- Official Letters, Messages, and Public Papers.
- Introductory Note.
- 28 Nov. 1777: The President of Congress to John Adams.
- 3 Dec. 1777: The President of Congress to John Adams.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- To Henry Laurens, President of Congress.
- To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
- Baron De Kalb to John Adams.
- ( Inclosed With the Foregoing. ) Baron De Kalb to the Comte De Broglie.
- Baron De Kalb to M. Moreau.
- 9 Jan. 1778: The Marquis De La Fayette to John Adams.
- The President of Congress to John Adams.
- To the Marquis De La Fayette.
- The Commissioners to M. De Sartine. 2
- To the Committee of Commerce.
- M. De Sartine to the Commissioners.
- The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
- The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- The Commissioners to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
- M. De Sartine to the Commissioners. ( Translation. ) 1
- The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
- The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
- The Commissioners to M. De Beaumarchais.
- The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
- To M. Le Ray De Chaumont.
- M. Le Ray De Chaumont to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- M. De Sartine to the Commissioners. ( Translation. )
- The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
- The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
- To the American Prisoners In Forton, Plymouth, Or Elsewhere In Great Britain.
- To Ralph Izard.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- Ralph Izard to John Adams.
- To Ralph Izard.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- The Commissioners to William Lee.
- Ralph Izard to John Adams.
- The Commissioners to John Ross.
- The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
- To Ralph Izard.
- Arthur Lee to John Adams.
- To Arthur Lee.
- Arthur Lee to John Adams.
- M. Genet 1 to John Adams.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- M. Genet to John Adams.
- The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
- The Commissioners to M. Schweighauser.
- The Commissioners to the President of Congress.
- The Commissioners to M. De Sartine.
- The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
- To the President of Congress.
- The Commissioners to Dr. Price.
- The Commissioners to John Ross.
- 1 Jan. 1779: The Commissioners to Count De Vergennes.
- The Commissioners to John Lloyd and Others.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
- To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
- To M. De Sartine.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To the President of Congress.
- M. De Sartine to John Adams.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- ( Inclosed With the Preceding. ) M. De Sartine to Benjamin Franklin.
- Arthur Lee to John Adams.
- To Arthur Lee.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the Treasury Board.
- The Chevalier De La Luzerne to John Adams.
- The Chevalier De La Luzerne to Captain Chavagnes.
- M. De Marbois to John Adams.
- To M. De Sartine.
- To M. De La Luzerne.
- To M. De Marbois.
- The President of Congress to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- 15 Feb, 1780: To the President of Congress.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To M. Genet.
- M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
- M. Genet to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To the President of Congress.
- To M. Genet.
- To General Knox.
- To Captain Landais.
- To the President of Congress.
- Arthur Lee to John Adams.
- William Lee to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- Arthur Lee to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To Count De Vergennes.
- William Lee to John Adams.
- To Arthur Lee.
- To William Lee.
- To W. Carmichael.
- T. Digges to John Adams. ( Extract. )
- To the President of Congress.
- William Carmichael to John Adams.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- John Jay to John Adams.
- To M. Genet.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams.
- W. Carmichael to John Adams. ( Without Date. )
- T. Digges to John Adams. ( Extract. )
- To M. Genet.
- M. Genet to John Adams.
- To M. Genet. 1
- From the Count De Vergennes.
- From the Count De Vergennes.
- To W. Carmichael.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To John Jay.
- To T. Digges. 1
- To John Jay.
- To M. Genet.
- M. Genet to John Adams.
- To M. Genet.
- To the Count De Vergennes.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To Arthur Lee.
- M. Genet to John Adams.
- M. Genet to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress
- To Count De Vergennes.
- ( Extract Inclosed ) Richard Cranch to John Adams.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- ( Extract Inclosed. ) Elbridge Gerry to John Adams.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. 1 )
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- To Thomas Digges.
- Queries By B. Franklin.
- Answer to the Queries.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To B. Franklin.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- ( Inclosed Extract. ) B. Rush to John Adams.
- William Lee to John Adams.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- David Hartley to John Adams.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To William Lee.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To the President of Congress.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- Observations On Mr. Adams’s Letter of 17th July, 1780. ( Translation. )
- To Count De Vergennes.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- The President of Congress to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- David Hartley to John Adams.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- To John Luzac. 1
- To the President of Congress.
- Francis Dana to John Adams.
- To David Hartley.
- John Luzac to John Adams.
- To John Luzac.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To M. Van Vollenhoven.
- From M. Van Blomberg.
- From M. Van Blomberg.
- From M. Mylius.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- To M. Dumas.
- Twenty-six Letters Upon Interesting Subjects Respecting the Revolution of America, Written In Holland, In the Year Mdcclxxx
- To Mr. Calkoen.
- M. Bicker to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- To Thomas Digges.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- To Baron Van Der Capellen.
- To B. Franklin.
- To the President of Congress.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To M. Van Blomberg.
- From M. Van Blomberg.
- To M. Bicker.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- From M. Bicker. ( Translation. )
- To M. Bowens.
- ( Memorandum On the Foregoing Letter. )
- To M. Dumas.
- To M. Bicker.
- From M. Bicker. ( Translation. )
- To Commodore Gillon.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Baron Van Der Capellen.
- To M. John Luzac.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
- To B. Franklin.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Baron Van Der Capellen.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- The President of Congress to John Adams.
- Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- 1 Jan. 1781: The President of Congress to John Adams.
- Francis Dana to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- The President of Congress to John Adams.
- To Francis Dana.
- To Baron Van Der Capellen.
- To M. Dumas.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To M. Dumas.
- To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
- To M. Dumas.
- To Francis Dana.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- To M. Bicker.
- M. Bicker to John Adams.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- To M. Bicker.
- To M. Dumas.
- To M. Dumas.
- A Memorial to the States-general. to Their High Mightinesses, the States-general of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
- To the Prince De Galitzin, Minister of the Empress of Russia.
- To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of the City of Amsterdam.
- To the Duc De La Vauguyon, Ambassador of France At the Hague.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
- To Francis Dana.
- The Duke De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To M. Dumas.
- To the President of Congress.
- To M. Dumas.
- To Francis Dana.
- To Messrs. John De Neufville and Sons.
- To John Jay.
- To the President of Congress.
- To B. Franklin.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
- To B. Franklin.
- The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
- Francis Dana to John Adams.
- To Francis Dana.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To Peter Van Bleiswyck.
- To M. Fagel.
- Memorial to Their High Mightinesses, the States-general of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
- Memorial to the Prince of Orange.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
- To the President of Congress.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To M. Dumas.
- To the President of Congress.
- To John Laurens.
- To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
- The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To M. Dumas.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- To M. Dumas.
- To the President of the Assembly of the States-general.
- M. BÉrenger to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To M. BÉrenger.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To Count De Vergennes. 1
- M. De Rayneval to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To M. De Rayneval.
- To the President of Congress.
- Articles to Serve As a Basis to the Negotiation For the Reëstablishment of Peace. ( Translation. )
- To Count De Vergennes.
- Answer of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Articles to Serve As a Basis to the Negotiation For the Reëstablishment of Peace.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- Count De Vergennes to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- (private. Partly In Cipher.)
- To the President of Congress.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- (inclosed In the Preceding.) the President of Congress to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- To B. Franklin.
- Francis Dana to John Adams.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- The Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
- To B. Franklin.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- Francis Dana to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- George Washington to John Adams.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
- To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
- To John Jay.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- To John Jay.
- To the President of Congress.
- To M. Dumas.
- The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To John Luzac.
- To Francis Dana.
- John Jay to John Adams.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the Duke De La Vauguyon.
- The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- 6 Jan, 1782: Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
- To Baron Van Der Capellen.
- To the President of Congress.
- To B. Franklin.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- David Hartley to John Adams.
- To B. Franklin.
- To M. De Lafayette.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To John Jay.
- To the Duc De La Vaugyon.
- The Duke De La Vauguyon to John Adams. ( Translation. )
- To M. Bergsma.
- To M. De Lafayette.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams. ( Without Date. )
- To M. Dumas.
- To Francis Dana.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To John Luzac.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- T. Digges to John Adams.
- (inclosed In the Preceding.) D. Hartley to John Adams.
- To T. Digges.
- To M. Dubbledemutz.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- Traduction De La Résolution De Leurs Nobles Et Grandes Puissances Les Seigneurs États De Hollande Et De West Frise.
- M. Dumas to John Adams. ( Copie De Ma Lettre à Notre Ami. )
- To Peter Van Bleiswyck.
- Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
- T. Digges to John Adams.
- To M. De Lafayette.
- C. De Gyselaer to John Adams.
- Baron Van Der Capellen to John Adams.
- To M. Dubbledemutz.
- The Duc De La Vauguyon to John Adams.
- To the Duc De La Vauguyon.
- B. E. Abbema to John Adams.
- To M. Abbema.
- To J. U. Pauli.
- John Luzac to John Adams.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- To Secretary Livingston. 1
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To M. Hodshon.
- Proposals For Opening a Loan.
- M. Dumas to John Adams.
- (the Two Following Letters Explain the Preceding.) Jacob Nolet to John Adams.
- Jacob Nolet to M. Dumas.
- To M. Dumas.
- Verbal Message of C. W. F. Dumas to the City of Schiedam.
- To B. Franklin.
- M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
- W. and J. Willink, Nic. and Jac. Van Staphorst, and De La Lande and Fynje to John Adams.
- To Francis Dana.
- To Messrs. W. and J. Willink, N. and J. Van Staphorst, and De La Lande and Fynje.
- Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Messrs. W. and J. Willink and Others.
- Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams.
- To M. De Lafayette.
- To Messrs. Willink and Others.
- To John Hodshon.
- To B. Franklin.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- C. L. Beyma to John Adams.
- E. F. Van Berckel to John Adams. ( Extract. )
- To M. Van Berckel.
- John Jay to John Adams.
- M. Van Berckel to John Adams.
- To M. Van Berckel.
- To John Jay.
- To Messrs. Willink and Others.
- To Mr. Mazzei.
- To John Jay.
- To Henry Laurens.
- To John Jay.
- To Henry Laurens.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- Henry Laurens to John Adams.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Francis Dana.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- Robert Morris to John Adams.
- John Jay to John Adams.
- To M. De La Fayette.
- M. Cerisier to John Adams.
- M. De Lafayette to John Adams.
- To John Jay.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Francis Dana.
- Francis Dana to John Adams. ( Secret and Confidential. )
- J. G. Holtzhey to John Adams.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To B. Franklin.
- To Jean George Holtzhey.
- Benjamin Franklin to John Adams.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Henry Laurens.
- To Secretary Livingston.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Francis Dana.
- Appendix.
- (a. P. 452.)
- Extrait De La Réponse De La Cour De France Aux Propositions Faites Au Sujet Du Rétablissement De La Paix Par Les Cours De Petersbourg Et De Vienne.
- Proposition.
- RÉponse.
- Projet De Réponse Aux Trois Cours Belligérantes.
- RÉponse (mutatis Mutandis).
- Réponse De Sa Majesté Très Chrétienne à La Réplique Des Deux Cours Impériales.
- Extract From the Answer of the Court of France to the Propositions Made On the Subject of the Reëstablishment of Peace By the Courts of Petersburg and of Vienna.
- Proposition.
- Answer.
- Project of an Answer to the Three Belligerent Courts.
- Answer (mutatis Mutandis).
- Answer of His Most Christian Majesty to the Reply of the Two Imperial Courts.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 18 April, 1780.
Sir,—
It is my duty to transmit to congress, as soon as prudence will admit, every thing which deserves consideration, as having either a direct or an indirect tendency to peace, or even to negotiations for that important object. The inclosed letter has been transmitted to Paris through such a channel, that I have reasons to believe it was particularly intended for my inspection. It is from a gentleman, who, to do him justice, has long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but who, nevertheless, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the state of America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a right way of thinking concerning the proper means to his end. Congress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is obvious enough.
The first remarkable sentiment is, “We must at all events support our national honor by the most vigorous exertions, without shrinking; but surely, in such a complicated war as this is, if we can make any equitable offers of a treaty to any of the parties, common prudence calls upon us to use our endeavors to unravel by negotiation the combination of powers now acting against us.” In this paragraph I see the manifest marks of a mind that has not yet mastered its subject. True policy would have omitted every thing in this letter which should call up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor. Every man in the world who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject, knows that Great Britain never can obtain a peace without a diminution of her honor and dignity. It is impossible, without miracles, and therefore the Englishman who undertakes to plan for peace must be convinced of this, and take it into his plan, and consequently should avoid with the utmost caution every word which should excite these ideas in the minds of the people. They stir passions which make them mad.
He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinuation of a design to unravel by negotiation the combination of powers now acting against Great Britain. This combination is in fact much more extensive, much more universal and formidable, than the letter-writer had any idea or suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive than France, Spain, and America, the impracticability of unravelling it ought to have been too obvious for the writer to have thrown out this sentiment. By it he proposes by negotiation to bring those to dishonor themselves who have certainly no occasion for it, at the same time that he stimulates others to cherish and preserve their honor who have already lost it, and are under an absolute necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this means he only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible.
The next solecism in politics which he commits, is undertaking to vindicate America from the charge of having sought and formed this confederacy. America wanted no such vindication; it is folly to suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even his correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue. Surely another turn must be given to popular ideas before they will be brought to petition for peace.
Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea that America had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the treaty. That this is true, I know and feel to this very moment; for, although I had no such reluctance myself, those gentlemen with whom I had the honor to sit in congress at the time, will remember that I had very good reasons to be sensible that others had. But how well soever he might be informed of the fact, and from what source soever he might draw his information, it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought to have been equally sure that America has now no reluctance to the treaty, nor any inclination to violate it. He ought not, therefore, to have held up a hope of this to the people.
Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes that America would not form any perpetual alliance with France, nor that their limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged. The alliance already made is limited, it is true, to a certain number of articles, but not limited in its duration. It is perpetual, and he had no grounds to soothe the people with hopes, either that France would give up any of the articles of the treaty, or that America would violate them.
He ought also to have avoided his insinuations that America has been so much harassed by the war. This is an idea so refreshing to the present passions of the people of England, that, instead of tending to dispose them to peace, it only revives their hopes of success, and inflames their ardor for war. That America has been harassed by the war is true; and when was any nation at war without being so? Especially, when did any nation undergo a revolution in government, and sustain a war at the same time, without it? Yet, after all, America has not been so much harassed, or distressed, or terrified, or panic-struck from the beginning, as Great Britain has been several times in the course of it.
But the most exceptionable passage of all is this:—“It is apparent to all the world that France might long ago have put an end to that part of the war which has been most distressing to America, if she had chosen so to do. Let the whole system of France be considered from the very beginning down to the late retreat from Savannah, and I think it is impossible to put any other construction upon it but this, namely,—that it has always been the deliberate intention and object of France, for purposes of her own, to encourage the continuation of the war in America, in hopes of exhausting the strength and resources of this country, and of depressing the rising power of America.”
Upon this paragraph I scarcely know what remarks to make. But, after deliberating upon it as patiently and maturely as I can, I will clearly write my opinion of it; for my obligations to truth and to my country are antecedent to all other ties.
I am clearly and fully of the opinion, then, that the fact is true that France might have put an end to that part of the war which has been most distressing to America; and I certainly know that the means were extremely simple and obvious, and that they were repeatedly proposed and explained, and urged to the ministry; and I should have had a terrible load of guilt of negligence of my duty upon my conscience, if it had not been done while I had the honor of a commission to this Court. But, when the letter-writer proceeds so far as to say that it was to encourage the continuance of the war, in order to exhaust the strength and resources of Great Britain, I cannot accompany him; much less can I join with him in the opinion that it was to depress the rising power of America. I believe, on the contrary, that France has not wished a continuance of the war, but that she has wished for peace. The war has been attended with too much loss and danger to France to suppose that she wished its continuance: and if she did not wish its continuance at all, she could not wish it to depress the power of America.
She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this reason, because it is not the means to this end. It has a contrary tendency. The longer this war is continued in America, the more will Americans become habituated to the characters of the soldier and the marine. Military virtues and talents and passions will gain strength and additional activity every year while the war lasts; and the more these virtues, talents, and passions are multiplied, the deeper will the foundations of American power be laid, and the more dangerous will it become to some or other of the powers of Europe; to France, as likely as to any other power, because it will be more likely to be ambitious and enterprising, and to aspire at conquests by sea and land.
This idea, however, deserves to be considered with all the attention that Americans can give to it; although I am convinced, by every thing I see and read and hear, that all the powers of Europe, except perhaps the House of Austria, and I am not very clear in that exception, rejoice in the American Revolution, and consider the independence of America as for their interest and happiness in many points of view, both respecting commerce and the balance of Europe; yet I have many reasons to think that not one of them, not even Spain nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to power. We ought, therefore, to be cautious how we magnify our ideas, and exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnanimity of any of these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude, but with dignity. Let us remember what is due to ourselves and to our posterity, as well as to them. Let us, above all things, avoid as much as possible entangling ourselves with their wars or politics. Our business with them, and theirs with us, is commerce, not politics, much less war. America has been the sport of European wars and politics long enough.
I think, however, that this letter-writer was very much mistaken in his judgment when he threw out this language. It could be meant only to excite a jealousy and a quarrel between France and America, or rather to feed the Yorkshire people and the people of England with a hope of exciting such a quarrel. This is not the way to come at a peace. They will never succeed in such a plan, and every attempt towards it is false policy.
The next mistake is, the idea of a reconciliation and federal union with America. This must be intended separate from our allies, which this gentleman ought, before now, to have known is totally impracticable.
I have very little more relish for the notion of a truce. We are in a safer way at war. We cannot make a truce without France. She will never consent that we should make a truce unless she makes a peace; and such alterations may be made in the constitution of the Courts of France and Spain, and in the other Courts and political connections in Europe, before the expiration of the term of a truce, that it would be attended with too much hazard to us. Neither France nor Spain, nor the other powers of Europe, might, after a truce, be ready to go to war again; and unforeseen divisions may be excited among ourselves by artful emissaries from England. We are going on now in the sure and certain road. If we go out of it, we may be lost.
Upon the whole, I think, that this letter-writer should have stated the true situation of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland, and America.
From this statement, his immediate conclusion should have been, open conferences for peace; make peace with all the world upon the best terms you can. This is the only chance you have for salvation. It must come to this very soon; otherwise, there will be a total dissolution of the British Empire.
I have the honor to be, &c.
John Adams.
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