The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Official Letters, Messages, and Public Papers.
• Introductory Note.
• 28 Nov. 1777: The President of Congress to John Adams.
• 3 Dec. 1777: The President of Congress to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To Henry Laurens, President of Congress.
• To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
• Baron De Kalb to John Adams.
• ( Inclosed With the Foregoing. ) Baron De Kalb to the Comte De Broglie.
• Baron De Kalb to M. Moreau.
• 9 Jan. 1778: The Marquis De La Fayette to John Adams.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the Marquis De La Fayette.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine. 2
• To the Committee of Commerce.
• M. De Sartine to the Commissioners.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• The Commissioners to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
• M. De Sartine to the Commissioners. ( Translation. ) 1
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• The Commissioners to M. De Beaumarchais.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• To M. Le Ray De Chaumont.
• M. Le Ray De Chaumont to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• M. De Sartine to the Commissioners. ( Translation. )
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
• To the American Prisoners In Forton, Plymouth, Or Elsewhere In Great Britain.
• To Ralph Izard.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Ralph Izard to John Adams.
• To Ralph Izard.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• The Commissioners to William Lee.
• Ralph Izard to John Adams.
• The Commissioners to John Ross.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• To Ralph Izard.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• To Arthur Lee.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• M. Genet 1 to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to M. Schweighauser.
• The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
• The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
• The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• To the President of Congress.
• The Commissioners to Dr. Price.
• The Commissioners to John Ross.
• 1 Jan. 1779: The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
• The Commissioners to John Lloyd and Others.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
• To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
• To M. De Sartine.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
• To the Marquis De Lafayette.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. De Sartine to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• ( Inclosed With the Preceding. ) M. De Sartine to Benjamin Franklin.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• To Arthur Lee.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the Treasury Board.
• The Chevalier De La Luzerne to John Adams.
• The Chevalier De La Luzerne to Captain Chavagnes.
• M. De Marbois to John Adams.
• To M. De Sartine.
• To M. De La Luzerne.
• To M. De Marbois.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• 15 Feb, 1780: To the President of Congress.
• To the Marquis De Lafayette.
• To M. Genet.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• M. Genet to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Genet.
• To General Knox.
• To Captain Landais.
• To the President of Congress.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• William Lee to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• Arthur Lee to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• William Lee to John Adams.
• To Arthur Lee.
• To William Lee.
• To W. Carmichael.
• T. Digges to John Adams. ( Extract. )
• To the President of Congress.
• William Carmichael to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• To M. Genet.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
• W. Carmichael to John Adams. ( Without Date. )
• T. Digges to John Adams. ( Extract. )
• To M. Genet.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• To M. Genet. 1
• From the Count De Vergennes.
• From the Count De Vergennes.
• To W. Carmichael.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To John Jay.
• To T. Digges. 1
• To John Jay.
• To M. Genet.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• To M. Genet.
• To the Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Arthur Lee.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• M. Genet to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress
• To Count De Vergennes.
• ( Extract Inclosed ) Richard Cranch to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• ( Extract Inclosed. ) Elbridge Gerry to John Adams.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. 1 )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To Thomas Digges.
• Queries By B. Franklin.
• Answer to the Queries.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Thomas Jefferson.
• To B. Franklin.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• ( Inclosed Extract. ) B. Rush to John Adams.
• William Lee to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• David Hartley to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To William Lee.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To the President of Congress.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• Observations On Mr. Adams’s Letter of 17th July, 1780. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• David Hartley to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To John Luzac. 1
• To the President of Congress.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To David Hartley.
• John Luzac to John Adams.
• To John Luzac.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Van Vollenhoven.
• From M. Van Blomberg.
• From M. Van Blomberg.
• From M. Mylius.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• Twenty-six Letters Upon Interesting Subjects Respecting the Revolution of America, Written In Holland, In the Year Mdcclxxx
• To Mr. Calkoen.
• M. Bicker to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Thomas Digges.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To B. Franklin.
• To the President of Congress.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Van Blomberg.
• From M. Van Blomberg.
• To M. Bicker.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• From M. Bicker. ( Translation. )
• To M. Bowens.
• ( Memorandum On the Foregoing Letter. )
• To M. Dumas.
• To M. Bicker.
• From M. Bicker. ( Translation. )
• To Commodore Gillon.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To M. John Luzac.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To B. Franklin.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• 1 Jan. 1781: The President of Congress to John Adams.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• The President of Congress to John Adams.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To M. Dumas.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To M. Bicker.
• M. Bicker to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To M. Bicker.
• To M. Dumas.
• To M. Dumas.
• A Memorial to the States-general. to Their High Mightinesses, the States-general of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
• To the Prince De Galitzin, Minister of the Empress of Russia.
• To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of the City of Amsterdam.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon, Ambassador of France At the Hague.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
• To Francis Dana.
• The Duke De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
• To John Jay.
• To the President of Congress.
• To B. Franklin.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• To B. Franklin.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To Francis Dana.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Peter Van Bleiswyck.
• To M. Fagel.
• Memorial to Their High Mightinesses, the States-general of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
• Memorial to the Prince of Orange.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To the President of Congress.
• To John Laurens.
• To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. Dumas.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To M. Dumas.
• To the President of the Assembly of the States-general.
• M. BÉrenger to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To M. BÉrenger.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Count De Vergennes. 1
• M. De Rayneval to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To M. De Rayneval.
• To the President of Congress.
• Articles to Serve As a Basis to the Negotiation For the Reëstablishment of Peace. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Answer of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Articles to Serve As a Basis to the Negotiation For the Reëstablishment of Peace.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• To Count De Vergennes.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• (private. Partly In Cipher.)
• To the President of Congress.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• (inclosed In the Preceding.) the President of Congress to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To B. Franklin.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
• To B. Franklin.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• Francis Dana to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• George Washington to John Adams.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• To John Jay.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To John Jay.
• To the President of Congress.
• To M. Dumas.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To John Luzac.
• To Francis Dana.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• 6 Jan, 1782: Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To Baron Van Der Capellen.
• To the President of Congress.
• To B. Franklin.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• David Hartley to John Adams.
• To B. Franklin.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To John Jay.
• To the Duc De La Vaugyon.
• The Duke De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
• To M. Bergsma.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams. ( Without Date. )
• To M. Dumas.
• To Francis Dana.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To John Luzac.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• T. Digges to John Adams.
• (inclosed In the Preceding.) D. Hartley to John Adams.
• To T. Digges.
• To M. Dubbledemutz.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• Traduction De La Résolution De Leurs Nobles Et Grandes Puissances Les Seigneurs États De Hollande Et De West Frise.
• M. Dumas to John Adams. ( Copie De Ma Lettre à Notre Ami. )
• To Peter Van Bleiswyck.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• T. Digges to John Adams.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• C. De Gyselaer to John Adams.
• Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
• To M. Dubbledemutz.
• The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
• To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
• B. E. Abbema to John Adams.
• To M. Abbema.
• To J. U. Pauli.
• John Luzac to John Adams.
• To Benjamin Franklin.
• To Secretary Livingston. 1
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To M. Hodshon.
• Proposals For Opening a Loan.
• M. Dumas to John Adams.
• (the Two Following Letters Explain the Preceding.) Jacob Nolet to John Adams.
• Jacob Nolet to M. Dumas.
• To M. Dumas.
• Verbal Message of C. W. F. Dumas to the City of Schiedam.
• To B. Franklin.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• W. and J. Willink, Nic. and Jac. Van Staphorst, and De La Lande and Fynje to John Adams.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Messrs. W. and J. Willink, N. and J. Van Staphorst, and De La Lande and Fynje.
• Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Messrs. W. and J. Willink and Others.
• Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams.
• To M. De Lafayette.
• To Messrs. Willink and Others.
• To John Hodshon.
• To B. Franklin.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• C. L. Beyma to John Adams.
• E. F. Van Berckel to John Adams. ( Extract. )
• To M. Van Berckel.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• M. Van Berckel to John Adams.
• To M. Van Berckel.
• To John Jay.
• To Messrs. Willink and Others.
• To Mr. Mazzei.
• To John Jay.
• To Henry Laurens.
• To John Jay.
• To Henry Laurens.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• Henry Laurens to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Francis Dana.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• Robert Morris to John Adams.
• John Jay to John Adams.
• To M. De La Fayette.
• M. Cerisier to John Adams.
• M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
• To John Jay.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Francis Dana.
• Francis Dana to John Adams. ( Secret and Confidential. )
• J. G. Holtzhey to John Adams.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To B. Franklin.
• To Jean George Holtzhey.
• Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
• To Robert Morris.
• To Henry Laurens.
• To Secretary Livingston.
• To Robert Morris.
• To Francis Dana.
• Appendix.
• (a. P. 452.)
• Extrait De La Réponse De La Cour De France Aux Propositions Faites Au Sujet Du Rétablissement De La Paix Par Les Cours De Petersbourg Et De Vienne.
• Proposition.
• RÉponse.
• Projet De Réponse Aux Trois Cours Belligérantes.
• RÉponse (mutatis Mutandis).
• Réponse De Sa Majesté Très Chrétienne à La Réplique Des Deux Cours Impériales.
• Extract From the Answer of the Court of France to the Propositions Made On the Subject of the Reëstablishment of Peace By the Courts of Petersburg and of Vienna.
• Proposition.
• Answer.
• Project of an Answer to the Three Belligerent Courts.
• Answer (mutatis Mutandis).
• Answer of His Most Christian Majesty to the Reply of the Two Imperial Courts.

OBSERVATIONS ON MR. ADAMS’S LETTER OF 17TH JULY, 1780.

(Translation.)

I.2 The reasons, which determined the Count de Vergennes to give Mr. Adams that advice are as plain as they appear absolutely decisive.

1st. To be busy about a treaty of commerce, before peace is established, is like being busy about the ornament of a house before the foundation is laid.

2d. In the situation in which America stands at present with regard to England, to announce to that power that her system of tyranny, her cruelties, and her perfidy are forgotten, is discovering much weakness, or at least much simpleness; it is inviting her to believe that the Americans have an irresistible predilection for her; it is fortifying her in the opinion she entertains, that the American patriots will submit through weariness, or through fear of the preponderating influence of the tories.

3d. To propose a treaty of commerce, which must be founded on confidence, and on a connection equivalent to an alliance, at a time when the war is raging in all its fury, when the Court of London is wishing to ruin or to subjugate America, what is it but to give credit to the opinion which all Europe has ever entertained, conformable to the assertions of the English ministers, that the United States incline towards a defection, and that they will be faithful to their engagements with France, only so long as Great Britain shall furnish no pretext for breaking them?

II. A person may be furnished with plenipotentiary powers, in a certain event, without being under the necessity of publishing them before circumstances permit him to use them. This happens every day. Mr. Adams is charged with three distinct commissions. 1. To take a share in the future negotiations for peace. 2. To conclude a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. 3. To represent the United States at the Court of London. It requires no great effort of genius to show, that these three objects cannot be joined in one act. It requires no more to show that the two last cannot serve as an introduction to the first. It is necessary first of all to obtain from England an acknowledgment of the independence of America, and that this acknowledgment should serve as a foundation for a treaty of peace. Not until after that is obtained, can Mr. Adams talk of a treaty of commerce. To propose one, while the Court of London is flattering itself with the hopes of subduing America, and while with that view it is making the most strenuous efforts, would in the view of that Court be to propose what is chimerical, and would be taking a step which it would hold as a mockery. The case would be the same, were one at this time to talk of a minister plenipotentiary from the United States, appointed to reside at the Court of his Britannic Majesty.

The only powers, therefore, which circumstances have permitted Mr. Adams to announce, are those which authorize him to take a part in the negotiations for peace. The two other powers will have no value until the conclusion of that peace; so that it would be at least useless to produce them at present, and, consequently, Mr. Adams will not act inconsistently with the design and nature of his powers, by concealing them from the Court of London. Although the Count de Vergennes is unacquainted with the tenor of the instructions of Mr. Adams, yet he is persuaded that they are conformable to the foregoing reflections, and that they do not direct him to make an immediate communication of his powers relative to a treaty of commerce, any more than they order him to make a separate peace with Great Britain. This opinion is founded on that which the King’s ministry entertain of the wisdom, prudence, and fidelity of congress.

III. It has been observed, that the English ministry would consider that communication as a mockery; hence it is voluntarily seeking to blind one’s self to suppose, that it will engage them to enter into any conference, or to say any thing more than what is contained in the resolutions of parliament, namely,—that they will listen to the Americans and receive them into favor, when they shall have returned to their former allegiance. Therefore, it would be at least superfluous to draw upon one’s self such an answer, nor can the United States need it, to know the present sentiments of the Court of London, still less, to prepare themselves by counsels and armies to resist it. It is astonishing to talk of preparations of counsels and armies, when the war is raging in all its fury, when it has now lasted six years, and England has not yet made the smallest overture to the Americans, that can authorize them to believe that she would agree to their independence.

IV. The English ministry would either return no answer, or if they did, it would be an insolent one. In case of the latter, why needlessly expose one’s self to insult, and thereby become the laughing-stock of all the nations who have not yet acknowledged the independence of the United States? But there is reason to believe that Mr. Adams would receive no answer, because the British ministry would not think one due to a man who assumes a character, which the Court of London must consider as an insult. It should not be forgotten, that that Court steadily considers the Americans as rebellious subjects. With such an opinion, how could Lord Germaine receive a letter from Mr. Adams, assuming the character of minister plenipotentiary from the United States of North America? How could that minister bear the mention of a treaty of commerce, which can only take place between independent nations? These observations will convince Mr. Adams, that France has no occasion for the expedient which he proposes, to know and to appreciate the sentiments and dispositions of the Court of London, and that we are already perfectly acquainted with what we ought and may expect from it, in the present situation of affairs.

V. The silence or the answer of the English ministry, whichever it might be, will neither alarm nor arouse the people of England. That people, without doubt, desire peace and an accommodation with America. But we have heard as yet only some individuals speak of independence, and these, more from a spirit of contradiction, than from conviction. There never has been a single motion made in parliament tending to grant that independence. Yet the people have friends and protectors in parliament. From this, Mr. Adams may judge of the embarrassment into which the announcing of his powers might throw the ministry.

VI. England, as well as the rest of Europe, is perfectly acquainted with the nature of the engagements, which subsist between France and the United States. The King caused a declaration to be made officially, on the 13th of March, 1778, that he had not secured to himself any exclusive privilege by the treaty of commerce of the 6th of February of the same year, and his Majesty has confirmed that declaration in a writing published by his order. So that the full powers of Mr. Adams will disclose nothing new in this respect, either to England or to the other powers of Europe. Hence the false impression which he thinks the Court of London has in this matter can be no obstacle to a peace. If any such obstacle existed, the English ministry would themselves seek to remove it, if they were determined to make the peace depend thereon.

VII. It is certain that the whole English nation, and even the ministers themselves, wish for peace. But it has already been observed, that there has not been a single motion made in favor of the independence of America. Certainly the full powers of Mr. Adams will not change the present dispositions in that respect, and, consequently, the communication that might be made of them will neither facilitate nor accelerate the conclusion of peace.

VIII. This reflection is very wise. It proves that Mr. Adams himself feels that there are circumstances which place him under a necessity to conceal his powers. The King’s ministry think that such circumstances will continue till the English nation shall show a disposition to acknowledge the independence of the United States. That acknowledgment will not be facilitated by proposing a treaty of commerce. For the English are well persuaded that from this time forward they will have such a treaty with America whenever they shall judge convenient. They have besides, as Mr. Adams has himself mentioned in his letter of the 19th of February last, a full knowledge of his commission, so that the communication of his full powers will teach them nothing new in this respect.

IX. This paragraph has just been answered. There is not an Englishman who is not persuaded that the United States are disposed to grant the advantages of commerce to their ancient metropolis; but to persuade not merely an Englishman, but any thinking being, that by granting independence in exchange for these advantages, the Court of London were making an honorable and advantageous peace, would be a hard task to perform. If this was the real sentiment of the people of England, why have they for these six years past, without murmuring, furnished ruinous contributions in order to subdue America?

X. The English ministry either have sincere intentions of making peace, or they mean only to amuse and penetrate the designs of Spain. In the first case, they will express the conditions on which they desire to treat; they will then be obliged to explain their views and their demands with regard to America. They will assuredly forget nothing which they think will forward peace, and, once agreed upon independence, their first care will be, without doubt, to be placed on an equality with France in regard to commerce. On the contrary, if the English ministry mean only to amuse Spain, to penetrate her designs, and to slacken her preparations for war, Mr. Adams should do the ministry of Madrid the justice to believe that they have sagacity enough to discover all these views, and understanding and prudence sufficient to determine on the conduct they ought to pursue.

XI. If Mr. Adams is as sure as he is of his existence, that the English ministry have no desire to make peace on terms equally agreeable to France and America, to what purpose now communicate to them powers which cannot be made use of until after the peace? How can Mr. Adams persuade himself that the Court of London will be seduced by the bait of a treaty of commerce, while it still manifests an invincible repugnance to acknowledge the independence of America? Whenever it shall be disposed to acknowledge that independence, it will of itself propose the conditions on which it will deem it proper to grant it, and Mr. Adams may rest assured that it will not forget the article of commerce. Then will be the proper time for him to produce his full powers. In the mean time, it is necessary to labor for the establishment of the foundation of the negotiation, namely,—the independence of America,—and that can only be effected by carrying on the war with vigor and success.

[2 ]Instead of repeating the paragraphs criticized of Mr. Adams’s letter, they have been numbered to correspond with these numbers in the criticism, so that a comparison is rendered easy. See pp. 228-230.