter Samedi matin. Mais je voudrois être sûr auparavant que nous ne nous manquerons, ni ne croiserons; or l’un ou l’autre pourroit arriver, si vous veniez ici, ou si vous alliez à Amsterdam dans le temps que j’irois a Leide.

Je crois que les États d’Hollande se sépareront Vendredi pour un peu de temps.

Je suis, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO PETER VAN BLEISWYCK.

Leyden, 19 April, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a copy of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces.

With the greatest respect and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

John Adams.

TO M. FAGEL.

Leyden, 19 April, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a copy of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces of the low countries.

With the greatest respect and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

John Adams.

MEMORIAL TO THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES, THE STATES-GENERAL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES OF THE LOW COUNTRIES.

High and Mighty Lords,—

The subscriber has the honor to propose to your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in congress assembled, have lately thought fit to send him a commission (with full powers and instructions) to confer with your High Mightinesses concerning a treaty of amity and commerce, an authentic copy of which he has the honor to annex to this memorial.

At the times when the treaties between this republic and the Crown of Great Britain were made, the people, who now compose the United States of America, were a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the republic, and parties to those treaties; entitled to all their benefits, and submitting cheerfully to all their obligations.

It is true, that when the British administration, renouncing the ancient character of Englishmen for generosity, justice, and humanity, conceived the design of subverting the political systems of the Colonies; depriving them of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and reducing them to the worst of all forms of government; starving the people, by blockading their ports, and cutting off their fisheries and commerce; sending fleets and armies to destroy every principle and sentiment of liberty, and to consume their habitations and their lives; making contracts for foreign troops, and alliances with savage nations, to assist them in their enterprise; casting, formally, by act of parliament, three millions of people at once out of the protection of the crown: then, and not till then, did the United States of America, in congress assembled, pass that memorable act, by which they assumed an equal station among the nations.

This immortal declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was invaded by a hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid before parliament, by fifty-five thousand of veteran troops, was not the effect of any sudden passion or enthusiasm, but a measure which had been long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in some hundreds of popular assemblies, and by public writings in all the States; it was a measure which congress did not adopt, until they had received the positive instructions of their constituents in all the States; it was then unanimously adopted by congress, subscribed by all its members, transmitted to the assemblies of the several States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified and recorded among their archives; so that no decree, edict, statute, placart, or fundamental law of any nation, was ever made with more solemnity, or with more unanimity or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole people, than this; and it has been held sacred to this day by every State, with such unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever been induced to depart from it, although the English have wasted many millions, and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the thirteen States has instituted a form of government for itself, under the authority of the people; has erected its legislature in the several branches; its executive authority with all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges; its army, militia, revenue, and, some of them, their navy; and all these departments of government have been regularly and constitutionally organized under the associated superintendency of congress, now these five years, and have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity equal to the oldest and most established governments. It is true, that in some speeches and writings of the English it is still contended, that the people of America are still in principle and affection with them; but these assertions are made against such evident truth and demonstration, that it is surprising they should find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the writings and recorded speeches of the English for these last seventeen years, to show, that similar misrepresentations have been incessantly repeated through that whole period, and that the conclusion of every year has, in fact, confuted the confident assertions and predictions of the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say from his own knowledge of the people of America (and he has a better right to obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know than any Briton whatsoever,) that they are unalterably determined to maintain their independence. He confesses, that notwithstanding his confidence, through his whole life, in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity of character among his countrymen, their unanimity has surprised him; that all the power, arts, intrigues, and bribes, which have been employed in the several States, should have seduced from the standard of virtue, so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could have been expected. This independence stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the people’s interests, honor, conscience, and affections, that it will not be affected by any successes the English may obtain, either in America, or against the European powers at war, nor by any alliances they can possibly form; if, indeed, in so unjust and desperate a cause, they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although compelled by necessity, and warranted by the fundamental laws of the colonies, and of the British constitution, by principles avowed in the English laws, and confirmed by many examples in the English history, by principles interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great examples of the Helvetic and Batavian revolutions, and many others, and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body, principles founded in eternal justice, and the laws of God and nature, to cut asunder forever, all the ties which had connected them with Great Britain; yet the people of America did not consider themselves as separating from their allies, especially the republic of the United Provinces, or departing from their connections with any of the people under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same affection, esteem, and respect for the Dutch nation, in every part of the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained.

When sound policy dictated to congress the precaution of sending persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a failure in respect that they did not send a minister to your High Mightinesses, with the first whom they sent abroad; but, instructed in the nature of the connections between Great Britain and the republic, and in the system of peace and neutrality, which she had so long pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to embroil her with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation, or lay embarrassments before it. But, since the British administration, uniform and persevering in injustice, despising their allies as much as their colonists and fellow subjects, disregarding the faith of treaties, as much as that of royal charters, violating the law of nations, as they had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies and the inherent rights of British subjects, have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties between the crown and the republic, declared war, and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they had manifested long before, all those motives, which before restrained the congress, cease; and an opportunity presents, of proposing such connections, as the United States of America have a right to form, consistent with those already formed with France and Spain, which they are under every obligation of duty, interest, and inclination to observe sacred and inviolate; and consistent with such other treaties, as it is their intention to propose to other sovereigns.

If there was ever among nations a natural alliance, one may be formed between the two republics. The first planters of the four northern States found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided here from the year one thousand six hundred and eight to the year one thousand six hundred and twenty, twelve years preceding their migration. They ever entertained, and have transmitted to posterity, a grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality, and especially of that religious liberty they found here, having sought them in vain in England.

The first inhabitants of two other States, New York and New Jersey, were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their religion, language, customs, manners, and character; and America in general, until her connections with the house of Bourbon, has ever considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose history, and the great characters it exhibits, in the various arts of peace, as well as achievements of war, by sea and land, have been particularly studied, admired, and imitated in every State.

A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential in this as it has been in former ages to the alliance of nations, is still, as it ever will be, thought a desirable circumstance. Now it may be said with truth, that there are no two nations, whose worship, doctrine, and discipline are more alike, than those of the two republics. In this particular, therefore, as far as it is of weight, an alliance would be perfectly natural.

A similarity in the forms of government is usually considered as another circumstance, which renders alliances natural; and although the constitutions of the two republics are not perfectly alike, there is yet analogy enough between them, to make a connection easy in this respect.

In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those momentous points, the freedom of inquiry, the right of private judgment, and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which, at this hour, are in more danger from Great Britain, and that intolerant spirit which is secretly fomenting there, than from any other quarter, the two nations resemble each other more than any others.

The originals of the two republics are so much alike, that the history of one seems but a transcript from that of the other; so that every Dutchman instructed in the subject, must pronounce the American revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest actions of his immortal ancestors; actions which have been approved and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of heaven.

But the circumstance, which, perhaps, in this age has stronger influence than any other in the formation of friendships between nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce; of the whole system of which through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect masters, for me to say any thing that is not familiarly known. It may not, however, be amiss to hint, that the central situation of this country, her extensive navigation, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the riches of her funds, render a connection with her very desirable to America; and, on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures, navigation, and commerce; the vast demand and consumption in America of the manufactures of Europe, of merchandises from the Baltic and from the East Indies, and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a connection with the United States would be useful to this republic. The English are so sensible of this, that notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, they have ever considered this nation as their rival in the American trade; a sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe act of navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the colonists. There is now an opportunity offered to both, to shake off this shackle for ever. If any consideration whatever could have induced them to have avoided a war with your High Mightinesses, it would have been the apprehension of an alliance between the two republics; and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace, than such a connection once completely formed. It is needless to point out particularly, what advantages might be derived to the possessions of the republic in the West Indies from a trade opened, protected, and encouraged between them and the continent of America; or what profits might be made by the Dutch East India Company, by carrying their effects directly to the American market; or how much even the trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America, which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more for hemp, cordage, sailcloth, and other articles of that commerce; how much the national navigation would be benefited by building and purchasing ships there; how much the number of seamen might be increased, or how much advantage to both countries would arise from having their ports mutually opened to their men-of-war and privateers and their prizes.

If, therefore, an analogy of religion, government, original, manners, and the most extensive and lasting commercial interests can form a ground and an invitation to political connections, the subscriber flatters himself that in all these particulars the union is so obviously natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.

It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American cause (and where is one to be found that is not?) should make haste to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of the impracticability of her pursuits; whether the late marine treaty concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can be established against Great Britain, who will never adopt it, nor submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America; whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen, and magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that enormous empire, which has been long governed wholly by the feeling of its own power, at least without a proportional attention to justice, humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain that the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the British government, on the one hand, and that the powers of Europe ought not, and could not, with safety, consent to it, if they were, on the other, why should a source of contention be left open for future contingencies to involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in possession of sovereignty, by right, and in fact, it might be closed?

The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, especially those which are parties to the late marine treaty; nor can an apprehension that the independence of America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic be any objection. This jealousy is so groundless that the reverse would happen. The freight and insurance in voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and the price of labor in America so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and ship timber never can be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate as it has been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic. This commerce was supported by the English before the Revolution with difficulty, and not without large parliamentary bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and sailcloth, there will not probably be a sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many centuries, for the plainest of all reasons,—because these articles may be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg and Archangel, cheaper than they can be raised at home. America will, therefore, be for ages a market for these articles of the Baltic trade.

Nor is there more solidity in another supposition propagated by the English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interests, that the colonies of other nations will follow the example of the United States. Those powers who have as large possessions as any beyond seas have already declared against England, apprehending no such consequences. Indeed, there is no probability of any other power of Europe following the example of England, in attempting to change the whole system of the government of colonies and reducing them by oppression to the necessity of governing themselves; and without such manifest injustice and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no danger of colonies attempting innovations. Established governments are founded deep in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations, and understandings of the people; and without some violent change from without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain happiness for very precarious benefits.

It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, whether the system of the United States which was minutely considered and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in congress, in the year 1776, in planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without being monopolized or governed by any; a system which was afterwards approved by the King and made the foundation of the treaties with his Majesty; a system to which the United States have hitherto constantly adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by some powers declaring against them, which is not expected, is not the only means of preventing this growing country from being an object of everlasting jealousies, rivalries, and wars among the nations. If this idea is just, it follows that it is the interest of every State in Europe to acknowledge American independency immediately. If such benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a proportional blessing to every part of the old.

The subscriber has the further honor of informing your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in congress assembled, impressed with a high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of a nation eminent for its wisdom, justice, and moderation, have appointed the subscriber to be their minister plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your High Mightinesses, beseeching your High Mightinesses to give entire credit to every thing which their said minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of congress, the subscriber is ready to deliver to your High Mightinesses or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He has also a similar letter of credence to his Most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.

All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person or persons to treat on the subject of his mission, by

John Adams.1

Leyden, 19 April, 1781.

MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.

Leyden, 19 April, 1781.

To his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, Hereditary Stadtholder and Governor of the Seven United Provinces of the Low Countries.

The subscriber has the honor to inform your Most Serene Highness that the United States of America, in congress assembled, impressed with a deep sense of your wisdom and magnanimity, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of your Highness and of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, who have ever distinguished themselves by an inviolable attachment to freedom and the rights of nations, have appointed the subscriber to be their minister plenipotentiary at your Court, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your Highness and for the people over whom you preside as stadtholder, beseeching your Highness to give entire credit to every thing which their said minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of congress, he is desirous of the honor of delivering, whenever and in whatever manner your Highness shall judge proper to receive it. He has the further honor of informing your Highness, that the said United States have honored him with full powers to form a treaty of amity and commerce with the states-general, and also with letters of credence as minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; in consequence of which, he has done himself the honor to present a memorial, a copy of which is here annexed.

The subscriber, in the discharge of these trusts, considers himself rather as proposing a renovation of old friendships than the formation of new ones, as the Americans have ever been the good and faithful allies of this nation, and have done nothing to forfeit its esteem. On the contrary they are confident they have a better title to it, as they have adhered steadfastly through every trial to those principles which formed and supported the connection, principles which founded and have supported this republic, while others have wantonly abandoned them.

The subscriber thinks himself particularly fortunate to be thus accredited to a nation which has made such memorable exertions in favor of the rights of men, and to a prince, whose illustrious line of ancestors and predecessors have so often supported in Holland and England those liberties for which the United States of America now contend; and it will be the completion of his wishes, if he should be so happy as to recommend the cause of his country to the favorable attention of your Most Serene Highness and of this people.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 21 April, 1781.

Sir,—

Agreeable to my faith I have obtained a promise of money sufficient to pay the bills you have accepted, and shall accordingly accept those you draw on me for that purpose. I request only that you would send me immediately a list of the bills, and of the times of their becoming due, that I may be always provided, and that as the money will come gradually into my hands, you would not draw upon me for the whole sum at once, but for the sums as they become demandable of you. Mr. Grand will write by this courier to the house of Fizeaux & Grand to take your bills in that way, and furnish you with the money. Mr. Neufville has written to me about another bill that is come into his hands, which he desires me to accept, or engage to pay. There seems to me a risk in doing so without seeing the bill, as our enemies are not too honest to attempt counterfeiting. I wish, therefore, that you would look at it, and if you find it good, accept it.

I must now beg you would concur with me, in writing earnestly to congress, to hazard no more drafts where they have no funds. I believe there is hardly another instance in the world of a people risking their credit so much, who, unfortunately, have so little, and who must by this proceeding, if continued, soon have none at all. The necessity of their affairs is the only excuse for it. This court is our firm friend, but the best friends may be wearied and worn out, by too frequent and unexpected demands.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 26 Avril, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Je n’ai rien, pour le coup, de nouveau à vous marquer, si ce n’est que je viens d’apprendre qu’un certain nombre de marchands de la grande ville fera enfin la basse démarche auprès du ministère Britannique d’envoyer des députés a Londres négocier la restitution de ce qui leur appartient des effets capturés à Saint Eustache. Quelques bons patriotes, quoiqu’ils y perdent aussi, ont refusé de souscrire à cette députation, à la tête de laquelle sera M. H. Ceux de R—m ont refusé aussi de participer à cette petitesse. J’espère que votre démarche, dans la premiere semaine du mois prochain, relevera par ses bons effets le courage des autres. Je viens de mettre au net ma traduction, pour l’avoir prête à remettre à l’imprimeur dès que vous le jugerez à propos aprés la démarche faite. J’en suis toujours plus content; et je me persuade de plus en plus, que vous avez raison de ne pas vouloir différer d’avantage. Il est bon d’ailleurs que cela se fasse lorsque les États d’Hollande se trouveront assemblés ici. Or ils le seront le 4 du mois prochain. Ayez la bonté, monsieur, de vouloir m’avertir quand vous quitterez Amsterdam, et quand vous comptez de vous rendre ici pour la démarche. J’écris ce soir à Bruxelles à une maison dont on m’a donné l’adresse, et qui se charge ordinairement de faire venir des effets de Paris à bon compte par des rouliers, afin de savoir leurs conditions, et l’adresse de leur correspondant à Paris. Dès que j’aurai réponse, je vous en ferai part; et alors vous pourrez avoir vos coffres quand vous voudrez et sûrement.

Je suis, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON.

Leyden, 1 May, 1781.

Sir,—

By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance between France and America, the Most Christian King and the United States agree to invite or admit other powers, who may receive injuries from England, to make common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance, under such conditions as shall be freely agreed to and settled between all the parties.

It will be readily acknowledged, that this republic has received injuries from England; and it is not improbable, that several other maritime powers may be soon, if they are not already, in the same predicament. But, whether his Majesty will think fit to invite this nation at present to accede to that alliance, according to the article, must be submitted to his wisdom.

It is only proper for me to say, that whenever your Excellency shall have received his Majesty’s commands, and shall judge it proper to take any measures, either for admitting or inviting this republic to accede, I shall be ready, in behalf of the United States, to do whatever is necessary and proper for them to do upon the occasion.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, 3 May, 1781.

Sir,—

On the 1st of May I went to the Hague, and wrote to his Excellency, Peter Van Bleiswyck, Grand Pensionary of Holland, that, having something of importance to communicate to him, I proposed to do myself the honor to wait on him the next morning at half past eight, if that time should be agreeable to him; but if any other hour was more convenient, I requested his Excellency to mention it. The answer, which was not in writing, was, that half past eight should be the time.

Accordingly, the next morning I waited on him, and was politely received. I informed him, that I had asked his permission to make him this visit, in order to inform him that I had received from my sovereign, the United States of America, full powers to treat with the states-general, and a letter of credence as a minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince; and that it was my intention to communicate those powers and letters to their High Mightinesses and to his Most Serene Highness on Friday next, the 4th of May.

His Excellency said he would acquaint the states-general and his Highness with it; that, in his private opinion, he thought favorably of it; but that he must wait the orders of his masters; that it was a matter somewhat delicate for the republic, but—. I replied, as to the delicacy of it in the present state of open war between England and Holland, I hoped that it would not be any obstacle; that I thought it the interest of the republic, as well as that of America. His Excellency rejoined,—“one thing is certain; we have a common enemy.”

As this was a visit simply to impart my design, and as I knew enough of the delicate situation and of the reputed sentiments of this officer to be sensible that he did not wish to enter into any very particular conversation at this time upon public affairs, I here arose to take my leave. His Excellency asked me, if I had any good news from America? I answered, none very late. He then said he should be very glad to form an acquaintance with me. I answered, this would be very flattering to me, and thus took my leave.

To-morrow morning, I propose to go to the President of the states-general, to Secretary Fagel, and to the Secretary of the Prince. This moment, for the first time, I have received the congress account of General Morgan’s glorious victory over Tarleton.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 6 May, 1781.

Monsieur,—

La même personne qui m’avoit donné l’avis, que vous m’aviez en partant laissé le maître de suivre, me dit hier matin qu’après y avoir bien pensé, il y trouvoit un si grand inconvenient qu’il me le déconseilloit très serieusement, comme une démarche incompatible avec le caractère que vous venez de déployer; en un mot qu’il ne convient pas que vous vous abaissiez à faire parvenir ainsi indirectement la pièce en question, qui paroîtroit cependant manifestement venir de votre part. J’ai donc pris, avec son avis et approbation, un autre parti, qui remplira également le but de faire connoître à la nation la parole qu’on lui porte. Des 500 exemplaires, j’en remettrai 300 au libraire qui a soin de l’imprimer, avec permission d’en faire son profit, en les envoyant à ses correspondants dans toutes les provinces, et les distribuant aussi ici. En même temps j’en ferai parvenir des copies aux Gazetiers, afin qu’ils puissent en faire usage. Il restera 200 exemplaires, dont je vous réserve cent, et j’en garderai cent pour en distribuer à ceux qu’il est à propos qui en aient d’abord. L’impression sera achevée Mercredi; et j’attend l’honneur de votre prompte réponse, pour savoir si vous approuvez ce parti, que je crois le plus convenable; afin de le mettre en exécution sans perte de temps.

La même personne m’a dit, que la délibération dans les provinces sur la note en question ne se fera pas avant trois ou quatre semaines. Par la même raison susdite, et de l’avis de la même personne, j’ai omis la commission; mais je la montrerai aux amis sûrs. Je suis curieux de savoir ce qui s’est passé entre vous, monsieur, et la dernière personne que vous avez visitée avant de partir. S’il vous arrive de bonnes nouvelles, je me recommande. Permettez-moi de placer ici mes respects pour M. Searle, pour M. Dana, et pour M. Gillon.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 7 May, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I have this moment received yours of the 6th. I have no objection against your plan. I informed the grand pensionary and the president that I should think it my duty to publish my memorial. I persist in the same opinion. The manner is indifferent to me. I shall avow the publication. Your omission of the commission will be agreeable to me.

I communicated to the last person I saw at the Hague all that I had done. He still persisted in the opinion, that the time was a little too early; but this point apart, approved of every step I had taken, and promised to support it “comme homme.” I never had a more agreeable or satisfactory interview with him.

I shall be agreeably surprised, if the Provinces determine so soon as in three or four weeks. The time for them to take is their own. I shall wait it with entire respect, if it should be eight or ten weeks.

If other people will allow me to judge for myself in what I am responsible for, they will always find me willing to allow them the same prerogative.

I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 7 May, 1781.

Sir,

On the 4th of May, I did myself the honor to wait on Peter Van Bleiswyck, Grand Pensionary of Holland, and presented him a letter containing a copy of my memorial to the states-general, &c. His Excellency said, that it was necessary for me to go to the president and secretary of their High Mightinesses, and that it was not customary for foreign ministers to communicate any thing to the pensionary of Holland. I told him that I had been advised by the French ambassador to present copies to him, and they were only copies which I had the honor to offer him. He said he could not receive them; that I must go to the president; “but,” said he, “it is proper for me to apprise you, that the president will make a difficulty, or rather will refuse to receive any letter or paper from you, because the State you say you represent is not acknowledged to be a sovereign State by the sovereign of this nation; the president will hear what you have to say to him, make report of it to their High Mightinesses, and they will transmit it to the several provinces for the deliberation of the various members of the sovereignty.” I thanked his Excellency for this information, and departed.

I then waited on the president of their High Mightinesses for the week, the Baron Linden de Hemmen, a deputy of the province of Guelderland, to whom I communicated, that I had lately received from my sovereign, the United States of America in congress assembled, a commission, with full powers and instructions to treat with the states-general concerning a treaty of amity and commerce; that I had also received a letter of credence as minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; and I prayed him to lay before their High Mightinesses either the originals or a memorial, in which I had done myself the honor to state all these facts and to inclose copies.

The president said that he could not undertake to receive from me either the originals or any memorial, because America was not yet acknowledged as a sovereign State by the sovereign of this country; but that he would make report to their High Mightinesses of all that I had said to him, and that it would become the subject of deliberation in the several provinces; that he thought it a matter of great importance to the republic. I answered, that I was glad to hear him say that he thought it important; that I thought it was the interest of the two republics to become connected. I thanked him for his politeness, and retired, after having apprised him that I thought, in the present circumstances, it would be my duty to make public in print my application to their High Mightinesses.

I had prepared copies of my memorial, &c., for the secretary, M. Fagel; but as the president had refused to receive the originals, I thought it would be inconsistent for the secretary to receive copies; so I omitted the visit to his office.

I then waited on the Baron de Ray, the secretary of the Prince, with a letter addressed to his Most Serene Highness, containing a memorial informing him of my credentials to his Court, and copies of the memorial to their High Mightinesses. The secretary received me politely, took the letter, and promised to deliver it to the stadtholder. He asked me where I lodged. I answered, at the Parliament of England, a public house of that name.

Returning to my lodgings, I heard, about two hours afterwards, that the Prince had been to the assembly of the states-general for about half an hour; and in about another hour, the servant of the house where I lodged announced to me the Baron de Ray. I went down to the door to receive him, and invited him into my room. He entered, and said that he was charged on the part of the Prince with his compliments to me, and to inform me, that, as the independence of my country was not yet acknowledged by the sovereign of his, he could not receive any letter from me, and therefore requested that I would receive it back, which I did respectfully. The secretary then politely said he was very much obliged to me for having given him an opportunity to see my person, and took his leave.

The president made report to their High Mightinesses as soon as they assembled, and his report was ordered to be recorded; whereupon the deputies of each of the Seven Provinces demanded copies of the record to be transmitted to the respective regencies for their deliberation and decision; or, in the technical language of this country, it was taken ad referendum on the same day.

The next morning I waited on the French ambassador, the Duc de la Vauguyon, and acquainted him with all the steps I had taken. He said he still persisted in his opinion, that the time was not the most favorable; but as the measure was taken, I might depend upon it, he would, as an individual, support and promote it to the utmost of his power.

It would take a large space to explain all the reasons and motives which I had for choosing the present time in preference to a later; but I think I can demonstrate, that every moment’s delay would have been attended with danger and inconvenience. All Europe is in a crisis, and this ingredient thrown in at this time will have more effect than at any other. At a future time I may enlarge upon this subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.1

TO JOHN LAURENS.

Amsterdam, 8 May, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 28th of April. I sincerely congratulate you on the most essential aid you have obtained from the Court of Versailles, who upon this occasion have done as much honor to their own policy as essential service to the United States. By a conduct like this, which it is easy for France to hold, and which does as much service to the common cause as the same sum of money possibly could in any other way, a foundation will be laid of affection and confidence which will last long after this war shall be finished. I wish that other nations had as much wisdom and benevolence as France, indeed, as much knowledge of their own true interests; in this case, the burden upon France would be less.

I accept with pleasure the trust with which you honor me; but I shall not think myself at liberty to draw any bills in consequence of it, until the invoices and vouchers are produced to me, to the satisfaction of Major Jackson, who will be so good as to give me his approbation in writing. I am very happy to find it is in your power to assist Commodore Gillon upon this occasion, whose industry and skill and perseverance have merited every assistance that can be legally given him.

Major Jackson, sir, shall have every advice and assistance in my power to afford him; and I am much mortified that I am not to have an opportunity of showing you in person the respect which I have for your character, as well as that affection which I feel for the son of one of the worthiest friends I ever had. Alas! when will he be able to obtain his own liberty, who has so nobly contended for that of others?

I have communicated my credentials to the states-general, who, after the deliberations which the form of their constitution requires, will determine whether they can receive them or not. It will probably be long before they decide. It is of vast importance to obtain, if possible, an acknowledgment of our independence by the maritime powers before the conferences for peace shall be opened. Otherwise, it is not possible to foresee how many intrigues and how much chicanery we may have to encounter.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON.

Amsterdam, 14 May, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose copies of the Memorials which I promised your Excellency; and I beg pardon for not having done it sooner.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 16 Mai, 1781.

J’ai reçu, monsieur, avec la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’adresser le 14 de ce mois, les copies des deux Mémoires dont elle étoit accompagnée.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c. &c.

Le Duc de la Vauguyon.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 16 May, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose copies of the Memorials which I had the honor to present on the 4th instant to the president of their High Mightinesses and to the secretary of his Most Serene Highness. The former has been published in English, French, and Dutch, and has been favorably received by the public; but the public voice has not that influence upon government in any part of Europe that it has in every part of America, and, therefore, I cannot expect that any immediate effect will be produced upon the states-general. They will probably wait until they can sound the disposition of the northern powers, Russia particularly; and if they should not join in the war, their High Mightinesses will probably be willing to be admitted to accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America.

The Dutch fleet of about ten sail of vessels from the Texel and the Maese has sailed. The news from the southern States of America of continual fighting, in which our countrymen have done themselves great honor, the capture of half the convoy under Hotham, by the Chevalier de la Motte Piquet, and the destruction made at Gibraltar by the Spaniards, have raised the spirits of this nation from that unmanly gloom and despondency into which they were thrown by the capture of St. Eustatia, Demerara, and Essequibo. But, after all, this country at present is divided in sentiments; it is an Alexandrine, that “like a wounded snake drags its slow length along.”

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 16 May, 1781.

Sir,—

There has been much said in the public papers concerning conferences for peace, concerning the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, &c. &c. &c.

I have never troubled congress with these reports, because I have never received any official information or intimation of any such negotiation, either from England or France, or any other way. If any such negotiation has been going on, it has been carefully concealed from me. Perhaps something has been expected from the United States, which was not expected from me. For my own part, I know from so long experience, at the first glance of reflection, the real designs of the English government, that it is no vanity to say they cannot deceive me, if they can the Cabinets of Europe. I have fully known, that all their pretensions about peace were insidious, and therefore have paid no other attention to them, than to pity the nations of Europe, who, having not yet experience enough of British manœuvres, are still imposed on to their own danger, disgrace, and damage. The British ministry are exhausting all the resources of their subtilty, if not of their treasures, to excite jealousies and divisions among the neutral, as well as belligerent powers. The same arts precisely, that they have practised so many years to seduce, deceive, and divide America, they are now exerting among the powers of Europe; but the voice of God and man is too decidedly against them to permit them much success.

As to a loan of money in this republic, after having tried every expedient, and made every proposition that I could be justified or excused for making, I am in absolute despair of obtaining any, until the states-general shall have acknowledged our independence. The bills already accepted by me are paying off as they become due, by the orders of his Excellency Dr. Franklin; but he desires me to represent to congress the danger and inconvenience of drawing before congress have information that their bills can be honored. I must entreat congress not to draw upon me, until they know I have money. At present I have none, not even for my subsistence, but what I derive from Paris.

The true cause of the obstruction of our credit here is fear, which can never be removed but by the states-general acknowledging our independence; which, perhaps, in the course of twelve months they may do, but I do not expect it sooner. This country is indeed in a melancholy situation; sunk in ease, devoted to the pursuits of gain, overshadowed on all sides by more powerful neighbors, unanimated by a love of military glory, or any aspiring spirit, feeling little enthusiasm for the public, terrified at the loss of an old friend and equally terrified at the prospect of being obliged to form connections with a new one, incumbered with a complicated and perplexed constitution, divided among themselves in interest and sentiment, they seem afraid of every thing. Success on the part of France, Spain, and especially of America, raises their spirits, and advances the good cause somewhat, but reverses seem to sink them much more.

The war has occasioned such a stagnation of business, and thrown such numbers of people out of employment, that I think it is impossible things should remain long in the present insipid state. One system or another will be pursued; one party or another will prevail; much will depend on the events of the war. We have one security, and I fear but one, and that is the domineering character of the English, who will make peace with the republic upon no other terms, than her joining them against all their enemies in the war; and this I think it is impossible she ever should do.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 18 May, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Depuis ma dernière du 13e qui en renfermoit une de France pour vous, je serois en peine de son sort, si je ne savois que Messrs. de Neufville ont reçu le paquet qui la contenoit.

Le mémoire est présentement suffisament connu par toute la république, et par toute l’Europe, tant par les envois du libraire, que par les Gazetiers qui l’ont répété à l’envi l’un de l’autre. Le Courier du Bas Rhin a doublé sa feuille pour ne pas morceler, dit il, cette pièce intéressante. Les réflexions qu’il y a ajoutées, comme, que le président a accepté le mémoire et lui a servi de parrain, sont de son cru, et nullement du mien, qui lui ai simplement recommandé de ne rien changer.

Du reste, la pièce est généralement approuvée, même par ceux à qui elle ne fait pas plaisir; et l’homme que j’ai apposté pour me rapporter ce qu’on en dit, m’a protesté n’avoir pas entendu un mot de critique, mais beaucoup d’éloges. Quant aux suites qu’elle pourra avoir, tout le monde garde là-dessus un profond silence.

Ce matin Messieurs d’Amsterdam ont fait à l’assemblée d’Hollande une forte et sérieuse remontrance, qui, parfaitement inattendue et imprévue, a consterné les uns et fait plaisir à d’autres. J’en aurai copie demain ou après demain, et ne manquerai pas de vous faire part de son contenu.

En attendant, je dois finir malgré moi, pour ne pas manquer la poste.

Je suis, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 19 May, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I have received two letters from you, one covering a letter from Leghorn.

In the English copy of the Memorial, there are several errors of the press, and one which is very material; the word treaties with France and Spain instead of the word relations.

Please to give my compliments to Mr. Manson, the Rédacteur of the Courier du Bas Rhin, for the honor he has done to this Memorial in giving an additional sheet to his subscribers for the sake of it, and for the respectful manner in which he mentions it.

It has been very well received here; but whether it will ever have any other effect than a little applause in words, I know not. One thing I know; if it is disregarded, the posterity of this people will wish that their ancestors had laid it more at heart; for it is no rash opinion, that not only the prosperity, but the existence of this republic, depends upon an early connection with America.

This will be thought extravagant by that national pride and self-sufficiency which is common to all; but those who have reflected upon the combination of causes and effect in the political and commercial world, and who have looked forward to see how these must operate in futurity, will easily see that this republic will be totally overshadowed and exhausted on both sides, that of France as well as that of England, if she does not, by forming an early connection with America, turn a share of its commerce into this channel. After a peace with England, it will not be in the power of policy to affect it. Now, it might be easily done by a treaty and by a loan.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 23 May, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor of your letter of the 19th with its inclosures, and I thank your Excellency for the pains you have taken to communicate the news from America, which I think can scarcely be called bad, though General Greene lost the field. I had before received and published in the Amsterdam Gazette the same accounts. The gazetteers are so earnest after American news, that I find it the shortest method of communicating the newspapers to all.

I have received from congress their resolution of the 3d of January, 1781, to draw bills upon me in favor of Lee & Jones, at six months sight, for the full amount of the balance due on the contract made with them for a quantity of clothing for the army. I have also a letter from Mr. Gibson, of the treasury office, of January 28th, which informs me that the amount of Jones & Lee’s account is sixteen thousand two hundred and forty-four pounds one shilling sterling.

I have just received from Gottenburg the inclosed letters,—one to your Excellency and one to Mr. Jay. I received both unsealed, with a direction to take copies. I have put my own seal upon that to your Excellency, and request the favor of you to put yours upon that to Mr. Jay, and to convey it in the safest manner. It contains matter of great importance, which ought to be carefully concealed from every eye but yours and Mr. Jay’s; for which reason I should be cautious of conveying it, even with the despatches of the Spanish ambassador, especially as there are intimations in Mr. Lovell’s letter of too much curiosity with regard to Mr. Jay’s despatches, and as Mr. Jay himself complains that his letters are opened. I hope this instruction will remove all the difficulties with Spain, whose accession to the treaty would be of great service to the reputation of our cause in every part of Europe.

It seems to me of vast importance to us to obtain an acknowledgment of our independence from as many other sovereigns as possible, before any conferences for peace shall be opened; because, if that event should take place first, and the powers at war with Great Britain, their armies, navies, and people, weary of the war and clamoring for peace, there is no knowing what hard conditions may be insisted on from us, nor into what embarrassments British arts and obstinacy may plunge us.

By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance, the contracting parties agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received injuries from Great Britain to accede to that treaty. If Russia and the northern powers, or any of them, should be involved in the war in support of the Dutch, would it not be a proper opportunity for the execution of this article? Or, why would it not be proper now to invite the Dutch?

I have the honor to inclose a memorial to their High Mightinesses. My mission is now a subject of deliberation among the regencies of the several cities and the bodies of nobles who compose the sovereignty of this country. It is not probable that any determination will be had soon. They will probably confer with Russia and the northern powers about it first. Perhaps, if these come into the war, nothing will be done but in concert with them. But if these do not come into the war, this republic, I think, in that case, will readily accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America; for all ideas of peace with England are false and delusive. England will make peace with the Dutch upon no other condition than their joining her in the war against all her enemies, which it is impossible for them to do, even if their inclinations were that way, which they are not. The public voice here is well decided against England.

I have the honor to be much of your Excellency’s opinion respecting duties. I mentioned tobacco, to show what duties America was able to bear. Whatever sums a people are able to bear in duties upon exports or imports upon the decencies, conveniences, or necessaries of life, they are undoubtedly able to raise by a dry tax upon polls and estates, provided it is equally proportioned. Nay, more, because the expense of collecting and guarding against frauds is saved.

Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue; and whenever these shall become general, I think there can be no difficulty in carrying on the war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 1 June, 1781.

Sir,—

Inclosed are two letters,—one to the president of their High Mightinesses, and the other to the secretary of the Prince,—which, after you have perused, I should be obliged to you to superscribe, seal, and deliver, yourself, or send by the post, as you shall judge most proper. The way of the post would avoid all questions and disagreements, and, therefore, perhaps is best.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-GENERAL.

Amsterdam, 1 June, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received from my sovereign, the United States of America, in congress assembled, their express instructions to notify to their High Mightinesses, the states-general, the complete and final ratification of the confederation of the Thirteen United States, from New Hampshire to Georgia, both included, on the 1st day of March last.

I do myself the honor to inclose an authentic copy of this important act, and to request the favor of you, sir, to communicate it to their High Mightinesses in such a manner as you shall judge most convenient; as in the present circumstances of affairs I know of no more proper mode of discharging this part of my duty.1

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. BÉRENGER TO JOHN ADAMS.

A La Haie, le 5 Juin, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Je viens de recevoir une lettre de M. le Comte de Vergennes par laquelle il m’ordonne d’avoir l’honneur de vous dire, que les intérêts des États Unis exigent votre présence à Paris, et qu’il désireroit que vous voulussiez bien vous y rendre, aussitôt que vos affaires en Hollande vous le permettront. Je vous supplie, monsieur, de me faire part de vos intentions à cet égard, afin que je puisse en informer M. le Comte de Vergennes. J’ose me flatter que vous me donnerez cette marque de bonté, et que vous serez bien persuadé du plaisir que j’ai à saisir cette occasion de vous offrir l’hommage du dévouement et du respect avec lesquels j’ai l’honneur d’être, monsieur, &c.

Bérenger,Secrétaire de l’Ambassade de France.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 6 Juin, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Selon vos ordres du 1er du courant, j’ai cacheté de mon cachet la lettre que vous m’avez envoyée pour M. le Président de Leurs Hautes Puissances, et mis de ma main l’addresse en Hollandois, avec le nom de celui qui préside, et qui est le Baron Pallant de Glinthuisen; et je la lui portai hier matin, en lui disant que je l’avois reçûe de M. Adams avec ordre de la lui remettre. Il la reçut sans la décacheter, en me disant de revenir le lendemain, pour apprendre ce qu’il avoit à faire après avoir consulté là-dessus avec ceux dont il devoit prendre l’avis. Je me rendis ce matin chez lui. Il avoit à la main le couvert décacheté, et les papiers. Il me dit que l’adresse, qu’il apprenoit être de ma main, et mon annonce que la lettre étoit de M. Adams, sans ajouter Plenipo. comme elle étoit signée, l’avoit trompé; que si l’on vouloit écrire, c’étoit à L. H. P. et comme particulier, en forme de requête, qu’on devoit le faire; qu’il ne pouvoit se charger de ces papiers; que je devois les reprendre; et sur mon refus, il les a mis dans mon chapeau, en me disant que j’avois tort de vous aviser d’aller si vite.

A moins d’attirer sur moi personellement une noise des plus inégales, je ne pouvois que le laisser faire. J’ai cru seulement devoir lui observer, que vous ne pouviez mettre vous même une adresse que vous ignoriez; et que c’étoit par votre ordre que j’avois mis ce qui m’avoit paru convenir; qu’une preuve que je ne pensois pas à le surprendre, c’est que je lui avois porté moimême la lettre, démarche qui m’avoit paru plus franche, et plus respectueux de ma part à tous égards, que la voie de la poste, dont vous m’aviez laissé l’alternative; que vous ne faisiez point ces démarches de votre chef, encore moins par mon avis, mais par les ordres de votre souverain; qu’il me paroissoit, qu’organe de la parole qu’adresse une nation à l’autre, vous aviez saisi les seules méthodes qui, jusqu’ici, avoient été en votre pouvoir pour la faire parvenir; qu’il me sembloit qu’une preuve authentique de la confédération Américaine finalement complétée et perfectionnée, devoit être regardée par la république comme une pièce importante pour elle-même, et propre à l’éclairer sur les vraies dispositions des États Unis contre l’ennemi de cette république; enfin que je vous ferois, monsieur, un rapport fidèle de ce qui venoit de se passer au sujet de ces papiers; et que j’ignorois ce que vous jugeriez à propos d’en faire ultérieurement.

La personne à qui j’avois fait tenir l’autre lettre, m’a fait prier de passer chez lui cet après-diner; et après m’avoir reçu avec beaucoup de politesse et de cordialité m’a dit et répété expressément, que la restitution qu’il avoit ordre de faire entre mes mains, de la lettre que vous lui aviez écrite, avoit sa raison, ainsi que celle que le président avoit faite de ce qui lui étoit adressé, dans la qualité que vous aviez prise de ministre plénipotentiaire; et que, comme votre admission, en cette qualité, étoit en délibération parmi les provinces respectives, le Prince devoit attendre à cet égard une résolution de L. H. P., comme elles-mêmes devoient attendre là-dessus les instructions de leurs commettants. En un mot, que c’étoit une affaire de pure étiquette; que je devois bien le comprendre, et vous le faire comprendre aussi, avec les égards qu’on a d’ailleurs pour vous, monsieur, personellement.

Il me reste à attendre vos ordres, pour savoir si vous jugez à propos que je vous renvoie les deux lettres et les deux copies, ou que je les garde en dépôt; et d’ajouter que le président m’a dit, que si la lettre lui étoit arrivée par la poste, il n’auroit pu que la supprimer, sans en faire aucun usage.

J’espère qu’en tout ceci vous approuverez la conduite de celui qui est toujours avec le plus grand respect, &c.

C. W. F. Dumas.

TO M. BÉRENGER.

Amsterdam, 8 June, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 5th of this month, informing me that you have received a letter from the Count de Vergennes, by which his Excellency directs you to tell me that the interests of the United States require my presence at Paris, and that he should desire that I would go there as soon as my affairs in Holland will permit me.

I should be extremely obliged to you, sir, if you would confide to me the nature of the business that requires me at Paris, that I might be able to form some judgment, whether it is of so much importance and so pressing as to make it necessary for me to go forthwith.

His Excellency Dr. Franklin, and Colonel Laurens, have arranged affairs in such a manner, that the accounts of the Indian are to be produced to me, and I am to draw bills to discharge them, so that it would retard the departure of that interesting vessel, if I were to go now; and it is of some importance to the public that I should complete my despatches to go to congress by her. I am also unfortunately involved in a good deal of business, in accepting and discharging bills of exchange, a course of business which would be put into some confusion, if I were to go immediately; and the general affairs of congress in this republic might suffer somewhat by my absence. But, notwithstanding all, if I were informed that it is any thing respecting a general pacification, or an invitation of this republic to accede to the alliance between France and the United States, or any other affair of sufficient weight to justify my quitting this post immediately, I would do it. Otherwise, it would, as I humbly conceive, be more for the public interest that I should wait until some of the business that lies upon me here is despatched, and the rest put into a better order. Let me beg the favor of your sentiments, sir. Whenever I go, I must beg the favor of you to furnish me with a passport.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 15 June, 1781.

Sir,—

The long expected courier has at last arrived at the Hague from St. Petersburg. The contents of his despatches are not public, but all hopes of assistance from the armed neutrality seem to be dissipated. The question now is, what is to be done next. Some are for alliances with the House of Bourbon and America; but a thousand fears arise. France, the Emperor, and the Republic, have Provinces so intermixed together in Brabant and Flanders, that it is supposed the Emperor would be much alarmed at an alliance between France and Holland, lest they should soon agree to divide his Provinces between them. The people in these Provinces would, it is supposed, have no objection. They all speak the French language, are of the same religion, and the policy of France in governing conquered Provinces, according to their ancient usages, and with great moderation, has taken away all aversion to a change of masters.

Some people think that an alliance between France and Holland would occasion a general war. This, I think, would be an advantage to America, although philanthropy would wish to prevent the further effusion of human blood.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 23 June, 1781.

Sir,—

The answer from St. Petersburg, as it is given to the public, is this:—

“Her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, declares, that, as much as she has been satisfied with the zeal with which their High Mightinesses have accepted her mediation, so much and more has her compassionate heart been affected with the difficulties formed by the Court of London, in referring the reconciliation with the Republic to a subsequent and general negotiation of peace between all the belligerent powers, under the combined mediation of her Imperial Majesty, and his Majesty the Roman Emperor. As soon as this negotiation shall take place, her Majesty promises beforehand to the Republic all the assistance which depends upon her, to the end that the Republic may, without delay, return into the rank of neutral powers, and thereby enjoy entirely, and without restraint, all the rights and advantages which her accession to the engagements between her Imperial Majesty and the Kings, her high allies, ought to assure to her.

“In this expectation, the intention of her Imperial Majesty is, conjointly with their Majesties, to make immediately a new attempt at the Court of London to persuade that Court to that moderation and those pacific sentiments which their High Mightinesses on their part have manifested. The Empress flatters herself that the times, and the events which may unexpectedly happen, will bring forth circumstances of such a nature as will put her in a situation to make appear, in a manner the most efficacious, her good will and her affection, of which she sincerely desires to be able to give proofs to their High Mightinesses.”

This answer gives great scope to speculation and conjecture; but I shall trouble congress with a very few remarks upon it.

1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion concerning the justice or injustice of the war between Great Britain and the United Provinces, she imputes the ill-success of her mediation between them to the Court of London, and not at all to the Republic.

2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments of their High Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the Court of London for opposite dispositions.

Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English, and a pledge of her imperial honor, at least not to take any part in their favor.

3. It appears that the Court of London has proposed a negotiation for peace between all the belligerent powers, under the mediation of the Empress and the Emperor. But, as it is certain the Court of London does not admit the United States of America to be one of the belligerent powers, and as no other power of Europe, except France, as yet admits it to be a power, it is very plain to me, that the British ministry mean nothing but chicanery, to unman and disarm their enemies with delusive dreams of peace, or to intrigue them or some of them into a peace separately from America, and without deciding our question.

4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted this mediation, nor upon what terms she would accept it. Here we are left to conjecture. The Dutch ambassadors at St. Petersburg wrote last winter to the Hague, that the Empress would not accept of this mediation with the Emperor but upon two preliminary conditions, namely,—that the Court of London should acknowledge the independence of America, and accede to the principles of the late marine treaty, concerning the rights of neutrals. To this she may have since added, that Holland should previously be set at peace and become a neutral power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here, we can only conjecture.

5. It appears that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden have joined, or are to join, the Empress in a new effort with the Court of London, to persuade it to make peace with Holland. But how vigorous or decisive this effort is to be, or what will be the conduct, if they should still be unsuccessful, is left only to conjecture.

6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances which her Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do not, which may give her occasion to show her good will. Here is nothing declared, nothing promised, yet it leaves room to suppose that her Majesty and her high allies may have insisted on conditions from the Court of London, which accepted, may give peace to the Republic, or rejected, may oblige Russia, Sweden, and Denmark to join Holland in the war. But all this is so faint, reserved, and mysterious, that no dependence whatever can be placed upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for a general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it is only an insidious manœuvre of the British ministry, as I am that many powers of Europe, and especially Holland, will be the dupe of it. I confess I should dread a negotiation for a general peace at this time, because I should expect propositions for short truces, uti possidetis, and other conditions, which would leave our trade more embarrassed, our union more precarious, and our liberties at greater hazard than they can be in a continuance of the war; at the same time, it would put us to as constant, and almost as great an expense. Nevertheless, if proposals of peace, or of conferences and negotiations to that end should be proposed to me, which they have not as yet been from any quarter, it will be my duty to attend to them with as much patience and delicacy, too, as if I believed them sincere.

Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any signal assistance from Europe. If all the negotiations of congress can keep up the reputation of the United States so far as to prevent any nation from joining England, it will be much. But there are so many difficulties in doing this, and so many deadly blows are aimed at our reputation for honor, faith, integrity, union, fortitude, and power, even by persons who ought to have the highest opinion of them and the tenderest regard for them, that I confess myself sometimes almost discouraged, and wish myself returning through all the dangers of the enemy to America, where I could not do less, and possibly might do more, for the public good.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haic, 23 Juin, 1781.

Monsieur,—

Je me proposois d’avoir l’honneur de vous écrire demain. Mais S. E. M. l’ambassadeur de France m’ayant fait chercher dans ce moment, pour me dire de vous écrire, que comme vous aviez demandé à M. de Bérenger, Chargé des Affaires de France, les raisons pour lesquelles on souhaîtoit votre présence et un entretien avec vous en France, il savoit ces raisons, et que si vous voulez vous donner la peine de venir ici à la Haie, il vous les communiquera,

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

Dumas.

P. S. Il se passe ici des choses très-intéressantes touchant l’état interne de cette république, dout vous avez sans doute oui parler. C’est une vraie crise, qui se décidera cette semaine ou la prochaine. Je ne crois pas sûr de confier rien de plus au papier sur une affaire aussi délicate, ou d’ailleurs l’Amérique n’est point intéressée, si ce n’est par les suites que peut avoir sa décision. Nous pourrons en causer, si vous venez ici.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.1

Versailles, 7 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that upon an intimation from you, signified to me by M. Bérenger, and afterwards by the Duc de la Vauguyon, that the interests of the United States required me here, I arrived last night in Paris, and am come to-day to Versailles, to pay my respects to your Excellency, and receive your further communications. As your Excellency was in council when I had the honor to call at your office, and as it is very possible that some other day may be more agreeable, I have the honor to request you to appoint the time which will be most convenient for me to wait on you.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant,

John Adams.

The foregoing letter I sent by my servant, who waited until the Count descended from council, when he delivered it into his hand. He broke the seal, read the letter, and said he was very sorry he could not see Mr. Adams, but he was obliged to go into the country immediately after dinner; that Mr. Adams seroit dans le cas de voir M. de Rayneval, who lived at such a sign in such a street. After dinner, I called on M. Rayneval, who said,—M. le Duc de la Vauguyon has informed me, that there is a question of a pacification, under the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, and that it was necessary that I should have some consultations at leisure with the Count de Vergennes, that we might understand each other’s views; that he would see the Count to-morrow morning, and write me when he would meet me; that they had not changed their principles or their system; that the treaties were the foundation of all negotiation. I said,—that I lodged at the hotel de Valois, where I did formerly; that I should be ready to wait on the Count when it would be agreeable to him, and to confer with him upon every thing relative to any propositions which the English might have made. He said the “English had not made any propositions, but it was necessary to consider certain points, and make certain preparatory arrangements, to know whether we were British subjects, or in what light we were to be considered, &c.,” smiling. I said, I was not a British subject, that I had renounced that character many years ago, forever; and that I should rather be a fugitive in China or Malabar, than ever reassume that character.

On the 9th, was brought me by one of the Count de Vergennes’s ordinary commissaries, the following billet.

M. DE RAYNEVAL TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

Versailles, 9 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inform you, that the Count de Vergennes would like to have an interview with you, and that it would give him pleasure if you would meet him here on Wednesday next, at nine o’clock in the morning.

Expecting the honor to see you, I have that of being, &c.

Gerard de Rayneval.

TO M. DE RAYNEVAL.

Paris, 9 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have this moment the honor of your billet of this day’s date, and will do myself the honor to wait on his Excellency the Count de Vergennes at his office, on Wednesday next, at nine o’clock in the morning, according to his desire.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

Accordingly, on Wednesday, I went to Versailles, and met the Count at his office, with M. de Rayneval, at nine o’clock, who communicated to me the following articles proposed by the two Imperial Courts;1 that Spain had prepared her answers; that of France was nearly ready; did not know that England had yet answered.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 11 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have only time by Major Jackson, to inform congress, that upon information from the Count de Vergennes, that questions concerning peace, under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, were in agitation, that required my presence here, I undertook the journey, and arrived here last Friday night, the 6th of the month, and have twice waited on the Count de Vergennes at Versailles, who this day communicated to me the inclosed propositions.

These propositions are made to all the belligerent powers, by the Courts of Petersburg and Vienna, in consequence of some wild propositions made to them by the Court of London, “that they would undertake the office of mediators, upon condition that the league, as they call it, between France and their rebel subjects in America should be dissolved, and these left to make their terms with Great Britain, after having returned to their allegiance and obedience.”

France and Spain have prepared their answers to these propositions of the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired to give my answer to the articles inclosed. It is not in my power at this time to inclose to congress my answer, because I have not made it, nor written it, but congress must see, that nothing can come of this manœuvre, at least for a long time. Thus much I may say, that I have no objection to the proposition of treating with the English separately, in the manner proposed, upon a peace, and a treaty of commerce with them, consistent with our engagements with France and Spain; but that the armistice never can be agreed to by me. The objections against it are as numerous as they are momentous and decisive. I may say further, that as there is no judge upon earth, of a sovereign power, but the nation that composes it, I can never agree to the mediation of any powers, however respectable, until they have acknowledged our sovereignty, so far at least as to admit a minister plenipotentiary from the United States, as the representative of a free and independent power. After this, we might discuss questions of peace or truce with Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty, but not before.

I fancy, however, that congress will be applied to for their sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their instructions, because I have a full confidence, that nothing will will be decided by them, but what will be consistent with their character and dignity. Peace will only be retarded by relaxations and concessions, whereas firmness, patience, and perseverance will insure us a good and lasting one in the end. The English are obliged to keep up the talk of peace, to lull their enemies, and to sustain their credit. But I hope the people of America will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them real peace, but skilful and successful war.

I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

John Adams.

Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the Reëstablishment of Peace.

(Translation.)

ARTICLE I.

The reëstablishment of peace in America shall be negotiated between Great Britain and the American Colonies, but without the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, not even that of the two Imperial Courts, unless their mediation should be formally asked and granted upon this object.

ARTICLE II.

This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, but conjointly and at the same time with that of the powers whose interests shall have been negotiated by the mediating courts. With that proviso, although each peace may be separately treated, yet, since they cannot be conclnded without each other, care shall be taken to inform the mediators constantly of the progress and state of that which regards Great Britain and the Colonies, to the end that the mediation may be able to regulate itself for the guidance of the negotiation under its own protection, by the state of that relating to the Colonies; and both of the pacifications, which shall have been concluded at the same time, although separately, shall be solemnly guaranteed by the mediating courts, and every other neutral power, whose guaranty the belligerent parties may think proper to claim.

ARTICLE III.

To render the negotiations for peace independent of the events of war, always uncertain, which might put a stop to, or at least retard their progress, there shall be a general armistice between all parties during the term of one year, reckoning from NA of the month of NA of the present year; or of NA years, reckoning from NA of the month of NA of the year 1782. Should it happen that peace should not be reëstablished in the first period, and during either of these periods, all things shall remain in the state in which they shall be found to have been on the day of signing the present preliminary articles.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, 13 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency some remarks upon the articles to serve as a basis of the negotiation for the reëstablishment of peace, which you did me the honor to communicate to me.

As I am unacquainted, whether you desired my sentiments upon these articles merely for your own government, or with a design to communicate them to the Imperial Courts, I should be glad of your Excellency’s advice concerning them. If your Excellency is of opinion there is any thing exceptionable, or which ought to be altered, I should be glad to correct it; or if I have not perceived the points, or questions, upon which you desired my opinion, I shall be ready to give any further answers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

Answer of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the Reëstablishment of Peace.

Article i. The United States of America have no objection, provided their allies have none, to a treaty with Great Britain, concerning the reëstablishment of peace in America, or to another concerning the reëstablishment of commerce between the two nations, consistent with their obligations to France and Spain, without the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, and even without that of the two Imperial Courts; at least, unless their mediation should be formally demanded and granted upon this object, according to the first article communicated to me.

Article ii. The United States have nothing to say, provided their allies have not, against the second article.

Article iii. To the armistice, and the statu quo, in the third article, the United States have very great objections; which, indeed, are so numerous and decisive, and at the same time so obvious, as to make it unnecessary to state them in detail.

The idea of a truce is not suggested in these articles; but as it is mentioned in some observations shown me by his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, it may be necessary for me to add, that the United States are so deeply impressed with an apprehension, that any truce whatsoever would not fail to be productive of another long and bloody war at the termination of it, and that a short truce would be in many ways highly dangerous to them, that it would be with great reluctance that they should enter into any discussion at all upon such a subject.

Two express conditions would be indispensable preliminaries to their taking into consideration the subject of a truce at all. The first is,—that their allies agree, that the treaties now subsisting remain in full force during and after the truce, until the final acknowledgment of their independence by Great Britain. The second is,—the antecedent removal of the British land and naval armaments from every part of the United States. Upon these two express conditions as preliminaries, if a truce should be proposed for so long a period, or for an indefinite period, requiring so long notice, previous to a renewal of hostilities, as to evince that it is on the part of Great Britain a virtual relinquishment of the object of the war, and an expedient only to avoid the mortification of an express acknowledgment of the independence and sovereignty of the United States, they, with the concurrence of their allies, might accede to it.

It is requisite, however, to add; first, that the United States cannot consider themselves bound by this declaration, unless it should be agreed to before the opening of another campaign. Secondly, that it is not in the power of the Crown of Great Britain, by the constitution of that kingdom, to establish any truce, or even armistice with the United States, which would not be illusory without the intervention of an act of parliament, repealing or suspending all their statutes, which have any relation to the United States, or any of them. Without this, every officer of the navy would be bound by the laws, according to the maxims of their constitution, to seize every American vessel that he should find, whose papers and destination should not be found conformable to those statutes, and every French, Spanish, Dutch, or other foreign vessel, which he should find going to, or coming from America, notwithstanding any convention that it is in the power of the Crown to make.

After all, the greatest difficulty does not lie in any thing as yet mentioned. The great question is, in what character are the United States to be considered? They know themselves to be a free, sovereign, and independent State, of right and in fact. They are considered and acknowledged as such by France. They cannot be represented in a congress of ministers from the several powers of Europe, whether their representative is called ambassador, minister, or agent, without an acknowledgment of their independence, of which the very admission of a representative from them is an avowal. Great Britain cannot agree with their representative upon a truce or even an armistice, without admitting their freedom and independence.

As there is upon earth no judge of a sovereign State but the nation that composes it, the United States can never consent that their independence shall be discussed or called in question by any sovereign or sovereigns, however respectable, nor can their interests be made a question in any congress in which their character is not acknowledged and their minister admitted. If, therefore, the two Imperial Courts would acknowledge and lay down as a preliminary the sovereignty of the United States, and admit their minister to a congress, after this, a treaty might be commenced between the minister of Great Britain and the minister of the United States, relative to a truce, or peace and commerce in the manner proposed, without any express acknowledgment of their sovereignty by Great Britain, until the treaty should be concluded.

The sovereigns of Europe have a right to negotiate concerning their own interests, and to deliberate concerning the question, whether it is consistent with their dignity and interests to acknowledge expressly the sovereignty of the United States, and to make treaties with them by their ministers in a congress or otherwise, and America could make no objection to it; but neither the United States nor France can ever consent that the existence of their sovereignty shall be made a question in such congress; because, let that congress determine as it might, their sovereignty, with submission only to Divine Providence, never can, and never will be given up.

As the British Court, in first suggesting the idea of a congress to the Imperial Courts, insisted upon the annihilation of the league, as they were pleased to call it, between France and their rebel subjects, as they were pleased again to phrase it, and upon the return of these to their allegiance and obedience, as preliminaries to any congress or mediation, there is too much reason to fear that the British ministry have no serious intentions or sincere dispositions for peace, and that they mean nothing but amusement. Because the support of the sovereignty of the United States was the primary object of the war on the part of France and America; the destruction of it, that of Great Britain. If, therefore, the treaty between France and America were annulled, and the Americans returned to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, there would be no need of troubling all Europe with a congress to make peace. All points between France, Spain, and Great Britain might be easily adjusted among themselves. Surely the affairs of Great Britain are in no part of the world so triumphant, nor those of any of their enemies so adverse, as to give this ministry any serious hopes that France and America will renounce the object of the war. There must, therefore, be some other view.

It is not difficult to penetrate the design of the British ministry upon this, any more than upon many former occasions. They think that a distrust of them, and a jealousy that they would not adhere with good faith to the propositions of reconciliation which they have made from time to time, were, in the minds of the Americans, the true cause why these propositions were not accepted. They now think, that, by prevailing on the two Imperial Courts and other Courts, to warranty to the Americans any similar terms they may propose to them, they shall remove this obstacle; and, by this means, although they know that no public authority in America will agree to such terms, they think they shall be able to represent things in such a light as to induce many desertions from the American army and many apostacies from the American independence and alliance. In this way they pursue their long practised arts of seduction, deception, and division. In these again, as in so many former attempts, they would find themselves disappointed, and would make very few deserters or apostates. But it is to be hoped that the powers of Europe will not give to these superficial artifices, with which that ministry have so long destroyed the repose of the United States and of the British dominions at home and abroad, and disturbed the tranquillity of Europe, so much attention as to enable them to continue much longer such evils to mankind.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 15 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose a copy of a letter to the Count de Vergennes, and of certain articles and their answers. The British Court proposed to the Imperial Courts, a congress, upon two preliminary conditions, the rupture of the treaty with France, and the return of America to their obedience. The two Imperial Courts have since proposed the inclosed articles. Spain and France have prepared their answers. England has not answered yet, and no ministers are yet commissioned or appointed by any power. If she accepts the terms, I should not scruple to accept them too, excepting the armistice and the statu quo. I mean I should not insist upon a previous explicit acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States, before I went to Vienna. I see nothing inconsistent with the character or dignity of the United States, in their minister going to Vienna, at the same time when ministers from the other powers are there, and entering into treaty with a British minister without any explicit acknowledgment of our independence before the conclusion of the treaty. The very existence of such a congress would be of use to our reputation.

But I cannot yet believe that Britain will waive her preliminaries. She will still insist upon the dissolution of the treaty, and upon the return of the Americans under her government. This, however, will do no honor to her moderation or pacific sentiments, in the opinion of the powers of Europe.

Something may grow out of these negotiations in time, but it will probably be several years before any thing can be done. Americans can only quicken these negotiations by decisive strokes. No depredations upon their trade, no conquests of their possessions in the East or West Indies will have any effect upon the English to induce them to make peace, while they see they have an army in the United States, and can flatter themselves with the hope of conquering or regaining America; because they think that with America under their government, they can easily regain whatever they may lose now in any part of the world. Whereas, the total expulsion of their forces in the United States would extinguish their hopes, and persuade them to peace, sooner than the loss of every thing else. The belligerent powers and the neutral powers may flatter themselves with the hopes of a restoration of peace, but they will all be disappointed while the English have a soldier in America. It is amazing to me that France and Spain do not see it, and direct their forces accordingly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.1

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, 16 July, 1781.

Sir,—

Since my letter of the 13th, upon further reflection, I have thought it necessary to explain myself a little more particularly in some points, to your Excellency. If I comprehend the facts, the British Court first proposed to the Imperial Courts a congress and a mediation, upon two conditions. 1st. The dissolution of the treaties between France and the United States. 2d. The return of the Americans under the British government.

In consequence of this proposal from the Court of St. James, the two Imperial Courts have made the proposition of the articles which were shown to me to the Courts of France, Spain, and England, neither of which has yet given its answer. Their Imperial Majesties have omitted the two conditions which the British Court insisted on as preliminaries, and mean to admit a representative of the United States to the congress to negotiate separately with the British minister, without ascertaining the title or character of the American representative, until the two pacifications shall be accomplished.

I am in my own mind apprehensive, though I devoutly wish I may be mistaken, that the British Court, in their answer to the articles, will adhere to their two preliminaries. It is very convenient for the English to hold up the idea of peace; it serves them to relieve their credit at certain times, when it is in distress; it serves to disconcert the projects of the neutral powers, to their disadvantage; it enables their friends in the United Provinces to keep the Dutch nation in that state of division, sloth, and inactivity, from which they derive so much plunder with so much safety. But I cannot persuade myself that the English will soberly think of peace while they have any military force in the United States, and can preserve a gleam of hope of conquering or regaining America. While this hope remains, no depredations on their commerce, no loss of dominions in the East or West Indies, will induce them to make peace; because they think, that with America reunited to them, they could easily regain whatever they may now lose. This opinion of theirs may be extravagant and enthusiastical, and they would not find it so easy to recover their losses; but they certainly entertain it, and while it remains, I fear they will not make peace.

Yet it seems they have negotiated themselves into a delicate situation. If they should obstinately adhere to their two preliminaries, against the advice of the two Imperial Courts, this might seriously affect their reputation, if they have any, for moderation and for pacific dispositions, not only in those Courts, but in all the Courts and countries of Europe; and they would not easily answer it to their own subjects who are weary of the war. Peace is so desirable an object, that humanity, as well as policy, demands of every nation at war a serious attention to every proposition which seems to have a tendency to it, although there may be grounds to suspect that the first proposer of it was not sincere. I think that no power can judge the United States unreasonable in not agreeing to the statu quo or the armistice. But perhaps I have not been sufficiently explicit upon another point.

The proposal of a separate treaty between the British minister and the representative of the United States seems to be a benevolent invention to avoid several difficulties; among others, first, that England may be allowed to save her national pride, by thinking and saying that the independence of America was agreed to voluntarily, and was not dictated to her by France or Spain; secondly, to avoid the previous acknowledgment of American independence and the previous ascertaining the title and character of the American representative, which the Imperial Courts may think would be a partiality inconsistent with the character of mediators and even of neutrals, especially as England has uniformly considered any such step as a hostility against them; though I know not upon what law of nations or of reason.

I cannot see that the United States would make any concession or submit to any indignity, or do any thing inconsistent with their character, if their minister should appear at Vienna or elsewhere with the ministers of other powers, and conduct any negotiation with a British minister, without having the independence of the United States, or his own title and character acknowledged or ascertained by any other power, except France, until the pacification should be concluded. I do not see that America would lose any thing by this, any more than by having a minister in any part of Europe with his character unacknowledged by all the powers of Europe. In order to remove every embarrassment, therefore, as much as possible, if your Excellency should be of the same opinion, and advise me to it, I would withdraw every objection to the congress on the part of the United States, and decline nothing but the statu quo and the armistice, against which such reasons might be given, as I think would convince all men that the United States are bound to refuse them. If your Excellency should think it necessary for me to assign these reasons particularly, I will attempt some of them; but it is sufficient for me to say to your Excellency that my positive instructions forbid me to agree either to the armistice or statu quo.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

Versailles, 18 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write to me on the 13th instant. It was owing to the confidence I placed in your information and in your zeal for your country, that I intrusted to you the propositions of the two Imperial Courts, and requested that you would make such observations as you might think them susceptible of. Things are not yet sufficiently advanced to admit of communicating them to the two mediating Courts. As you have seen in the sketch of our answer, there are preliminaries to be adjusted with respect to the United States, and, so long as they are not adjusted, you cannot appear, and, consequently, you cannot permit yourself the smallest ministerial act in the face of the two mediators. By so doing, you would expose yourself to the risk of compromising to no purpose (en pure perte) the character with which you are invested.

I have the honor to be, &c.

De Vergennes.1

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, 18 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received the letter which your Excellency did me the honor to write me this day. I assure your Excellency I never had a thought of appearing upon the scene, or of taking ministerially or otherwise any step towards the two mediators. I must confess to your Excellency that I have too many jealousies of the motives, and too many apprehensions of the consequences of this negotiation, to be willing to take any part in it without an express vocation. The English are tottering on such a precipice, and are in such a temper, that they will not hesitate at any measure which they think can move every latent passion, and awaken every dormant interest in Europe in order to embroil all the world. Without looking much to consequences, or weighing whether the quarrels they wish to excite will be serviceable to them or not, they seem to think the more confusion they can make the better; for which reason my fears from the proposed mediation are greater than my hopes.

Nevertheless, if properly called upon, it will be my duty to attend to every step of it; but there are many questions arise in my mind, upon which, in due time, I should wish to know your Excellency’s opinion.

The two Imperial Courts have proposed that there should be an American representative at the congress. This is not merely by implication, but expressly acknowledging, that there is a belligerent power in America of sufficient importance to be taken notice of by them and the other powers of Europe. One would think after this, that the two Imperial Courts would have communicated their propositions to congress. The propositions they have made and communicated to the Courts of France, Spain, and England, imply that America is a power, a free and independent power, as much as if they had communicated them also to congress at Philadelphia. Without such a formal communication and an invitation to the United States in congress, or to their representative here, by the two Imperial Courts, I do not see how an American minister can, with strict propriety, appear at the proposed congress at Vienna at all. I have never heard it intimated that they have transmitted their propositions to Philadelphia; certainly I have received no instructions from thence, nor have I received any intimations of such propositions from any minister of either of the mediating Courts, although, as my mission has been long public and much talked of, I suppose it was well known to both that there was a person in Europe vested by America with power to make peace. It seems, therefore, that one step more might have been taken, perfectly consistent with the first, and that it may yet be taken, and that it is but reasonable to expect that it will be.

How is the American minister to know that there is a congress, and that it is expected that he should repair to it? and that any minister from Great Britain will meet him there? Is the British Court or their ambassador to give him notice? This seems less probable than that the mediators should do it.

The dignity of North America does not consist in diplomatic ceremonials or any of the subtleties of etiquette; it consists solely in reason, justice, truth, the rights of mankind, and the interests of the nations of Europe, all of which, well understood, are clearly in her favor. I shall, therefore, never make unnecessary difficulties on the score of etiquette, and shall never insist upon any thing of this sort which your Excellency or some other minister of our allies does not advise me to as indispensable; and, therefore, I shall certainly go to Vienna or elsewhere, if your Excellency should invite or advise me to go. But, as these reflections occurred to me upon the point of propriety, I thought it my duty to mention them to your Excellency.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, 19 July, 1781.

Sir,—

In my letter of the 18th I had the honor to mention some things which lay upon my mind; but still I am apprehensive that, in a former letter, I have not conveyed my full meaning to your Excellency.

In my letter of the 16th I submitted to your Excellency’s opinion and advice, whether an American minister could appear at the congress at Vienna without having his character acknowledged by any power more expressly than it is now. This was said upon the supposition, and taking it for granted, that it was the intention of the mediating Courts to admit a representative of the United States to the congress with such a commission and such a title as the United States should think fit to give him, and that during his whole residence and negotiations at Vienna, whether they should terminate in peace or not, he should enjoy all the prerogatives which the law of nations has annexed to the character, person, habitation, and attendants of such a minister. It is impossible that there should be a treaty at Vienna between Great Britain and the people of America, whether they are called United States or American Colonies, unless both nations appear there by representatives, who must be authorized by commissions or full powers, which must be mutually exchanged, and consequently admitted to be what upon the face of them they purport to be.

The commission from the United States for making peace, which has been in Europe almost two years, is that of a minister plenipotentiary; and it authorizes him to treat only with ministers vested with equal powers. If he were to appear at Vienna, he would certainly assume the title and character of a minister plenipotentiary, and could enter into no treaty or conference with any minister from Great Britain, until they had mutually exchanged authentic copies of their full powers. This, it is true, would be an implied acknowledgment of his character and title and of those of the United States too; but such an acknowledgment is indispensable, because without it there can be no treaty at all. In consequence, he would expect to enjoy all the prerogatives of that character; and the moment they should be denied him, he must quit the congress, let the consequences be what they might.

And, I rely upon it, this is the intention of the two Imperial Courts; because, otherwise, they would have proposed the congress upon the basis of the two British preliminaries,—a rupture of the treaty with France, and a return of the Americans to their submission to Great Britain; and because I cannot suppose it possible that the Imperial Courts could believe the Americans capable of such infinite baseness as to appear upon the stage of the universe to acknowledge themselves guilty of rebellion, and supplicate for grace; nor can I suppose they meant to fix a brand of disgrace upon the Americans in the sight of all nations, or to pronounce judgment against them; one or all of which suppositions must be made before it can be believed that these Courts did not mean to protect the American representative in the enjoyment of the privileges attached to the character he must assume; and because, otherwise, all their propositions would be to no effect, for no congress at Vienna can make either the one or the other of the two proposed peaces without the United States.

But, upon looking over again the words of the first article, there seems to be room for dispute, of which a British minister, in the present state of his country, would be capable of taking advantage. The terms used seem to be justly exceptionable. There are no “American Colonies” at war with Great Britain. The power at war is the United States of America. No American Colonies have any representative in Europe, unless Nova Scotia or Quebec or some of the West India Islands may have an agent in London. The word colony, in its usual acceptation, implies a metropolis, a mother country, a superior political governor, ideas which the United States have long since renounced forever.

I am therefore clear in my own opinion that a more explicit declaration ought to be insisted on, and that no American representative ought to appear without an express assurance that, while the congress lasts, and in going to it and returning from it, he shall be considered as a minister plenipotentiary from the United States of America, and entitled to all the prerogatives of such a minister from a sovereign power. The congress might be to him and to his country but a snare, unless the substance of this is bonâ fide intended; and, if it is intended, there can be no sufficient reason for declining to express it in words.

If there is a power upon earth that imagines that America will ever appear at a congress before a minister of Great Britain or any other power, in the character of repenting subjects, soliciting an amnesty or a warranty of an amnesty, that power is infinitely deceived. There are few Americans who would hold their lives upon such terms. I know of none who would not rather choose to appear upon a scaffold in their own country or in Great Britain. All such odious ideas ought to be laid aside by the British ministry before they propose mediations. The bare mention of such a thing to the United States by Great Britain would be considered only as another repetition of injury and insult. The proposal of a rupture of the treaty is little less to France. But it is possible, that in the future course of this negotiation there may be a proposal of a congress of ministers of the several mediating and belligerent powers, exclusive of the United States, to deliberate on the question, in what character the United States are to be considered, whether a representative of the people of North America can be admitted, and what shall be his title and privileges.

All that I can say to this case at present is this. The United States have assumed their equal station among the nations. They have assumed a sovereignty which they acknowledge to hold only from God and their own swords. They can be represented only as a sovereign; and, therefore, although they might not be able to prevent it, they can never consent that any of these things shall be made questions. To give their consent, would be to make the surrender of their sovereignty their own act.

France has acknowledged all these things, and bound her honor and faith to the support of them, and, therefore, although she might not be able to prevent it, she can never consent that they should be disputed. Her consent would make the surrender of the American sovereignty her act. And what end can it answer to dispute them, unless it be to extend the flames of war? If Great Britain had a color of reason for pretending that France’s acknowledgment of American independence was a hostility against her, the United States would have a stronger reason to say, that a denial of their sovereignty was a declaration of war against them. And as France is bound to support their sovereignty, she would have reason to say, that a denial of it is a hostility against her. If any power of Europe has an inclination to join England and declare war against France and the United States, there is no need of a previous congress to enable her to do it with more solemnity, or to furnish her with plausible pretexts. But, on the other hand, if the powers of Europe are persuaded of the justice of the American pretensions, and think it their duty to humanity to endeavor to bring about peace, they may easily propose that the character of the United States shall be acknowledged and their minister admitted.

I cannot but persuade myself that the two Imperial Courts are convinced of the justice of the American cause, of the stability of the American sovereignty, and of the propriety and necessity of an acknowledgment of it by all the powers of Europe. This, I think, may be fairly and conclusively inferred from the propositions themselves. Was there ever an example of a congress of the powers of Europe to exhort, to influence, to overawe the rebellious subjects of any one of them into obedience? Is not every sovereign adequate to the government, punishment, or pardon of its own criminal subjects? Would it not be a precedent mischievous to mankind and tending to universal despotism, if a sovereign which has been proved to be unequal to the reformation or chastisement of the pretended crimes of its own subjects should be countenanced in calling in the aid of all or any of the other powers of Europe to assist it? It is quite sufficient that England has already been permitted to hire twenty thousand German troops, and to have the number annually recruited for seven years, in addition to her own whole force; it is quite sufficient that she has been permitted to seduce innumerable tribes of savages, in addition to both, to assist her in propagating her system of tyranny, and committing her butcheries in America, without being able to succeed. After all this, which is notorious to all Europe, it is impossible to believe that the Imperial Courts mean to give their influence in any degree towards bringing America to submission to Great Britain.

It seems to me, therefore, most certain that the Imperial Courts perceive that American independence must be acknowledged; and, if this is so, I think there can be no objection against ascertaining the character of the American minister before any congress meets, so that he may take his place in it as soon as it opens.

But, if any sentiments of delicacy should induce those Courts to think it necessary to wait for Great Britain to set the example of such acknowledgment, one would think it necessary to wait until that power shall discover some symptoms of an inclination that way. A congress would have no tendency, that I know of, to give her such a disposition; on the contrary, a congress in which Great Britain should be represented, and France and the United States not, would only give her an opportunity of forming parties, propagating prejudices and partial notions, and blowing up the coals of war.1

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, 21 July, 1781.

Sir,—

Since my letter of the 19th, another point has occurred to me, upon which it seems necessary that I should say something to your Excellency before my departure for Holland, which will be on Monday morning.

An idea has, I perceive, been suggested of the several States of America choosing agents separately to attend the congress at Vienna, in order to make peace with Great Britain, so that there would be thirteen instead of one. The constitution of the United States, or their confederation, which has been solemnly adopted and ratified by each of them, has been officially and authentically notified to their Majesties, the Kings of France and Spain, and to their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, and communicated to all the other Courts and nations of the world, as far as all the gazettes of Europe are able to spread it; so that it is now as well and universally known as any constitution of government in Europe. By this constitution, all power and authority of negotiating with foreign powers is expressly delegated to the United States in congress assembled. It would, therefore, be a public disrespect and contempt offered to the constitution of the nation, if any power should make any application whatever to the governors or legislature of the separate States. In this respect the American constitution is very different from the Batavian. If the two Imperial Courts should address their articles to the States separately, no governor or president of any one of those commonwealths could even communicate it to the legislature; no president of a senate could lay it before the body over which he presides; no speaker of a house of representatives could read it to the house. It would be an error and a misdemeanor in any of these officers to receive and communicate any such letter. All that he could do, would be, after breaking the seal and reading it, to send it back. He could not even legally transmit it to congress. If such an application, therefore, should be made and sent back, it would consume much time to no purpose, and perhaps have other worse effects.

There is no method for the Courts of Europe to convey any thing to the people of America but through the congress of the United States, nor any way of negotiating with them but by means of that body. I must, therefore, entreat your Excellency, that the idea of summoning ministers from thirteen States may not be countenanced at all.

I know very well, that if each State had in the confederation reserved to itself a right of negotiating with foreign powers, and such an application should have been made to them separately upon this occasion, they would all of them separately refer it to congress, because the people universally know and are well agreed, that all connections with foreign countries must, in their circumstances, be made under one direction. But all these things were very maturely considered in framing the confederation, by which the people of each State have taken away from themselves even the right of deliberating and debating upon these affairs, unless they should be referred to them by congress for their advice, or unless they should think proper to instruct their delegates in congress of their own accord.

This matter may not appear to your Excellency in so important a light as it does to me, and the thought of such an application to the United States may not have been seriously entertained; but as it has been mentioned, although only in a way of transient speculation, I thought I could not excuse myself from saying something upon it, because I know it would be considered in so unfavorable a light in America, that I am persuaded congress would think themselves bound to remonstrate against it in the most solemn manner.1

I have the honor to be. &c. &c.

John Adams.

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, 21 July, 1781.

Sir,—

I do not find by President Huntington’s letter-book that he has forwarded the within resolve1 of July 12th, respecting your powers of September 29, 1779. Therefore I take the opportunity of two vessels which are to sail in a few days, to communicate it doubly.

Your humble servant,

James Lovell,for the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

(Private. Partly in Cipher.)

The whole of the proceedings here in regard to your two commissions are, I think, ill judged; but I persuade myself no dishonor was for you intended. The business greatly, in every view, chagrins me. This you will have learned from my former letters written in a half light.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 3 August, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose copies of some papers which passed between the Count de Vergennes and me lately at Paris. The conjecture, that the British Court would insist upon their two preliminaries, is become more probable by the publication of the King’s speech at the prorogation of parliament.

“The zeal and ardor which you have shown for the honor of my crown,” says the King, “your firm and steady support of a just cause, and the great efforts you have made to enable me to surmount all the difficulties of this extensive and complicated war, must convince the world that the ancient spirit of the British nation is not abated or diminished.

“While I lament the continuance of the present troubles and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of all my counsels has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and to see the tranquillity of Europe restored.

“To defend the dominions, and to maintain the rights of this country, was, on my part, the sole cause, and is the object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart; but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, the powerful assistance of my parliament, and the protection of a just and all-ruling Providence, to accept it upon any other terms or conditions than such as may consist with the honor and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interest and security of my people.”

We all know very well what his meaning is, when he mentions “the honor and dignity of his crown, and the permanent interest and security of his people.” Could the minister who composed this speech expect that anybody would believe him when he said, that the constant aim of all his counsels had been to bring back the Americans to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed?

The whole of this speech is in a strain which leaves no room to doubt that the cabinet of St. James is yet resolved to persevere in the war to the last extremity, and to insist still upon the return of America to British obedience, and upon the rupture of the treaty with France, as preliminaries to the congress at Vienna. Thus, the two Imperial Courts will find themselves trifled with by the British. It is not to be supposed that either will be the voluntary bubble of such trickish policy. The Empress of Russia is supposed to be as sagacious as she is spirited; yet she seems to have given some attention to the pacific professions of the English. If she should see herself intentionally deceived, she will not probably be very patient.

The Emperor, in his late journey through Holland, made himself the object of the esteem and admiration of all; affable and familiar, as a great sovereign can ever allow himself to be with dignity, he gave to many persons unequivocal intimations of his sentiments upon public affairs. Patriotism seemed to be the object which he wished to distinguish. Whoever espoused with zeal the honor and interest of his own country was sure of some mark of his approbation; whoever appeared to countenance another country in preference to his own, found some symptom of his dislike; even the ladies, French or Dutch, who had any of the English modes in their dress, received from his Majesty some intimation of his disapprobation of their taste. Everybody here, since his departure, is confident of his entire detestation of the principles on which the English have conducted this war, and of his determination to take no part in it in their favor. His sentiments concerning America are inferred from a very singular anecdote, which is so well attested, that it may not be improper to mention it to congress.

His Majesty condescended in a certain company to inquire after the minister of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses; said he was acquainted with his name and character, and should be glad to see him. A lady in company asked his Majesty if he would drink tea with him at her house. He replied in the affirmative, in the character of the Count of Falkenstein. A lady in company undertook to form the party; but, upon inquiry, the American was at Paris. It is supposed, with good reason, that there could be nothing personal in this curiosity, and, therefore, that it was intended as a political signification of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.

Thus it is, that the words, gestures, and countenances of sovereigns are watched, and political inferences drawn from them; but there is too much uncertainty in this science to depend much upon it. It seems, however, that the Emperor made himself so popular here as to excite some appearance of jealousy in Prussia. For my own part, I think that the greatest political stroke which the two Imperial sovereigns could make, would be, upon receiving the answer from England adhering to her preliminaries, immediately to declare the United States independent. It would be to their immortal honor; it would be in the character of each of these extraordinary geniuses; it would be a blessing to mankind; it would even be friendship to England.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 16 August, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I yesterday received despatches from congress refusing for the present, the dismission I had requested, and ordering me upon an additional service, that of being joined with yourself and Messrs. Jay, H. Laurens, and T. Jefferson, in negotiations for peace. I would send you a copy of the commission, and of another which authorizes us to accept of the mediation of the Emperor and the Empress of Russia, but that I suppose you may have them in the inclosed packet. I shall be glad to learn from your Excellency what steps have already been taken in this important business.

With great regard, &c.

B. Franklin.

(Inclosed in the Preceding.)

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, 20 June, 1781.

Sir,—

You will receive inclosed a letter addressed to his Most Christian Majesty, with a copy of the same for your information.

Also a commission constituting the four gentlemen therein named, in addition to yourself, our ministers for negotiating peace. Also another commission and duplicate, authorizing them to accept of the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and Empress of Russia, in one of which you will observe the Emperor is first named, and in the other the Empress. These are to be made use of as circumstances shall render expedient.1

I have also inclosed instructions (in cipher) for your government, in addition to those formerly given you for negotiating peace with Great Britain.

You will immediately communicate the receipt of these despatches to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay, to whom duplicates are also forwarded with similar directions.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Samuel Huntington,President.

P. S. Since writing the foregoing, for want of another conveyance, I have determined to send this by the same conveyance that carries the duplicates to Dr. Franklin. I have therefore taken out the letter to the King of France and copy mentioned in the foregoing.

S. H.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 16 August, 1781.

Sir,—

Mr. Temple has held offices of such importance, and a rank so considerable in America, before the revolution, that his return to his native country at this time, cannot fail to cause much speculation, and it is to be feared some diversity of sentiments concerning him. As he came from London to Amsterdam, and did me the honor of a visit, in which he opened to me his design of returning, and his sentiments upon many public affairs, it will be expected in America by many, although it has not been requested by Mr. Temple, that I should say something concerning him.

I was never before personally acquainted with this gentleman, but I have long known his public character and private reputation. He was ever reputed a man of very delicate sentiments of honor, of integrity, and of attachment to his native country, although his education, his long residences in England, his numerous connections there, and the high offices he held under the British government, did not even admit of a general opinion, that his sentiments were in all respects perfectly conformable to those of the most popular party in the Colonies. Nevertheless, he was never suspected, to my knowledge, of concurring in, or countenancing any of those many plots which were laid by other officers of the Crown against our liberties, but on the contrary, was known to be the object of their jealousy, revenge, and malice, because he would not. He was, however, intimate with several gentlemen, who stood foremost in opposition, particularly Mr. Otis, who has often communicated to me intelligence of very great importance, which he had from Mr. Temple, and which he certainly could have got no other way, as early I believe as 1763 and 1764, and onwards.

I cannot undertake to vindicate Mr. Temple’s policy in remaining so long in England; but it will be easily in his power to show what kind of company he has kept there; what kind of sentiments and conversation he has maintained, and in what occupations he has employed his time. It is not with a view to recommend Mr. Temple to honors or emoluments, that I write this. It would not be proper for me, and congress know very well, that I have not ventured upon this practice, even in cases where I have much more personal knowledge than in this. But it is barely to prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, jealousies and alarms upon Mr. Temple’s arrival. Many may suspect that he comes with secret and bad designs, in the confidence of the British ministry, of which I do not believe him capable.

Mr. Temple, it is most certain, has fallen from high rank and ample emoluments, merely because he would not join in hostile designs against his country. This, I think, should at least entitle him to the quiet enjoyment of the liberties of his country, and to the esteem of his fellow-citizens, provided there are no just grounds of suspicion of him. And I really think it a testimony due to truth, to say, that after a great deal of the very freest conversation with him, I see no reason to suspect his intentions.

I have taken the liberty to give Mr. Temple my own sentiments concerning the suspicions which have been and are entertained concerning him, and the causes of them, and of all parts of his conduct which have come to my knowledge, with so little disguise, that he will be well apprised of the disappointments he may meet with, if any. I hope, however, that he will meet a more friendly reception in America, and better prospects of a happy life there than I have been able to assure him. Whether any services or sufferings of Mr. Temple could support any claim upon the justice, gratitude, or generosity of the United States, or of that of Massachusetts in particular, is a question upon which it would be altogether improper for me to give any opinion, as I know not the facts so well as they may be made known, and as I am no judge if I knew the facts. But this I know; that whenever the facts shall be laid before either the great council of the United States or that of Massachusetts, they will be judged of by the worthy representatives of a just, grateful, and generous people, and, therefore, Mr. Temple will have no reason to complain if the decision should be against him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 25 August, 1781.

Sir,—

Last evening I received your Excellency’s letter of the 16th of this month, accompanied with a letter from the president of congress containing the commissions you mention.

You desire to know what steps have already been taken in this business. There has been no step taken by me in pursuance of my former commission, until my late journey to Paris, at the invitation of the Count de Vergennes, who communicated to me certain articles proposed by the mediating Courts, and desired me to make such observations upon them as should occur to me. Accordingly, I wrote a number of letters to his Excellency of the following dates,—July 13th, inclosing an answer to the articles, 16th, 18th, 19th, 21st. I would readily send you copies of the articles and of those letters; but there are matters in them which had better not be trusted to go so long a journey especially as there is no necessity for it. The Count de Vergennes will readily give you copies of the articles and of my letters, which will prevent all risk.

I am very apprehensive that our new commission will be as useless as my old one. Congress might, very safely I believe, permit us all to go home, if we had no other business, and stay there some years; at least, until every British soldier in the United States is killed or captivated. Till then, Britain will never think of peace but for the purposes of chicanery.

I see in the papers that the British ambassador at Petersburg has received an answer from his Court to the articles. What this answer is, we may conjecture from the King’s speech. Yet the Empress of Russia has made an insinuation to their High Mightinesses which deserves attention. Perhaps you may have seen it; but, lest you should not, I will add a translation of it which I sent to congress in the time of it, not having the original at hand.

I must beg the favor of your Excellency to communicate to me whatever you may learn which has any connection with this negotiation; particularly the French, Spanish, and British answers to the articles, as soon as you can obtain them. In my situation, it is not likely that I shall obtain any information of consequence but from the French Court. Whatever may come to my knowledge I will communicate to you without delay.

If Britain persists in her two preliminaries, as I presume she does, what will be the consequence? Will the two Imperial Courts permit this great plan of a congress at Vienna which is public, and made the common talk of Europe, to become another sublime bubble like the armed neutrality? In what a light will these mediating Courts appear, after having listened to a proposition of England so far as to make propositions themselves, and to refer to them in many public acts, if Britain refuses to agree to them, and insists upon such preliminaries as are at least an insult to France and America, and a kind of contempt to the common sense of all Europe? Upon my word I am weary of such roundabout and endless negotiations as that of the armed neutrality and this of the congress at Vienna. I think the Dutch have at last discovered the only effectual method of negotiation, that is, by fighting the British fleets, until every ship is obliged to answer the signal for renewing the battle by the signal of distress. There is no room for British chicanery in this. If I ever did any good since I was born, it was in stirring up the pure minds of the Dutchmen, and setting the old Batavian spirit in motion after having slept so long.

Our dear country will go fast asleep in full assurance of having news of peace by winter, if not by the first vessel. Alas! what a disappointment they will meet. I believe I had better go home and wake up our countrymen out of their reveries about peace. Congress have done very well to join others in the commission for peace who have some faculties for it. My talent, if I have one, lies in making war. The grand signor will finish the procès des trois rois sooner than the congress at Vienna will make peace, unless the two Imperial Courts act with dignity and consistency upon the occasion, and acknowledge American independency at once, upon Britain’s insisting on her two insolent preliminaries.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

St. Petersburg, 28 August, 1781.

My Dear Sir,—

It is not through want of attention that I have omitted to this time to acquaint you of our arrival in this city. We reached it, after some perils, on the 27th of August, N. S., sufficiently fatigued, I assure you. For, from Leipsic, I began to travel day and night, and continued this practice all along the remaining distance. At Berlin we rested, or were rather stopped, nine days, by an unfortunate accident of our voiture’s being overthrown and broken into pieces, between Leipsic and Berlin, the first time I attempted to travel in the night. I there bought a new one, which was warranted to carry us to St. Petersburg and back again in the utmost safety. This, however, failed in essential parts, and required many repairs on the way. Notwithstanding the above accident, I found our advance so slow through the abominable defects of German posts, that I resolved to risk all again and persist in travelling in the night; fortunately, nothing of the like kind happened to us. We rested afterwards a day or two at the following places,—Dantzic, Konigsberg, Memel, Riga, and Narva,—at most of which stages our voiture demanded repairs. This gave me an opportunity, perhaps not wholly unprofitable to our country, to make inquiries into the commerce of these towns; for they are all of them ports. On the whole, from Amsterdam to this city, we were fifty-one days. Mr. Jenings gave me all August to get in; but for the accident to my first voiture, and some detentions for the repairs of my second, I should have accomplished my journey twelve or fourteen days sooner with equal fatigue.

After all, you will not be surprised to learn I am told in effect that I am here too soon; that the proper time is not yet come. In the name of common sense, I was about to ask you, what this gentry can mean? But I believe we are at no loss to answer this question. I am promised, however, in the most flattering terms, every assistance in matters touching the joint or common interests of the two houses; yet I am told not to expect it in matters that may be injurious to one without being advantageous to the other. Such frivolous reasons appeared to me to have been assigned, to show the time is not yet come, that I have presumed to question them. This, I imagine, may give offence when I would not wish to do it. But must an implicit faith be put in all things that may come from a certain quarter? Happily all our communications have hitherto been in writing, so that they, whose right it is to judge each of us, may do it understandingly. I am not disappointed in this difference of sentiments upon my main business, yet I am somewhat shocked that I have been here twelve days, since he knew in a proper way of my being in town, and have not received the least mark of attention from our friend, except what may be contained in civil words only. The reason of this we may conjecture, and perhaps we shall not be far from the truth. I suspect Ishmael may have been a little instrumental in this conduct. It cannot be without design, I think. I have candidly, and, I believe, decently, given my own sentiments upon the subject, and told our friend what measures I intended to pursue, to endeavor at least to come at the end in view. He received my letter on the evening of the 25th; but I have yet had no answer. It was a long one, it is true; and he, not understanding English, must have it translated; so that I do not absolutely conclude that he will not answer it. He communicated to me in confidence what had been communicated to me before in the same way, touching a proposal made, to speak in plain English, by the mediators, agreeable to our utmost wishes. He did not tell me, as the other person had done, that the mediation was rejected on account of that proposition by the Court of London. This I suppose to be the truth, though not a lisp of it is to be heard yet without doors here. I wish soon to receive a confirmation of it from your hand, when I can make that use of it I now want exceedingly to make of it. I take it to be a matter of great consequence to our interests, and I build many hopes upon it in aid of my business. It seems to open the real good dispositions of those sovereigns for our cause. I have made use of an argument of this sort to our friend in my last. Do not withhold from me a moment any information which you think can be improved to our advantage. Let no supposition that I may be otherwise informed of it stay your hand. What comes from you, I shall think myself at liberty to make use of at my discretion. You must have gained informations on your late tour which will be of importance to me.

Your son is still with me at the Hôtel de Paris. He is desirous of my procuring him a private instructor. I should like this very much, as I should be fond of having him with me; but I cannot yet obtain proper information upon this head. I shall endeavor to do the best with him. Your sentiments on this point may not be amiss. I beg you to write to me under cover to Messrs. Strahlborn & Wolff, Banquiers à St. Petersburg. I had like to have forgot our news of the action between the Dutch and English; the former, it is agreed, have acquitted themselves most nobly. But why were they sent out so feeble upon so important a business?

My best regards to Mr. Thaxter and all our Amsterdam friends. Pray tell him he must write me all the public news, especially from our country. This is the finest city I have seen in Europe, and far surpasses all my expectations. Alone, it is sufficient to immortalize the memory of Peter the First. More of the real grandeur of the city and empire hereafter. In the mean time, I beg to assure you of the continuance of that high respect and warm affection I have entertained for you long since.

Your friend, &c.

Francis Dana.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 31 August, 1781.

Sir,—

I duly received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me the 17th instant, inclosing a copy of one from Mr. John Ross, acquainting me with the presentation to you of fifty-one bills drawn in his favor, the 22d of June last, on Mr. Henry Laurens, for the sum of forty thousand nine hundred and fifty guilders, and desiring to know whether I will pay them.

I have already paid, or provided for the payment of all the former congress bills on Mr. Laurens, on Mr. Jay, and on yourself and me, drawn upon us when we had no funds in our hands to pay them. I have been exceedingly embarrassed and distressed by this business; and being obliged to apply repeatedly for aids to this Court, with one unexpected demand after another, I have given trouble and vexation to the ministers, by obliging them to find new funds for me, and thereby deranging their plans. They have, by their minister at Philadelphia, complained of these irregular, unfounded drafts, to congress; and I am told that he received a promise about the end of March last that no more should be issued. I have been obliged lately to apply for more money to discharge such of these bills as I had engaged for and were yet unpaid, and for other purposes, and I obtained it on a promise not to accept or engage for any that should be drawn after the end of March, if such should be drawn, which was not expected, as the congress had promised not to draw but upon known funds. I have received no advice or orders relating to those bills of Mr. Ross. I cannot conceive why they were drawn on Mr. Laurens, known to be a prisoner in the Tower. You will see, by the inclosed copy of a letter from M. de Vergennes, that I am told very fairly and explicitly, that if I accept any more such bills, I am not to expect any assistance from him in paying them. I am, therefore, obliged to be explicit with you. I cannot accept, nor have any thing to do with the acceptance of them. I have obtained what you see mentioned in the Count’s letter, which I was almost ashamed to ask, and hardly expected. I cannot worry such good friends again for these new drafts. Mr. Ross’s demand was near twenty thousand pounds sterling. I suppose these bills will be followed by more. You once wrote to me that you thought a few protests of such bills might be of service to our affairs in Holland. Perhaps none can arrive that may bear a protest with less inconvenience. And I think the practice will never cease, if not stopped by protesting. The bills are not drawn upon you, nor recommended to your care by congress, and unless you have reason to believe, that in the term of six months you may, by earnest application, obtain remittances to discharge, I cannot advise your accepting them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin.

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, 1 September, 1781.

Sir,—

Inclosed, you have some important instructions passed in congress upon the 16th of last month.1 They will probably reach you first through our minister at Versailles, an opportunity to France having earliest presented itself. Should that not be the case, you will be careful to furnish copies to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay.

I remain, &c.

James Lovell,for the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 4 October, 1781.

Sir,—

Since the 25th of August, when I had the honor to write to you, this is the first time I have taken a pen in hand to write to anybody, having been confined and reduced too low to do any kind of business, by a nervous fever.

The new commission for peace has been a great consolation to me, because it removed from the public all danger of suffering any inconvenience at a time when, for many days together, there were many chances to one that I should have nothing more to do with commissions of any sort. It is still a great satisfaction to me, because I think it a measure essentially right, both as it is a greater demonstration of respect to the powers whose ministers may assemble to make peace, and as it is better calculated to give satisfaction to the people of America in all parts, as the commissioners are chosen from the most considerable places in that country.

It is probable that the French Court is already informed of the alteration. Nevertheless, I should think it proper that it should be officially notified to the Count de Vergennes; and, if you are of the same opinion, as you are near, I should be obliged to you if you would communicate to his Excellency an authentic copy of the new commission.

I should think, too, that it would be proper to give some intimation of it to the public in the Gazette or Mercure de France, the two papers which are published with the consent of the Court, and, if you are of the same opinion, upon consulting the Count de Vergennes, I should be glad to see it done.

Have you any information concerning Mr. Jefferson, whether he has accepted the trust? Whether he has embarked, or proposes soon to embark? I saw a paragraph in a Maryland paper which expressed an apprehension that he was taken prisoner by a party of horse in Virginia.

I feel a strong curiosity to know the answer of the British Court to the articles to serve as a basis, &c., and should be much obliged to your Excellency for a copy of it, if to be procured, and for your opinion, whether there will be a congress or not.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 5 October, 1781.

Sir,—

I congratulate your Excellency on your recovery. I hope this seasoning will be the means of securing your future health, by accommodating your constitution to the air of that country.

Here are advices from Admiral de Grasse, which left him the 13th of August coming out of the Straits of Bahama with twenty-eight sail of the line, bound to Chesapeake Bay, unless he should meet at sea a call to New York from General Washington. He took with him, from the islands, three thousand six hundred land troops, which, with his marines, make near six thousand men capable of acting either against Cornwallis or in the siege of New York; and the eight sail, under M. de Barras, at Boston, joining him, will make a sea force superior to any expected of the enemy in those seas, so that we may hope for some good news from that quarter.

Since the letter your Excellency honored me with of the 25th of August, I have learnt nothing new of the mediation. It seems to be at present in a state of stagnation. Any farther proceedings in it that may come to my knowledge shall be immediately communicated to you. This Court appears attentive not only to the interest of the United States, but to their honor. England seems not yet tired enough of the war to think seriously of an accommodation, and till then our commission will hardly afford us much employment, or make it necessary for us to appoint a secretary in its service. I send, however, inclosed, a copy of the minute of congress relating to that appointment. I have not heard of Mr. Dana’s arrival at Petersburg; if your Excellency has received any communicable advices from him I shall be glad to see them, and to know whether he is likely to continue there. Inclosed is a letter for him and another for yourself; they appear to me to have been opened; but they are in the state I received them under cover from Mr. Nesbitt of Lorient.

A letter from America that has been shown me, mentions a resolution of congress to exchange General Burgoyne for Mr. Laurens; but I have never seen that resolution. Do you know any thing of it? I have a letter from Mr. Burke on the subject of the General which I am at a loss to answer.

I received Mr. Thaxter’s letter relating to the mast contracts, and communicated it to M. de Vergennes, who, I suppose, will write about that affair to M. de la Luzerne. Is it possible that a project of supplying England with that article from any of the United States can be executed? I have no conception of the means.

I am glad to hear that the loan from Holland is likely to succeed; for, without it, those obtained here for our service will not afford payment of the list shown me the other day by M. Grand, of your acceptances falling due in November, December, January, and February next, amounting to Banco 217,932⅔. It is a demand I had no previous knowledge of, and, therefore, I hope it is not expected of me to answer it. I have accepted the bills mentioned in yours of the 24th past as drawn by you upon me on that day. But the great sum above mentioned it will be out of my power to accept, if you should draw for it, no provision being made for it in our last grants.

With great respect, &c.

B. Franklin.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

St. Petersburg, October, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

This letter, together with a packet for congress, will be delivered to you by Mr. Stephen Sayer, who sets off from hence to-morrow for Amsterdam. He knows nothing from me about my business or affairs. Indeed I have had but little acquaintance with him, less than I should have had, had he not been unfortunately confined by sickness almost the whole time I have been here. The account he will be able to give you, touching the principal characters on the political stage here, will be, I believe, nearly the true one. My hopes, however, are much stronger than his. I think things are in a good train, and that we have nothing to fear but the influence of British gold upon a certain character to impede them for a while.

The packet for congress contains only duplicates of one forwarded about the 10th of September, O. S., from hence by water for Amsterdam, under cover to Messrs. de Neufville & Son, which was to be submitted to your perusal, except my letter to the president of instant. You will break it up to read that, and then be pleased to forward it by the earliest opportunity. But I shall expect you to give me your sentiments in return with your wonted integrity. I stand much in need of your friendly and substantial advice. If you find any opinions which are not just, correct them with freedom. You know me too well to suppose I shall not take this in good part. You will much oblige me by some account of matters upon your last tour. I want to know whether they wear the same aspect in that, as I have supposed them to do in this political hemisphere. These communications may serve to correct the notions of both of us concerning them. When I have said the independence of the United States was certainly the basis of the first plan of pacification, I have not grounded my assertion upon the propositions of the mediators. I have such assurances of this fact that I do not doubt it. What I have said of the Emperor, I think myself at present equally well founded in; and I wish you may not find my conjecture about Holland true, and that she may be earlier prepared to do as she ought to do. Does not her political pendulum still vibrate between belligerent and neutral? I have indeed more hopes of her, from the spirit with which the regency of Amsterdam seem to be now supported. If you should be called upon to negotiate a treaty with her, you will pardon my suggesting to you that the project sent to you is very defective. If the copy which Mr. Thaxter made out for me is a true one, there is no provision in it upon the following points,—the right to participate in commercial privileges granted to the most favored nation, (the second article I think does not reach this); not to disturb national fisheries; ships of war, &c., freely carrying their prizes whithersoever they please; foreign privateers fitting out or selling prizes in the ports of either party; free trade, except contraband articles, with an enemy; free ships, free goods; description of contraband and lawful effects; sea papers, in case of one party being at war; searches at sea; searches in port. Is it to be supposed all these particulars were omitted as being against us? There is a new point which I have already mentioned to you,—the abolition of the law of Amsterdam, which prohibits a captain of a foreign nation in that port receiving on board his vessel even one of his own countrymen, either as passenger or mariner, without permission from the city magistrate, under a very heavy penalty. This law is unjust in itself, is a snare for strangers, especially under the infamous practices of their petty officers, who employ some villanous sailors to go on board strange vessels to ship themselves, and then to come away and give information to them. Some of our countrymen have already suffered severely under it. You will consider this law, I am sure, in its proper light.

There is another matter of much more consequence still, about which I am unable to give particular information, though you may obtain this, it is probable, from some of our mercantile countrymen at Amsterdam. The abominable abuse of the weigh-houses, where, after goods are weighed, certain officers (who have a good understanding with their own merchants, as some of them have confessed to me,) in a most arbitrary manner not only settle the tare, but make enormous deductions, under pretence of the goods being of an inferior quality or damaged, and this, without giving themselves the trouble of making the proper examination. Their decision is conclusive, or, at least as things stand, upon appeal, redress is sought in vain; for by this craft we make much gain, say the Dutch merchants. Those of them to whom I have talked upon this matter, have freely acknowledged the iniquity of the practice, but say there is no helping it at present; when we make a commercial treaty with you, it must be provided against. I know your views are so direct, you have the real interest of our country so much at heart, that you can never be offended at the liberty I take, or consider it as an impertinent interference in your department. We were last separated so suddenly, and my mind was too much agitated by the weight of the business that lay before me, when compared with my abilities, to recollect these things which did not immediately concern me. I am now more at ease, though I feel the want of the gentleman’s company and abilities who had flattered me that I should not want them. I wish he had had the fortitude, shall I say, to face dangers, no, there were none in the way, but to dissipate his unpromising apprehensions. Pray tell him (for I have not time to tell him myself) that I have not once, even in my dreams, been troubled with the idea of being banished into Siberia. If my company is not welcome here, at least, I shall be permitted to return to the place from whence I came, without being compelled to go from thence to the place of execution. He that attempts nothing will accomplish nothing. And if there is nothing dishonorable in the thing attempted, and some good may come of it, why shrink from making it? Is a fear of being a little mortified, by failing of success, to deter one? If such personal considerations had prevailed everywhere, the grandest revolution that has ever taken place in the world could never have existed. When I see such instances of indecision in men of real abilities and worth, I think of an observation of yours, that no American, however well disposed he may be towards his country, and however sincerely he may wish it success, who has not been bred up in it, under the immediate influence and the early perils of this revolution, is fit to be intrusted with the management of its important affairs.

My dear sir, I am afraid I shall become tedious to you, and, besides, I have only room to express my sincere wishes that you may speedily recover from the effects of your late dangerous illness, of which I was made acquainted a few days since by a letter from M. de Neufville. This accounts for your long silence, at which I began to be surprised. I beg you to present my regards to Mr. Thaxter, in a special manner, and to all other friends in Amsterdam, and to believe me to remain, &c.

Francis Dana.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 15 October, 1781.

Sir,—

I wish, if it were possible, to communicate to congress the present state of every affair, which they have been pleased to confide in any measure to me. I have received the new commission for peace, and the revocation of my commission and instructions of the 29th of September, 1779. To both of these measures of congress, as to the commands of my sovereign, I shall pay the most exact attention. The present commission for peace, is a demonstration of greater respect to the powers of Europe, and must be more satisfactory to the people of America, than my former one; besides that it guards against accidents, which, in my late sickness, I had reason to think may well happen. I am, however, apprehensive that this commission will lie a long time neglected, and as useless as the former one.

I am myself seriously of opinion, that the English will not treat with the United States for many years. They will see all their dominions in the East and West Indies conquered by the French and Spaniards; they will see their government reduced to the limits of their own island, before they will do it. The present ministers must die off, and the King too, before there will be any treaty between Britain and America. The nation will stand by the King and ministry through every loss, while they persevere; whereas both would sink into total contempt and ridicule, if they were to make peace. While they persevere, they are masters of the purses and commerce, too, of the whole nation. Make peace, and they lose a great part of this influence. National pride, when it has become an habitual passion by long indulgence, is the most obstinate thing in the world; and this war has been made so completely, though so artfully, the national act, as well as that of king and ministers, that the pride of the nation was never committed more entirely to the support of any thing. It is not to be supposed that the present ministry will treat with America, and if there should be a change, and the leaders of opposition should come in, they will not treat with America in any character, that she can with honor or safety assume. They might propose a peace separate from France, or they might withdraw their troops from the United States, but they would not make a general peace. The congress at Vienna will prove but a magnificent chimera, as the British ministry ever intended it should be. It has already answered their insidious ends, and now they are giving it a dismission, by insisting upon their two preliminaries; so that upon the whole, according to the best judgment I can form, it will not be worth while for congress to be at the expense of continuing me in Europe, with a view to my assisting at any conferences for peace, especially as Dr. Franklin has given me intimations, that I cannot depend upon him for my subsistence in future.

My commission for borrowing money has hitherto been equally useless. It would fill a small volume to give a history of my negotiations with people of various stations and characters, in order to obtain a loan; and it would astonish congress to see the unanimity with which all have refused to engage in the business, most of them declaring they were afraid to undertake it. I am told that no new loan was ever undertaken here, without meeting at first with all sorts of contradiction and opposition for a long time; but my loan is considered not only as a new one, but as entering deep into the essence of all the present political systems of the world, and no man dares engage in it, until it is clearly determined what characters are to bear rule, and what system is to prevail in this country.

There is no authority in Europe more absolute, not that of the two empires, not that of the simple monarchies, than that of the states-general is in their dominions, and nobody but M. de Neufville dares advance faster in a political manœuvre than the States. M. de Neufville has done his utmost, and has been able to do nothing; three thousand guilders, less than three hundred pounds, is all that he has obtained. Notwithstanding this, there is a universal wish that the world may be made to believe that my loan is full. It is upon ’change, by a unanimous dissimulation, pretended to be full, and there are persons (who they are I know not) who write to London, and fill the English papers with paragraphs that my loan is full. M. de Neufville has advertised in the customary form, for all persons possessed of American coupons, to come and receive the money at the end of the first six months. These persons cannot be more than three in number.

My letters of credence to their High Mightinesses have been taken ad referendum by the several Provinces, and are now under consideration of the several branches of the sovereignty of this country; but no one city or body of nobles has as yet determined upon them. None have declared themselves in favor of my admission to an audience, and none have decided against it; and it is much to be questioned whether any one will determine soon.

I have often written to congress, that I never could pretend to foretell what the states-general would do. I never found anybody here who guessed right; and upon reading over all the negotiations of Jeannin, Torcy, d’Avaux, and d’Estrades, in this country, I found every one of those ministers were, at the several periods of their residence here, in the same uncertainty. It appears to have been for this century and a half, at least, the national character, to manage all the world as long as they could, to keep things undetermined as long as they could, and, finally, to decide suddenly upon some fresh motive of fear. It is very clear to me, that I shall never borrow money until I have had an audience; and if the States pursue their old maxims of policy, it may be many years before this is agreed to I am much inclined to believe that nothing decisive will be done for two or three years, perhaps longer; yet it may be in a month. Parties are now very high, and their passions against each other warm; and to all appearance, the good party is vastly the most numerous; but we must remember, that the supreme executive is supposed to be determined on the other side, so that there is real danger of popular commotions and tragical scenes.

The question really is, whether the republic shall make peace with England, by furnishing her ships and troops according to old treaties, and joining her against all her enemies, France, Spain, America, and as many more as may become enemies in the course of the war. The English party dare not speak out and say this openly; but if they have common sense they must know that England will make peace with them upon no other terms. They pretend that upon some little concessions, some trifling condescendencies, England would make peace with Holland separately. Some pretend that a separate peace might be had upon the single condition of agreeing not to trade with America; others, upon the condition of considering naval stores as contraband goods; but the commercial cities are almost unanimously against both of these articles. The English party are sensible of this, yet they entertain hopes, by keeping the republic in a defenceless state, that commerce will be so far ruined, and the common people in the great trading cities reduced to such want and misery, as to become furious, demand peace at any rate, and fall upon the houses and persons of those who will not promote it.

The English party, I think, will never carry their point so far as to induce the nation to join the English. There are three considerations, which convince me of this beyond a doubt. First, corrupted and abandoned as a great part of this nation, as well as every other in Europe is, there is still a public national sense and conscience, and the general, the almost universal sense of this nation is, that the English are wrong, and the Americans right, in this war. The conduct of the Americans is so like that of their venerable and heroic ancestors, it is evidently founded in such principles as are uniformly applauded in their history, and as every man has been educated in a habitual veneration for, that it is impossible for them to take a part in the war against America. This was universally conspicuous upon the publication of my memorial to the States. Secondly, the commercial part of these Provinces, I think, will never give up the American trade. Thirdly, England is so exhausted and so weak, and France, Spain, and America so strong, that joining the former against the three latter, would be the total ruin of the republic. Nevertheless, the court party will find means of delay, and will embarrass the operations of war in so many ways, that it will be long before any decisive measures will be taken in favor of America.

Whether, under all these circumstances, congress will think proper to continue me in Europe, whether it will be in their power to furnish me with the means of subsistence, as Dr. Franklin in his letter to me thinks I cannot depend upon him, and I have no hopes at all of obtaining any here, I know not, and must submit to their wisdom. But after all, the state of my health, which I have little reason to hope will be restored without a voyage home, and more relaxation from care and business than I can have in Europe, makes it very uncertain whether I shall be able to remain here. In short, my prospects both for the public and for myself are so dull, and the life I am likely to lead in Europe so gloomy and melancholy, and of so little use to the public, that I cannot but wish it may suit with the views of congress to recall me.

I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

John Adams.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Head Quarters, near York, in Virginia, 22 October, 1781.

Sir,—

As the transmission of the inclosed paper through the usual channel of the department of foreign affairs would, on the present occasion, probably be attended with great delay, and recent intelligence of military transactions must be important to our ministers in Europe at the present period of affairs, I have thought it would be agreeable both to congress and your Excellency that the matter should be communicated immediately by a French frigate despatched by Admiral de Grasse.

Annexed to the capitulation is a summary return of the prisoners and cannon taken in the two places of York and Gloucester.

I have added, upon the principles above mentioned, a copy of General Greene’s report of his last action in South Carolina.

I have the honor to be your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,

George Washington.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 7 November, 1781.

Sir,—

I have been honored with the following letters from your Excellency during the last month, namely,—of the 4th, 10th, 18th, 22d, 25th, 26th, and 27th,—which I should have answered sooner, but that I waited for a safe opportunity, having reason to believe that all your letters to me by the post are opened, and apprehending the same of mine to you. I send herewith the covers and seals of those letters, that you may judge whether the impression of your seal is not, as I suppose it to be, a counterfeit. I shall now answer your letters in the order of their dates.

October 4th. I am pleased to find you are of the same opinion with me as to the proper charges in our accounts.

October 10th. I have now received the resolution of congress for exchanging General Burgoyne against Mr. Laurens, and have sent it to England, though without much hopes of success; as I believe the ministers there had rather at present have the General’s absence than his company. They would keep Mr Laurens to hang him at the peace, if the war should end in their favor; and they would have no objection to Americans recalling and hanging Burgoyne.

I wonder at your being so long without hearing from Mr. Dana, and I am afraid some misfortune has happened to him.

I have communicated here your observations relating to masts, and make no doubt you have recommended to congress the taking effectual measures on their part to prevent that mischievous commerce. If the English could be removed from Penobscot, another of their means of supply would be cut off.

I have already acquainted you that I will help you to pay to your acceptances as far as you have sent me an account of them. I have even ordered a considerable remittance into the hands of Fizeaux & Grand, to facilitate those payments. But I must repeat my request to you not to accept any bills with an expectation of my paying them, that are drawn after the end of March last; and I further beg you would accept no more of the old ones drawn on Mr. Laurens, without first acquainting me with the number or value, and knowing from me whether I can provide for the payment. If the loan so long expected from Holland does at length take place, as I am now told it is likely to do, my embarrassment, occasioned by all these demands, will, I hope, be removed by it. If not, I must scuffle and shift as I can. God help us all.

October 18th. I know nothing of Beer but from Mr. Coffyn’s recommendation. I am afraid he is one of those poor, helpless bodies that God throws into the world to try its charity. I had been told that the Dutch had sent to borrow such workmen from France. I recommended it to send the escaped prisoners arriving at Dunkirk rather to Amsterdam than to Paris, because I think there arrive as many American vessels in Holland as in France, wherein they might return home; and there is not one of those prisoners who does not put us to eight or ten louis expense in his land journey, first to Paris and then to the seaports, when he might go to Holland in the track-schuyts for perhaps one or two. I am sensible that you have not, as you say, any public money in your hands, and having accepted bills for more than is in mine, my case in that respect does not differ from yours. These poor, unfortunate men must however be relieved; unnecessary expense in doing it being avoided, we can relieve more of them. We cannot do for them all we wish; we shall do the best we can. I think it quite right you should have money always at command for that purpose, and am of opinion the small sum obtained by the loan at Messrs. de Neufville’s will be very properly applied in assisting the prisoners. I therefore give my advice frankly to use it in that service; and when that is expended you should undoubtedly be supplied with more, and will have the credit you desire at Messrs. Fizeaux & Grand’s as long as we have any.

October 22d. By accepting a mediation, I apprehend no more is meant, than consenting to hear and consider what a common friend may propose towards accommodating a difference. A mediator is not a judge or arbitrator. When arbitrators are chosen, there is commonly an engagement to abide by their determination; but no such engagement is made with respect to a mediator. Mediations are, however, subject to this hazard,—that the mediator, piqued against the party who rejects his advice, joins with the other to compel his acceptance of it. This, perhaps, was a little the case lately in the mediation of Spain between France and England.

I have just learnt, by a letter from Commodore Gillon, that Captain Jackson has left his ship and is returning to France. I think with you, that it will be proper he should proceed immediately to Holland to take care of the goods there. But I own I have not so much confidence in his prudent conduct as to wish the business left entirely to his discretion. I still feel the mischief and absurdity of his buying goods under the notion of only filling a vacancy left in a loaded ship, and doing this to such excess as to make two ships more necessary to receive them. I had a reluctance to any concern with Gillon. I was urged into it by Colonel Laurens, on the considerations that the ten thousand pounds sterling’s worth he wanted to dispose of were such as the army needed, were already shipped, and the conveyance likely to be a safe one, &c. I consented to pay for those goods, and for as much more as might be wanted to fill a remaining vacancy in the ship, not exceeding the value of five thousand pounds more. I proposed that these payments should be made on your drafts, that your Excellency might have occasion to inspect the conduct of the business, and be some check upon it. I wish I had empowered you, or requested your care more explicitly. I do not think the least blame lies on you. Captain Jackson, too, might be ignorant of the bulk of the goods till they were assembled; but methinks Messrs. Neufville might have known it, and would have advised against so enormous a purchase, if augmenting the commissions, and the project of freighting their own ships had not blinded their eyes. You will judge that it must be a monstrous surprise to me, to have an account brought against me of fifty thousand instead of five thousand pounds. I agreed, however, to accept the bills on Mr. Jackson’s representation,—that the goods were bought and shipped; that the relanding and returning, or selling them, would make a talk and discredit us; that they were such only as were absolutely necessary, &c.; and I accepted his drafts instead of yours, as he said the ship only waited his return to sail, and the obtaining your signature would occasion a delay of eight or ten days. Thus I was drawn in at the broad end of the horn, and must squeeze out at the narrow end as well as I can. I find myself confoundedly pinched, but I deserve it in some degree for my facility and credulity. At present, I am not sure of money either to buy the ships or pay their freight, as proposed in yours of the 27th, and, therefore, cannot engage to do either. When Captain Jackson shall arrive in Holland, your Excellency will be so good as to advise him, and I hope he will take your advice. I should apprehend it is now too late to go north about; and to send two slow-sailing Dutch ships down the channel, to run the gauntlet through all the frigates and privateers, seems to me nearly the same thing as to consign them directly to some port in England or Jersey. It was not to give you trouble or to avoid it myself, that I referred Messrs. Neufville to you for advice, but really because I thought you understood such business better than myself, were on the spot, and equally concerned for the advantage of our constituents. To me it seemed, that the vessels having contracted to go with their cargoes to America, ought not to have staid behind on pretence of a right to more freight, because the convoying ship had sailed without them. They might have protested, and have gone without convoy. If they had a right to more freight, I suppose they would have recovered it; and if taken, have a claim to some indemnification. I did not understand the compelling a new agreement by stopping our goods. I thought it ungenerous in Messrs. de Neufville as well as unjust. The regularity or irregularity of their proceedings being, at least, as I imagined, points of maritime law or custom, I had that additional reason for deference to your judgment.

22 October. I accepted your draft of the 22d for two thousand crowns, in favor of Fizeaux & Grand, and it will be duly paid.

25th. The letter from Dr. Waterhouse, of which you were so kind as to send me a copy, is coolly and sensibly written, and has an effect in lessening the force of what is written against Gillon by Messrs. Jackson & Searle. On the whole, I hardly know as yet what to think of the matter. If Gillon really produced to Jackson the ten thousand pounds’ worth of goods, why did he keep back from him the bills of exchange that were to pay for them, and with which Gillon might have paid his debts? And if he could not produce them, why did Jackson keep the bills, carry them to sea, and not return them to me? When we see him perhaps he may explain this; at present, I am in the dark. He promised me a fuller letter by the first post; but I have not received it. Commodore Gillon writes me that Jackson & Searle are parted; that the former (with your son and some others of the passengers) is gone to France in an American privateer, and the latter in the Ariel. I hope soon to hear of their safe arrival, particularly on the child’s and your account. Young Cooper is gone to Geneva. Perhaps you may think of sending your son there for the winter, in which case, if I can be of any use to you, command me.

October 26th. The reason of my thinking we could not depend on receiving any more money here, applicable to the support of congress’s ministers, is given in the same letter, of August 6th, to which yours of October 26th is an answer, namely,—“that what aids are hereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the government directly to America.” Should that be the case, and no money be put into my hands to be at my disposal, what must I do with regard to the salaries of ministers? I cannot go to Versailles with a sneaking petition, requesting money for my subsistence, for the subsistence of Mr. Adams, of Mr. Jay, and of Mr. Dana. I believe none of the gentlemen would like my taking such a step, and I think the congress would be ashamed of it. It was, therefore, I thought it right to give the earliest notice of what I apprehended might happen, that we might all join in representing it to congress, in order to obtain the necessary remittances. You may depend that, as long as I have in my hands disposable money belonging to congress, I shall never refuse to obey their orders in paying your salary; and when I have no such money, I hope you will consider my not paying as the effect of an impossibility, and not as you express it, a refusal. The congress should certainly either supply their foreign ministers, or find such as can and will serve them gratis, or not send any at all. I hope you have written on this subject, and though I do not yet clearly see how our money affairs will wind up, I shall accept your draft for another quarter whenever you please to make it.

October 27th. I daily expect the return of Major Jackson, and think, as I have said above, the season over for sending those goods before winter; therefore, if I understood such affairs, I should defer a little the giving any orders about the ships freighted, or the goods he has put aboard them. I did, as you observe, stop the money Colonel Laurens was sending over in Gillon’s ship, because I saw I should want it to support the credit of congress in paying their bills. I think you might have done the same to pay your acceptances, if I had not engaged for them; and I believe you have an equal right with me to take care of the congress property vested in those goods, as their minister; and being on the spot, can better judge from circumstances of the steps proper to be taken. I therefore request you would, yourself, give such orders as you shall find necessary and think most for the public interest, remembering that I cannot undertake either to buy the ships or pay the freight. Perhaps it may be best to sell the whole, and purchase with the money the same kind of goods in France, which cannot but be more agreeable to government here, and probably they would arrive as soon.

I hope the coming winter will thoroughly establish your health.

With great esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

Amsterdam, 24 November, 1781.

Mr. Adams presents his most respectful compliments to his Excellency, the Duc de la Vauguyon, and begs leave to acquaint him, that by the last night’s post he received from congress some important despatches, which it is his duty to communicate to the ambassador of France. Mr. Adams requests his Excellency to inform him what hour will be most convenient for him to wait on him at the Arms of Amsterdam. Meantime, he most sincerely congratulates his Excellency on the glorious news from America by the Duc de Lauzun, of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis with his whole army to the arms of the allies.

This card I sent by my secretary, Mr. Thaxter. The Duke returned for answer, that he would call upon me at my house between twelve and one, to congratulate me on the news from America. Accordingly, about one, he came and spent with me about an hour and a half.

I communicated to him my fresh instructions, and agreed to send him a copy of them to-morrow or next day, by the post-wagon (chariot-de-poste). He said he had not received any instructions from Versailles upon the subject, but might receive some by next Tuesday’s post. He asked me what step I proposed to take in consequence of these instructions? I answered none, but with his participation and approbation; that I would be always ready to attend him at the Hague, or elsewhere, for the purpose of the most candid and confidential consultations, &c. He said that he thought that the subject was very well seen (très bien vu) and the measure very well concerted (très bien combiné) and that it would have a good effect at this time to counteract the artifice of the British ministry, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with this republic.1

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

Amsterdam, 25 November, 1781.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a copy of the fresh instructions of congress, of the 16th of August last, which I received by the post on the 23d instant. I have also received a further commission from congress, with full powers to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the person or persons vested with equal powers by His Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a treaty of alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America.

This measure was apparently concerted between the congress and the French minister residing near them, and seems to be very happily adapted to the present times and circumstances.

I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that I shall be at all times ready to attend you, at the Hague, or elsewhere, to confer with you, in the most entire confidence, respecting this negotiation, and shall take no material step in it, without your approbation and advice.

There are three ways of proposing this business to their High Mightinesses; 1st, your Excellency may alone propose it in the name of His Most Christian Majesty; 2dly, it may be proposed jointly by the minister of his Majesty, and the minister of the United States; or, 3dly, it may be proposed by the minister of the United States alone, and as a consequence of his former proposal of a treaty of commerce. I beg leave to submit these three measures to your Excellency’s consideration, and shall very cheerfully comply with any, which you may most approve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, 26 November, 1781.

Sir,—

By the last post I received from Lorient a set of fresh instructions from congress, dated the 16th of August, and with the more pleasure, as I am enjoined to open a correspondence with your Excellency upon the subject of them.

I presume you have a copy by the same vessel; but as it is possible it may have been omitted, I shall venture to inclose a copy, and hope it may pass unopened. I have communicated it to the French ambassador here, who says it is “très bien vu; très bien combiné.” I shall take no step in it, without his knowledge and approbation. I shall hope for your Excellency’s communications as soon as convenient.

The Dutch have an inclination to ally themselves to France and America, but they have many whimsical fears, and are much embarrassed with party quarrels. In time, I hope, they will agree better with one another, and see their true interests more clearly. This measure of congress is very well timed.

I congratulate you on the glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis. Some are of opinion it will produce a congress at Vienna; but I cannot be of that sentiment. The English must have many more humiliations before they will agree to meet us upon equal terms, or upon any terms that we can approve.

What is the true principle of the policy of Spain, in delaying so long to declare themselves explicitly? Her delay has a bad effect here.

Mr. Dana has been gone northward these four months, but I have no letters from him. Whether the post is unfaithful, or whether he chooses to be talked about as little as possible at present, which I rather suspect, I do not know.

My respects to Mr. Carmichael, and to your family, if you please.

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 26 November, 1781.

Sir,—

I presume you have a copy from congress of their instructions to me of the 16th of August last; but, as it is possible it may be otherwise, I have inclosed one. I have communicated them to the Duc de la Vauguyon. I shall do nothing in the business without communicating it beforehand to him, with the most entire confidence, and receiving his approbation and advice. He informs me, that he has not yet received any instructions from his court respecting it.

These instructions have arrived at a very proper time to counteract another insidious trick of the British ministry, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland.

With unfeigned joy I congratulate your Excellency on the glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis to the arms of the allies. How easy a thing would it be to bring this war to a happy conclusion, if Spain and Holland would adopt the system of France, and coöperate in it with the same honor and sincerity! There is nothing wanting but a constant naval superiority in the West Indies, and on the coast of the United States, to obtain triumphs upon triumphs over the English, in all quarters of the globe. The allies now carry on the war in America with an infinite advantage over the English, whose infatuation, nevertheless, will continue to make them exhaust themselves there, to the neglect of all their possessions in other parts of the world.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, 28 November, 1781.

Sir,—

I had the honor to write to you on the 26th instant by the post, a conveyance which I am determined to try until I am certainly informed of its infidelity; in which case I will ask the favor of the French or Spanish ambassador, to inclose my despatches.

I received, by the last post, a duplicate of despatches from congress, the originals of which I received some time ago. I presume you have received the same from congress, or from Passy; but, if otherwise, I will inclose in a future letter a commission and instructions for assisting at the conferences for peace, at Vienna or elsewhere, whenever they may take place. In this commission, congress have added Mr. Franklin, President Laurens, your Excellency, and Mr. Jefferson; a measure which has taken off my mind a vast load, which, if I had ever at any time expected I should be called to sustain alone, would have been too heavy for my forces.

The capture of Cornwallis and his army is the most masterly measure, both in the conception and execution, which has been taken this war. When France and Spain shall consider the certain success, which will ever attend them while they maintain a naval superiority in the West Indies and on the coast of North America, it is to be hoped, they will never depart from that policy. Many here are of opinion that this event will bring peace, but I am not of that mind. Although it is very true that there are distractions in the British Cabinet, a formidable faction against Lord G. Germaine, and, it is said, the Bedford party are determined to move for peace, the rage of the nation is still too violent. I hope, however, that Minorca and Gibraltar will not be long after York and Gloucester in their surrender. And in this case, perhaps, when the English shall see that all the forces of France and Spain are at liberty to act against their possessions in the East and West Indies, they may begin to confess they have gone too far. Notwithstanding, there is reason to fear that their sulky obstinacy will hold out until all their dominions beyond seas are gone. Indeed, I know not whether we need regret even such an event.

It is entertaining to see the arts with which they amuse the credulity of the nation where I am. The word peace is the charm that dissolves all their resentment and resolution; and there is no tale too absurd or too gross to obtain immediate belief if it tend to that end. Our late triumphs, however, have had an effect here. I have received several visits of congratulation, in consequence of them, from persons of consequence from whom I did not expect them. But there are invisible fairies, who disconcert in the night all the operations of the patriots in the day.

There will, probably, be a proposal soon of a triple alliance between France, America, and Holland. If Spain would join, and make it quadruple, it would be so much the better.

General Greene’s last action in South Carolina, in consequence of which that State and Georgia have both reëstablished their governments, is quite as glorious for the American arms as the capture of Cornwallis. The action was supported, even by the militia, with a noble constancy. The victory on our side was complete, and the English lost twelve hundred men.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 4 December, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received those instructions with which I was honored by congress, on the 16th of August, and communicated them forthwith to the French ambassador, to their High Mightinesses, and to the American ministers at Versailles and Madrid. The Duc de la Vauguyon was of opinion, that they were very well considered and very well timed, to counteract another trait of British policy, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland. The British ministry mean only to aid the stocks, and lull the Dutch.

There is no longer any talk of a congress at Vienna. The late news of General Washington’s triumphs in Virginia, and of the friendly and effectual aid of the Counts de Rochambeau and de Grasse, have made a great impression here, and all over Europe. I shall punctually observe my instructions, and consult in perfect confidence with the Duc de la Vauguyon, in the execution of my late commission. A quadruple alliance, for the duration of the war, would, probably, soon bring it to a conclusion; but the Dutch are so indolent, so divided, so animated with party spirit, and, above all, so entirely in the power of their chief, that it is very certain they will take the proposition ad referendum immediately, and then deliberate upon it a long time.

This nation is not blind; it is bound and cannot get loose. There is great reason to fear, that they will be held inactive, until they are wholly ruined. Cornwallis’s fate, however, has somewhat emboldened them, and I have received unexpected visits of congratulation from several persons of note; and there are appearances of a growing interest in favor of an alliance with France and America. If I were now to make the proposition, I think it would have a great effect. I must, however, wait for the approbation of the Duke, and he, perhaps, for instructions from Versailles, and, indeed, a little delay will, perhaps, do no harm, but give opportunity to prepare the way. The general cry at this time in pamphlets and public papers, is for an immediate connection with France and America.

The consent of Zealand is expected immediately to the loan of five millions for his Most Christian Majesty. My loan rests as it was, at a few thousand guilders, which, by the advice of Dr. Franklin, I reserve for the relief of our countrymen, who escape from prison in England in distress. I have ordered a hundred pounds for President Laurens in the tower, at the earnest solicitation of his daughter, who is in France, and of some of his friends in England; but for further supplies have referred them to Dr. Franklin. I some time since had an intimation that the British ministry were endeavoring to form secret contracts with traitorous Americans to supply masts for the royal navy. According to my information, the British navigation in all parts of the world is at present distressed for masts, especially those of the largest size. Congress will take such measures as to their wisdom shall appear proper to prevent Americans from this wicked and infamous commerce. I wrote to Dr. Franklin upon the subject, who communicated my letter, as I requested, at court, and his Excellency supposes that the Count de Vergennes will write to congress, or to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, upon the subject.

The continental goods left here by Commodore Gillon, are detained for freight and damages &c., very unjustly as I conceive. I am doing all in my power to obtain possession of them, and send them to America, or dispose of them here, at as little loss as possible, according to the desire and advice of Dr. Franklin. It is not necessary to trouble congress to read a volume of letters upon the subject of these goods. All that can be done by me, has been and shall be done to save the public interest. This piece of business has been managed as ill as any that has ever been done for congress in Europe, whether it is owing to misfortune, want of skill, or any thing more disagreeable.

The Court of Russia does not at present appear to be acting that noble part, which their former conduct gave cause to expect. Mr. Dana is at Petersburg, but he prudently avoids writing. If he sees no prospect of advantage in staying there, he will be very silent, I believe, and not stay very long.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 6 December, 1781.

Dear Sir,—

I received your kind congratulations from Leyden, on the glorious captivity of Cornwallis, and have since received your favor of the 3d, inclosing two packets from America. You ask, what news? I answer, none. They were the originals of despatches from General Washington and General Knox, containing the capitulation and other papers which are public. A large reinforcement is gone to my friend Greene from General Washington. The French troops winter in Virginia. General Washington returns to North River, to join the body that was left on the North River under General Heath. Our countrymen will keep thanksgiving as devoutly as their allies sing te deum, and, I warrant you, will pass the winter as joyously and quietly.

I wrote on the 25th November to the French ambassador, and inclosed what I promised. An expression in your letter makes me suspect whether the letter has been received. Shall I beg the favor of you to ask the question, and let me know? If that letter has miscarried, there is foul play. I will come in person and deliver the duplicate, in that case, and bring you with me to Amsterdam, if you please. My new instructions are very well timed, and we shall make it do to get an answer I hope, and to cement a triple or quadruple alliance in time, which may set all the fools in Europe at defiance.

With great esteem, your humble servant,

John Adams.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

The Hague, 7 December, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me, and the copy of the resolutions of congress, of the 16th of August last, which you have been pleased to address to me. I flatter myself that you do not doubt of my earnestness to concert with you the ulterior measures which they may require, as soon as the King shall have authorized me. But, until his Majesty shall have transmitted to me his orders on this point, I can only repeat to you the assurances of my zeal for every thing interesting to the common cause of France and North America, as well as that of the peculiar satisfaction I shall derive in all circumstances from my connections with you.

I have the honor to be, &c.

De la Vauguyon.

TO JOHN LUZAC.

Amsterdam, 13 December, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received your friendly letter of the 10th of this month. The new translation of the American constitutions into the Dutch language I have not yet seen, but intend to embrace the first opportunity of sending some copies of it to be placed in the principal public libraries in America, and the more willingly for the dedication of it to Mr. Van Berckel, a gentleman whose great merit and long services have been but ill requited by as base and false accusations as were ever laid to the charge of injured innocence.

Mr. Van der Kemp had the goodness to leave at my house two copies of the new translation of the constitution of the Massachusetts and the other pieces accompanying it, for which I am much obliged to him and to you. I regret very much my inability to read the comparison between the constitution of this republic and that of the Massachusetts, and the more, because the author, who has the reputation of one of the best writers, has given encouragement to hope for a comparison between the Belgic and American revolutions.

I thank you, sir, for your friendly sympathy with me in my sickness, and for your obliging wishes for the happiness of my country. My country, sir, is happy; and it is not in the power of all her enemies to make her otherwise. Whether I shall live to see her in peace and in the full enjoyment of that grandeur and glory which will inevitably be the speedy consequence of it, is a matter that I very cheerfully submit to higher powers. Whether a constitution which was never firm shall succumb under the exertions to which the times have called it, a little sooner or a little later, is not a thing of much consequence, since, as long as it lasts, I shall have the consolation to reflect that no man’s forces were ever employed in a better cause.

Inclosed is a letter from General Knox which contains some things worth publishing, but does not give us very sanguine hopes of possessing Charleston this year.

Now, sir, to the subject of your friendly complaint. I very readily acknowledge your constant attachment to the principles of the American Revolution, and the respect which has been long paid, and the services rendered to the American cause in Europe by the Leyden Gazette, and, therefore, I shall not forget it nor its author. But it is not in my power to do it much service, nor does it stand in need of my assistance. It has nothing to fear from any other gazette. The extensive correspondence, its exact method, and its accuracy of style, as well as other advantages, will effectually secure it against the rivalry of any other.

It is very rarely that I receive any intelligence sooner than you do. Generally, mine arrives after you have given the same things to the public. The reason is, that almost all my letters come by the way of Cadiz, Bilbao, Nantes, Lorient, or Brest, and are obliged to go to Paris in company with similar despatches for the French Court and to Dr. Franklin in their way to me. By this means the post commonly brings you in the Spanish and French publications the news sooner than my letters arrive to me; in two or three instances, indeed, it has been otherwise; but in the case of General Greene’s letter it was nearly so.

When newspapers come to me, or letters with any intelligence of importance, here are generally fifteen or twenty American travellers in this town who think they have a right to the news from me. If I were to send them off to Leyden immediately, they would think it hard; whereas I can give them to a printer in this town who will return them at any moment when called for. Besides this, you will allow that it is of some importance to the public cause, that the French Gazette of Amsterdam should be in the good system, and that it should have some reputation. Mr. Tronchin is a total stranger to me.

M. Cerisier’s talents and sentiments I esteem very much, and am very sure it is in his power, and think it is in his inclination to do signal service to the cause of truth. Yet I agree with you that he is not so accurate as some others. He writes too much, and has too many calls upon him, to be always correct. I wish, in a late instance of Greene’s letter, he had eat his chicken without crying roast meat. He has no right from me to boast of any established correspondence with America, for I have promised him nothing. He has taken pains, I know, for the last twelve months to form acquaintances among the Americans here, who may have agreed to correspond with him. From them he may sometimes get news here, for they generally receive newspapers with their letters.

If I were to send every piece of fresh news to Leyden, I suppose he would make me a friendly complaint too. How shall I settle it? Shall I give it to him upon condition that he sends it to you as soon as he has translated it? Shall I send it to you upon condition that you send it to him as soon as you have copied it? The public service and my duty require of me that I should communicate to the public as soon as possible, without giving it to anybody to husband it, and deal it out by little and little for their private interest or the reputation of the gazette. I assure you I never had a thought of excluding you to your prejudice, nor shall I ever countenance any such thing. I have scarce room left to subscribe myself, sir,

Your friend and servant,

John Adams.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Amsterdam, 14 December, 1781.

My Dear Sir,—

This day was brought me your kind favor of August 28th, the first line I have received from you since we parted. A line from my dear son of August 21st, O. S., which I received three days ago, was the first from him.

The public news from America you have before now. It is grand; and I congratulate you upon it with a grateful heart. Our allies have this year adopted a system which you and I have long prayed for, and have reason to be thankful for its triumphant success.

Soon after my return from Paris I was seized with a malignant, nervous fever which had wellnigh cost me a life. The consequences of it, in weakness, lameness, &c., are not yet gone off. I am better, but still almost incapable of that attention to business which is necessary. My son Charles sailed with Commodore Gillon, put into Corunna, went from thence to Bilbao, and is about sailing in the Cicero with Major Jackson for home. Mr. Thaxter has escaped with a very slight touch of a fever. So much for the family.

I have lately received from congress a new commission and instructions to this republic, to propose a triple or quadruple alliance with the consent and approbation of the French Court. This measure pleases me extremely, and nothing could be better timed; but I must beg you to conceal it. I have received a new commission for peace, in which J. A., B. F., H. L., J. J., and T. J., are the ministers. I have likewise received a revocation of my commission to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. These last novelties, I suppose, would nettle some men’s feelings; but I am glad of them. They have removed the cause of envy, I had like to have said; but I fear I must retract that, since J. A. still stands before B. F. in the commission. You know from what quarter this whole system comes. They have been obliged to adopt our systems of war and politics, in order to gain influence enough by means of them to lessen us. But I will consent, upon these terms, to be diminished down to the size of a Lilliputian, or of an animalcule in pepper water. There is no present prospect of peace, or negotiation for it; and I confess I never expect to be called to act in consequence of any of these commissions about peace, and, therefore, may be the more indifferent.

When I was at Paris, the articles of the mediating Courts were given me, and my sentiments desired, which I gave in detail in a correspondence which congress have received from me in two different ways; so that they will have no expectations of a congress at Vienna, unless the late Cornwallization should excite them anew. In what a light does Nerone Neronior appear by his last speech, and by his answers to the addresses of both houses in consequence of it? Clapping his hands to his hounds and mastiffs to persevere in worrying the innocent, although he knows they have nothing to hope for but death.

This evening were brought me your despatches to congress of the of September, with all the papers inclosed in very good order. I shall send them by Dr. Dexter by the way of France, as there is no prospect of a conveyance from here sooner. I am exceedingly pleased with this correspondence, and hope that you have still harmonized with your noble correspondent. I am afraid that he is too right in his conjectures; but I am happy to find that your sentiments upon the article are the same which I had expressed in my letters to the C. de V. upon the subject. The articles, however, are not sufficiently explicit. You have before now seen the answers of France and Spain to the Imperial Courts. Pray send me copies of them, if you can obtain them. I was told the substance, but have no copies. I was, however, happy to find France, Spain, and America so well agreed in sentiment. I am very glad to find you can make any use of your ward. I leave to your judgment every thing concerning him. Make him write to me every week by the post. I am pleased with his observations in his travels, and with his cautious prudence in his letters.

We must be patient and must humor our allies as much as possible, consistently with our other duties. I see no near hopes of your being received, any more than myself; but if, without being received, we can gain and communicate information, we shall answer a good end. I am, at present, apparently, and I believe really, upon good terms with the D. de la V.; and the miffs at Versailles and Passy seem to be wearing away. Let me entreat you to write me as often as possible.

Our country, by all accounts, is in great spirits. Paper money quite stopped; every thing conducted in silver. Trade flourishing, although many privateers and merchant vessels are taken. Crops the finest ever known. Great Britain has not lost less than twenty thousand men the last twelve months in America. They will not be able to send ten, but if they could send twenty, they would only give opportunity for more Cornwallizations and Burgoynizations.

With every sentiment of affection and esteem,
Your obliged friend and servant,

John Adams.

P. S. December 15th. To-day Mr. S. arrived with your other letters. I shall take the best care, and answer soon. I am still more happy to find you still patient and in good spirits. We shall do very well. I think you may expect some good news from me ere long.

JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Madrid, 15 December, 1781.

Sir,—

The two last posts brought me your favors of the 26th and 28th ultimo. It really gives me great satisfaction at length to see a prospect of a regular correspondence between us. The failure of my former attempts had almost discouraged me, though, from the frequent miscarriage of letters to and from me, I had reason to impute your silence more to that than to any other cause.

I have not received a syllable from congress, nor from any of its members, by the vessel which brought you the instructions of the 16th August; but I by no means infer from thence that they did not write, for on more than one occasion I know that letters for me have been put into the post-office, which never came to my hands; and I advise you never to write to me but under a persuasion that your letter will be inspected before I receive it.

As to the instructions, I had neither seen nor heard of them till the reception of your letter. They appear to me to be wise, and I shall be happy to see the object of them fully and speedily attained.

As to the progress of my negotiations here, I can only inform you that the last offers of America were made so long ago as July last. The Court has not as yet found it convenient to give me an answer. I could give you a particular history of delays, but it would be useless. I could also communicate to you my conjectures as to the real cause of them, but by the post it would be improper. In a word, it is not in my power to write any thing of importance but what I ought not to write by such a conveyance, unless in cipher.

Delay is, and has long been the system, and when it will cease, cannot be divined. Mr. Del Campo, the minister’s first and confidential secretary, has been appointed near three months to confer with me, and yet this appointment was not announced to me till the last week. I have not yet had a conference with him. He has been sick, and it seems is not yet sufficiently recovered to do business, &c. &c. &c.

It will not be necessary to send me copies of the commission and instructions you mention. The originals intended for me were brought by Major Franks in September last. I think it probable that duplicates for me accompany those you have received; and I am the more inclined to this opinion from having lately received a packet directed by Secretary Thomson, in which I found nothing but his cipher indorsed in his handwriting, but no letter or line from him or others. It was committed to the care of Mr. Barclay, consul in France. He sent it to me by the post, and on comparing the date of his letter to me from Lorient with the time I received it, I find it was thirteen days on the way; it had evident marks of inspection.

I am very much of your opinion, and for the same reason,—that peace is yet at a distance; and, therefore, that I cannot soon expect to have the pleasure of seeing you, which I much desire for many reasons.

As to Gibraltar and Minorca, it is difficult to conjecture when or in what manner the operations against them will terminate; for my own part, I think their fate will remain in suspense for some time yet.

The Dutch certainly do not want spirit; and I ascribe their want of vigor more to the embarrassments they experience from the nature of their government and the Anglican connections of the ruling family, than to any other cause. A national convention under the protection of France, would, in my opinion, be the most effectual remedy for these evils.

General Greene’s last action does great honor to him as well as to the American arms. This and the surrender of Lord Cornwallis are most joyful and interesting events. I am anxious to know what influence they will have on the British counsels.

If the alliance in agitation should promise to take effect and draw near to a conclusion, it would have much influence here and elsewhere.

You shall have immediate advice of the first change that may happen in our affairs here.

My expectations are not very sanguine; but I confess to you that it would not surprise me, if the various delays practised here should in the end prove more advantageous than injurious to our interests.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Jay.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 18 December, 1781.

Sir,—

Having received an invitation to the Hague, in order to have some conversation with some gentlemen in the government, concerning the further steps proper for me to take in the present conjuncture, I had determined to have undertaken the journey to-day, but the arrival in town of the Duc de la Vauguyon, determined me to postpone it until to-morrow.

At noon, to-day, his Excellency did me the honor of a visit, and a long conversation upon the state of affairs, at my house. He informed me, that upon the communication I had made to him, when he was here last, in person, and afterwards by letter, of my new commission and instructions, he had written to the Count de Vergennes; that he had explained to that minister his own sentiments, and expected an answer. His own idea is, that I should go to the Hague in some week, when there is a president whose sentiments and disposition are favorable, and demand an answer to my former proposition, and afterwards, that I should go round to the cities of Holland, and apply to the several regencies.

He thinks that I may now assume a higher tone, which the late Cornwallization will well warrant. I shall, however, take care not to advance too fast, so as to be unable to retreat. His advice is, to go to the Hague to-morrow, and meet the gentlemen who wish to see me there, and this I shall do.

I have been very happy hitherto, in preserving an entire good understanding with this minister, and nothing shall ever be wanting on my part to deserve his confidence and esteem.

I have transmitted by two opportunities, one by Captain Trowbridge, from hence, another by Dr. Dexter by the way of France, despatches from Mr. Dana, at Petersburg, by which congress will perceive that material advantages will arise from that gentleman’s residence in that place, whether he soon communicates his mission to that court or not.

The English papers, which I forward by this opportunity, will inform congress of the state of things and parties in England. The ministry talk of a new system. Perhaps they may attempt Rhode Island once more in exchange for Charleston, and try their skill at intercepting our trade.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON.

The Hague, 19 December, 1781.

Sir,—

It has been insinuated to me, that the Spanish ambassador here has instructions from his court to enter into negotiation with their High Mightinesses, concerning an alliance between Spain and the republic. If this fact has come to your Excellency’s knowledge, and there is no inconvenience nor impropriety in communicating it to me, I should be very much obliged to you for the information, not from curiosity merely, but for my government, in the steps I may have to take.

By my late instructions, of which your Excellency has a copy, I am to inform myself concerning the progress of American negotiations at the Court of Spain, and, if an alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and the United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the alliance proposed between France, their High Mightinesses, and the congress. If no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party, &c.

Congress have wisely enjoined it upon me, to confer in the most confidential manner with your Excellency, and I have made it a law to myself, to take no material step in this negotiation without your approbation; but my instructions seem to make it necessary to take some measures, at least, to sound the disposition of the Spanish ambassador. I would, therefore, beg leave to propose to your consideration, and to request your opinion, whether you think it advisable for me to do myself the honor of making a visit to the Spanish ambassador, and communicating to him the substance of my instruction, as far as it relates to the Court of Madrid; or whether it would be better to communicate it by letter; or whether your Excellency will be so good as to take upon yourself this communication, and inform me of the result of it.

I am advised here to wait on the president of their High Mightinesses as soon as possible, and demand a categorical answer to my former proposition, and then to wait on the grand pensionary and Mr. Secretary Fagel, and, in turn, upon the pensionaries of all the cities of Holland, to inform them of the demand made to the president. But I submit to your consideration, whether it will not be expedient to communicate the project of a triple or quadruple alliance, to some confidential members of the States, as to the pensionaries of Dort, Haerlem, and Amsterdam, for example, with permission to them to communicate it, where they shall think it necessary, in order to give more weight to my demand.

The Court of Great Britain are manifestly availing themselves of the mediation of Russia, in order to amuse this republic, and restrain it from exerting itself in the war, and forming connections with the other belligerent powers, without intending to make peace with her upon any conditions which would not be ruinous to her. It is, therefore, of the last importance to Holland, as well as of much consequence to the other belligerent powers, to draw her out of the snare, which one should think might be now easily done by a proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance.

To-morrow morning, at ten, I propose to do myself the honor of waiting on your Excellency, if that honor is agreeable, in order to avail myself more particularly of your sentiments upon these points.

In the mean time, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

The Hague, 20 December, 1781.

Sir,—

I have received the letter you have done me the honor to address me. I shall be very eager to have that of conversing with you on the different subjects to which it relates, and shall expect to see you at ten o’clock to-morrow morning, as you desire.

Receive, sir, my renewed assurances of the inviolable sentiments with which I have the honor to be, &c.

De la Vauguyon.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

Versailles, 30 December, 1781.

Sir,—

You desired that on my arrival at Versailles, I should communicate to the Count de Vergennes your disposition to adopt the measure you have been advised to pursue by several well-disposed members of the States of Holland, and that I should at the same time make known to him your determination not to take that step without his approbation.

The minister directs me to inform you, that he sees no objection to the visit which you wish to make to the president of the assembly of the states-general, to the ministers of the republic, and to the deputies of the principal cities of the Province of Holland, provided that, without leaving with either of them any official writing, you limit yourself to the inquiry, whether the memorial which you transmitted to them several months since has been made the subject of deliberation by their High-Mightinesses, and what answer you may communicate to the congress of the United States of North America.

I do not know the precise time of my return to the Hague, but I see no reason to suppose that my absence will be longer than I intended.

Receive, sir, my renewed assurance, &c.

De la Vauguyon.

[1 ]Presumed to be Silas Deane. See a letter of Dr. Franklin to R. R. Livingston. Sparks’s Franklin, vol. ix. p. 177.

[1 ]In this place a few words of explanation are necessary. Such was the dejection and despondency of the whole nation, that I was candidly told by all the gentlemen in whom I had any confidence, that a loan was desperate; except M. de Neufville, who was very confident that he could obtain a considerable sum, and was extremely importunate with me to open a loan in his house. That gentleman’s politeness and hospitality drew all Americans to his house; and he had made them believe that he could do much, if I would authorize him. I had spies enough upon me from England, France, and America too, very ready to impute blame to me. Congress were constantly drawing upon me, and there was the utmost danger that their bills would be protested. If this event should happen, I knew that representations in private letters would go to America and to France, that this fatal calamity was wholly owing to my negligence and obstinacy in refusing to open a loan in M. de Neufville’s house. I thought it my duty, therefore, to try the experiment. It could do no harm; for we had certainly at that moment no credit to lose. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]The allusions in this letter are not perfectly easy to explain. From the tenor of the answer, which is even more enigmatical, it is inferred that D. D. and Fun stand for Dr. Franklin and Count de Vergennes. Francisco is Silas Deane. The references to General John Sullivan and T. Pickering, then Quarter-Master-General, grew out of publications made by them at the time, explaining the depressed condition of the army, which terminated in the revolt of the Pennsylvania line.

[1 ]I soon returned to Leyden, and determined to begin by communicating the resolution of congress to the ambassadors of the neutral courts; first, to that from Russia. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]Upon this letter a few notes may be necessary. I found, by experience, that there was in Holland a public and a secret doctrine among the merchants, capitalists, and brokers, like those of the ancient Egyptian priests; and I am afraid there is something too much like it in all countries and in all ages in society, which sometimes greatly embarrasses honest men and sincere inquirers after truth. A very respectable gentleman told me,—“If, sir, you were to write me a letter, and ask my opinion, whether M. de Neufville’s house is a solid house, and M. de Neufville’s credit a solid credit, I should answer you in the affirmative. Yes, sir, a very solid house and a very solid credit. Nevertheless, I caution you, in confidence, to have a care.” M. de Neufville was generally, and I believe justly, reputed an honest, well-meaning man; but the knowing ones thought he had not a clear head, and remembered various injudicious speculations in which he had been engaged, which had proved very disadvantageous to him. Such, however, was his public reputation, that I still flattered myself he would obtain something to help me discharge my American bills, and lessen the burden on the Court of France; and in this I was encouraged by Mr. Luzac, Mr. Dumas, and several others of my friends, which occasioned my writing as I did in this letter. Again, there was an ambitious burgomaster in Amsterdam, Mr. Rendorp, secretly in the interest of the stadtholder and the English, who found means upon this occasion and upon several others to insinuate discouragement to M. de Neufville. And at this time he began to find by experience that he should dispose of very few, if any, of my obligations, and was very desirous that I should impute his ill success to the hope of peace held out by a confused rumor which began to spread in Europe of an intended mediation of the two imperial courts. After all, whatever was the cause, my hopes were blasted as well as those of M. de Neufville. I obtained only the three thousand guilders which M. Luzac had promised; and M. de Neufville obtained only two thousand among all his friends.

Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]Congress.

[1 ]The counter-manifesto of the states-general to Great Britain.

[1 ]The black cloud that hung over the whole of the southern provinces; the solemn gloom that pervaded the whole nation; the universal uncertainty and timidity that had seized upon all minds, determined me to bring my own mission to a trial. If I should be rejected and ordered out of the country, our situation would not be worse. If I should be received, my object would be gained; but, if I should neither be received nor rejected, but taken ad referendum, as the most intelligent men assured me I should be, I should then stand in a fair diplomatic character, waiting the result of the national deliberations, under the protection of the government, the public faith, and the national honor. Both myself and my friends would be in a situation of more safety and security. I determined, therefore, to communicate my commission and credentials to the government, both to their High Mightinesses and to the Stadtholder. I wrote my memorials, and signed them on the 19th of April, 1781,—one to the states-general, the other to the Prince of Orange. It was my wish that Mr. Luzac, who wrote admirably well in French by the acknowledgment of all Europe, should translate the memorials into French, but Mr. Dumas was very desirous of performing that service; and Mr. Luzac undertook to get them translated into Dutch by his brother-in-law,—a bookseller, printer, and editor of a gazette at Delpht,—who had the reputation of one of the most masterly writers in the nation in their own language.

About this time, considering the connection between the United States and France, it was very obvious that prudence required I should communicate my design to the French ambassador. I was not, however, without apprehensions of the consequence of it, for I could not doubt that the Count de Vergennes had information of my appointment sooner than I had; and I had a thousand reasons to believe that my whole system in Holland, and even my residence in it, was disagreeable to him. I might presume, and I did presume, that the Duke had instructions from the Count to counteract me. But the inconveniences that would arise from concealing my design from the French ambassador, appearing to overbalance those in the other scale, I wrote to his Excellency information that I had received from congress full powers and credentials as a minister plenipotentiary to the states-general and the Prince of Orange. I received a reply from the Duke immediately, “that he had received my letter, but that I had not informed him whether it was my design to present my full powers to their High Mightinesses; if such was my intention, he desired a previous conference with me.” I went immediately to the Hague, and made my visit to the Hôtel de France. The Duke entered at once into conversation with me, to dissuade me from presenting my credentials. He detained me two hours. I answered all his questions and replied to all his arguments. But, as is usual, neither was convinced; and I took my leave with as full a determination as ever to pursue my plan. The next morning, at eight o’clock, the Duke appeared at my lodgings, at the principal inn of the city, at the sign of the Parliament of England, and renewed his efforts to divert me from my purpose. He went over all the ground we had trod the day before, and ran about all Europe, especially the northern maritime confederation, to find arguments against the step I proposed to take. Although his topics appeared to me extremely frivolous, I listened to them with all the respect which was due to the ambassador of France, and to the personal character of the Duke, which I sincerely esteemed. It is but justice to say, that in all my intercourse with the Duke de la Vauguyon, I was uniformly treated by him, his Duchess, their children, and domestics, with the utmost politeness, and indeed with the freedom and familiarity of friendship.

In this transaction I committed two faults:—1. In not insisting that these discussions should be in writing. 2. In not committing them to writing when they were fresh in my mind. The only excuse that can be made for both is that I had not time. Too many objects pressed upon me at once. At the distance of eight-and-twenty years it would be in vain to attempt a recollection of them by memory, and they must be lost forever, unless some future Dalrymple or Fox, after a century or two should find access to the diplomatic archives of France, and there find some account of them in the Duke’s despatches to his Court.

The Duke detained me between four and five hours at this second interview, urging all the time his objections and reasons against my going to the States. There was no solidity in them; I knew them to be mere pretexts.

At last, when he found I was not convinced, he desired me to postpone my visit to the president of their High Mightinesses, until he could write to the Count de Vergennes, and have his opinion. I answered, by no means. Why? Because I know beforehand the Count’s opinion will be point blank against me; and I had rather proceed against his judgment, without officially knowing his opinion, than with it, as I am determined in all events to go. The Duke had one resource still left. It was, to persuade me to join him in writing, or let him alone write a request to the King of France, that he would order his ambassadors to unite with me in my endeavors to obtain an acknowledgment of my public character. I answered again, by no means. “Why?” “Because, Monsieur le Duc, if I must speak out in plain English or plain French, I know the decision of the King’s council will be directly and decidedly against me; and I am decidedly determined to go to the president, though I had a resolution of the King in council against me and before my eyes. Besides, the moments are critical, and there is no time to be lost; whereas, the correspondence and negotiations you propose may be spun out for years. Moreover, I think that neither the King nor his ministers ought to commit themselves in this business.” “What!” said the Duke; “will you take the responsibility of it upon yourself?” “Indeed, Monsieur le Duc, I will; and I think I alone ought to be responsible, and that no other ambassador, minister, council, or court, ought to be answerable for any thing concerning it.” “Are you willing to be responsible, then?” “Indeed, I am; and upon my head may all the consequences of it rest.” “Are you then determined?” “Determined, and unalterably determined I am.”

The Duke, upon hearing this, changed his countenance and the tone of his voice, and said, very pleasantly, “Well, I can say no more. If you are determined, and actually go to the states-general, though it will be against my opinion and advice, and although I can give you no assistance in my official capacity, yet, as a man and an individual, I will give you all the countenance in my power.” I thanked his Excellency for his declaration, which I received in the most friendly manner; and I assured him it was all the aid I expected or desired, as I fully agreed with him, that neither his public character, or the conduct of his Court, ought, in any manner or degree, to be compromised in the affair.

Notwithstanding all this, after our treaty was made with Holland, the Count de Vergennes ordered the French minister to announce formally to congress, in the name of the King, that his Majesty had assisted the United States in forming the connection between them and the states-general of the United Provinces; and his Majesty received a formal vote of thanks from congress for that favor. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]At the foot of this letter to congress I find in my handwriting a note.—20 February, 1782. “The late evacuation of the barrier towns, and the demolition of their fortifications, may serve as a comment on the Duke de la Vauguyon’s opinion against the point of time. But if it shows that he was right for his country, it shows also that I was right for mine, and the Dutch only have been wrong in being blind.” I had been very busily and confidentially employed in consultations with my Dutch friends, many of whom were members of the sovereignty, and among the best characters and most respectable men in the nation. I had not taken a step without their advice and full approbation. They were unanimously of my opinion, that our American negotiations, both for a political and commercial connection, and for a loan of money, should be kept as distinct as possible from French influence. They were also unanimous for sending a copy in three languages to every member of the constitutional sovereignty in all the Provinces, amounting in the whole to between four and five thousand persons. This was accordingly done. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]Another letter of the same tenor and date was addressed to Baren de Ray, secretary of the Stadtholder.

[1 ]Let me here recapitulate. I was minister plenipotentiary for making peace; minister plenipotentiary for making a treaty of commerce with Great Britain; minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, the states-general; minister plenipotentiary to his Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Stadtholder; minister plenipotentiary for pledging the faith of the United States to the armed neutrality; and what perhaps, at that critical moment, was of as much importance to the United States as any of those powers, I was commissioner for negotiating a loan of money to the amount of ten millions of dollars; and upon this depended the support of our army at home and our ambassadors abroad.

While I was ardently engaged and indefatigably occupied in studies and efforts to discharge all these duties, I was suddenly summoned to Versailles to consult with the Count de Vergennes upon something relative to peace. What should I do? My country and the world would consider my commission for peace as the most important of all my employments, and the first to be attended to. I hesitated not a moment, left all other business in as good a train as I could, and set off for Paris. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]These articles were given me in French, and they graciously condescended to let me see the original communication from the two Imperial Courts as far and no farther than these three articles extended. All the rest was carefully covered up with a book. I desired to see and have a copy of the whole; but no, that could not be permitted.

I returned to Paris, where I was alone. Congress had taken from me my bosom friend and fellow sufferer,—in whose society I always found satisfaction, and in whose enlightened counsels, ample assistance and confidence,—Mr. Dana, and sent him on a mission to Russia. My private secretary, Mr. Thaxter, I was obliged to leave in charge of my family and affairs in Holland. I had, therefore, every thing to write, translate, and copy with my own hand.

Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]As I received no answer to my letter to the Comte de Vergennes, of the 13th of July, and as I was very desirous of obtaining his sentiments, or at least some further information or explanations from him, I wrote again with this view, on the 16th.

Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]This letter was addressed in these words:—“À Monsieur Adams, Agent des États Unis de l’Amérique Septentrionale, à l’Hôtel de Valois, Rue Richelieu, à Paris; (franked) de Vergennes,” all in the handwriting of the clerk who wrote the letter. The letter was signed by the Count de Vergennes. Whether the word agent was a blunder of the clerk, or the art and design of the Count, is of no consequence now. He knew I was minister plenipotentiary, both for peace and to the states of Holland; but what reason he had for avoiding to acknowledge it, I know not. It excited some reflections and suspicions at the time, because it seemed to be conformable to the views of the mediating courts, which the Court of France ought not to have countenanced.

Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]I lived in daily and hourly hopes and expectations of an answer to some of my letters and communications, or of an invitation to some personal conference, in which I might be favored with some intimations of his Excellency’s sentiments of approbation or disapprobation, or his advice, criticisms, or corrections of any thing he might think required any alteration. But nothing appeared. All was total silence and impenetrable mystery. Such a dead reserve, such a fixed determination not to commit himself to any thing, not even to an acknowledgment of the obligations of his own treaty with the United States, appeared to me to be poor encouragement to us to be over-communicative with the French ministry. I waited till the 21st of the month, when, being very anxious to return to Holland, where I had reason to believe I could negotiate for peace with Great Britain much more rapidly than in France, I wrote the following letter.

Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]The answer to the articles relative to America, proposed by the two Imperial Courts, and the letters to the Count de Vergennes, I have the satisfaction to believe, defeated the profound and magnificent project of a congress at Vienna, for the purpose of chicaning the United States out of their independence.

It moreover established the principle, that American ministers plenipotentiary were not to appear without their public titles and characters, nor to negotiate but with their equals, after an exchange of full powers.

The correspondences of the cabinets of Madrid, London, Vienna, and St. Petersburg, relative to this negotiation, are impenetrable secrets; and those of Versailles would have been equally so to this hour, if my friend, Mr. Dana, had not been in Russia.

(The letters of the Marquis de Verac, of the 2d and 12th September, to Mr. Dana, here alluded to, as explaining the views of the French cabinet, are to be found imperfectly translated in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. viii. pp. 291-304. So striking is the coincidence of thought and tone between Mr. Adams’s answer, and the answers of the Court of France afterwards given to the mediators, that for facility of comparison the latter are placed in the Appendix A to this volume.)

Mr. Adams further says:—

The letters of the Marquis de Verac to Mr. Dana are so perfectly concordant, paragraph by paragraph, and almost word for word, with the conversations of the Duke de la Vauguyon with me at the Hague many months before, that I have no doubt both were dictated at Versailles by the Count de Vergennes and his confidential secretary, M. de Rayneval. It is to be regretted that these conversations were not reduced to writing at the time. But the Duke endeavored to avoid a written correspondence on the subject, and I had very powerful reasons for not forcing him to it. I will not venture to say, that the advice to both was not wise. I leave it to the judgment of more learned and experienced statesmen. I did not see or feel the force of it at the time, and ventured to proceed in opposition to it. And my temerity was rewarded with success, and even beyond my own expectations.

Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.

[1 ]By the United States in congress assembled, 12 July, 1781,—

Resolved, That the commission and instructions for negotiating a treaty of commerce between these United States and Great Britain, given to the Honorable John Adams on the 29th day of September, 1779, be, and they are hereby revoked. Extract from the Minutes.Charles Thomson,Secretary.

[1 ]These papers are all found in the Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii. pp. 434-449.

[1 ]See the Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii. pp. 470, 472.

[1 ]

Instructions of Congress to John Adams.

In Congress, 16 August, 1781.

On the report of the committee to whom was recommitted their report on the communications from the honorable, the minister of France, and who were instructed to report instructions to the Honorable John Adams, respecting a treaty of alliance with the United Provinces of the Netherlands,—

Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the Court of Versailles be directed to inform his Most Christian Majesty that the tender of his endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United Provinces of the Netherlands and these States has been received by congress as a fresh proof of his solicitude for their interests; that, previous to the communication of this, his Most Christian Majesty’s friendly purpose, congress, impressed with the importance of such a connection, had confided to Mr. John Adams full powers to enter, on the part of the United States, into a treaty of amity and commerce with the United Provinces, with a special instruction to conform himself therein to the treaties subsisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States; that congress do, with pleasure, accept his Most Christian Majesty’s interposition, and will transmit further powers to their minister at the Hague to form a treaty of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces, and the United States, having for its object, and limited in its duration, to the present war with Great Britain; that he will be enjoined to confer, on all occasions, in the most confidential manner, with his Most Christian Majesty’s minister at the Hague; and that provisional authority will also be sent to admit his Catholic Majesty as a party.

Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague be, and he is hereby instructed to propose a treaty of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.

That the indispensable conditions of the alliance be, that their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, shall expressly recognize the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as of commerce; that the war with Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each party exerting itself according to its discretion in the most effectual hostility against the common enemy; and that no party shall conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain, without the formal consent of the whole first obtained; nor lay down their arms, until the sovereignty and independence of these United States shall be formally or tacitly assured by Great Britain in a treaty which shall terminate the war.

That the said minister be, and he hereby is further instructed to unite the two republics by no stipulations of offence, nor guarantee any possessions of the United Provinces; to inform himself, from the minister of these United States at the Court of Spain, of the progress of his negotiations at the said Court; and, if an alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and these United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the alliance herein intended; if no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party to the alliance herein intended, according to the instructions given to the said minister at the Court of Spain.

That in all other matters, not repugnant to these instructions, the said minister at the Hague do use his best discretion.

Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague be, and he hereby is instructed to confer in the most confidential manner with his Most Christian Majesty’s minister there.

Ordered, That the foregoing resolutions be communicated to our ministers at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, that they may furnish every information and aid in their power to our minister at the Hague in the accomplishment of this business.

Resolved, That the following commission be issued to Mr. John Adams for the purpose aforesaid.

The United States, in congress assembled, to all who shall see these presents, send greeting:—

Whereas a union of the force of the several powers engaged in the war against Great Britain may have a happy tendency to bring the said war to a speedy and favorable issue; and it being the desire of these United States to form an alliance between them and the United Provinces of the Netherlands; know ye, therefore, that we, confiding in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the Hon. John Adams, have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute, and appoint him, the said John Adams, our minister plenipotentiary, giving him full powers, general and special, to act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the person or persons vested with equal powers by his Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a treaty of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America; and whatever shall be so agreed and concluded for us and in our name, to sign, and thereupon to make such treaty, convention, and agreements as he shall judge conformable to the ends we have in view; hereby promising, in good faith, that we will accept, ratify, and execute whatever shall be agreed, concluded, and signed by him our said minister.

In witness whereof, we have caused these presents to be signed by our president and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one, and in the sixth year of our independence, by the United States in congress assembled.

Thomas M’Kean,President.

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1 Jan. 1781: THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

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THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,—

I am, with the greatest respect, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

I am, sir, with great respect, &c.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

My Dear Sir,—

Affectionately yours,

TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.

Sir,—

I am, &c.

TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,—

I am, sir, respectfully and affectionately yours,

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Honored and Dear Sir,—

Je suis, &c. &c.

TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,—

Adieu.

TO MESSRS. JOHN DE NEUFVILLE AND SONS.

Gentlemen,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,—

With great respect, &c.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Dear Sir,—

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

With great respect, &c.

TO M. BICKER.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

M. BICKER TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

With great respect, &c. &c.

TO M. BICKER.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,—

Adieu.

TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,—

A MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL. To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

High and Mighty Lords,—

TO THE PRINCE DE GALITZIN, MINISTER OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO M. VAN BERCKEL, FIRST COUNSELLOR PENSIONARY OF THE CITY OF AMSTERDAM.

Sir,—

With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Sir,—

A MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

With the greatest respect and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

With the greatest respect and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.