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The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Author: John Adams
Editor: Charles Francis Adams

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, 1 January, 1779.

Sir,—

Some late proceedings of the enemy have induced us to submit a few observations to your Excellency’s superior light and judgment.

His Britannic Majesty’s Commissioners, in their manifesto of the 3d of October, have denounced “a change in the whole nature and future conduct of the war;” they have declared, “that the policy as well as the benevolence of Great Britain has thus far checked the extremes of war,” when they tended “to distress the people and desolate the country;” that the whole contest is changed; that the laws of self-preservation must now direct the conduct of Great Britain; that these laws will direct her to render the United States of as little avail as possible to France, if they are to become an accession to her, and by every means in her power to destroy the new connection contrived for her ruin. Motions have been made and supported by the wisest men in both houses of parliament to address the King to disavow these clauses, but these motions have been rejected by majorities in both houses, so that the manifesto stands avowed by the three branches of the legislature.

Ministers of state made in parliament a question concerning the meaning of this manifesto; but no man who reads it, and knows the history of their past conduct in this war, can doubt its import. There is to be a “change in the nature and conduct of the war.” A change for the worse must be horrible indeed! They have already burned the beautiful towns of Charlestown, Falmouth, Norfolk, Kingston, Bedford, Egg Harbor, and German Flatts, besides innumerable single buildings and smaller clusters of houses wherever their armies have marched. It is true they left Boston and Philadelphia unhurt, but in all probability it was merely the dread of a superior army that in these cases restrained their hands, not to mention that burning these towns would have been the ruin of the few secret friends they have still left, of whom there are more in those towns than in all America besides. They have not indeed murdered upon the spot every woman and child that fell in their way, nor have they in all cases refused quarters to the soldiers that at all times have fallen into their power, though they have in many. They have also done their utmost in seducing negroes and Indians to commit inhuman barbarities upon the inhabitants, sparing neither age, sex, nor character. Although they have not in all cases refused quarter to soldiers and sailors, they have done what is worse than refusing quarters; they have thrust their prisoners into such dungeons, loaded them with such irons, and exposed them to such lingering torments of cold, hunger, and disease, as have destroyed greater numbers than they could have had an opportunity of murdering, if they had made it a rule to give no quarter. Many others they have compelled by force to serve and fight on board their ships against fathers, brothers, friends, and countrymen; a destiny to every sensible mind more terrible than death itself.

It is, therefore, difficult to comprehend what they mean by a change in the conduct of the war, yet there seems to be no room to doubt that they mean to threaten something more cruel, greater extremes of war, measures that shall distress the people and lay waste the country more than any thing they have yet done. “The object of the war is now entirely changed.” Heretofore their massacres and conflagrations were to divide us, and reclaim us to Great Britain. Now, despairing of that end, and perceiving that we shall be faithful to our treaties, their principle is by destroying us to make us useless to France. This principle ought to be held in abhorrence, not only by all Christians, but by all civilized nations. If it is once admitted that powers at war have a right to do whatever will weaken or terrify an enemy, it is not possible to foresee where it will end. It would be possible to burn the great cities of Europe. The savages who torture their prisoners do it to make themselves terrible; in fine, all the horrors of the barbarous ages may be introduced and justified.

The cruelties of our enemies have heretofore more than once exasperated the minds of the people so much as to excite apprehensions that they would proceed to retaliation, which, if once commenced, might be carried to extremities; to prevent which, the congress issued an address exhorting to forbearance, and a further trial, by examples of generosity and lenity, to recall their enemies to the practice of humanity amidst the calamities of war. In consequence of which, neither the congress nor any of the States apart have ever exercised, or authorized the exercise of the right of retaliation. But now, that commissioners vested with the authority of the nation have avowed such principles and published such threats, the congress have, by a resolution of the 30th of October, solemnly and unanimously declared that they will retaliate. Whatever may be the pretences of the enemy, it is the manifest drift of their policy to disgust the people of America with their new alliance, by attempting to convince them, that instead of shielding them from distress, it has accumulated additional calamities upon them.

Nothing, certainly, can more become a great and amiable character than to disappoint their purpose, stop the progress of their cruelties, and vindicate the rights of humanity which are so much injured by this manifesto. We therefore beg leave to suggest to your Excellency’s consideration, whether it would not be advisable for his Majesty to interfere by some declaration to the Court of London and to the world, bearing the royal testimony against this barbarous mode of war, and giving assurances that he will join the United States in retaliation, if Great Britain, by putting her threats in execution, should make it necessary.

There is another measure, however, more effectual to control their designs, and to bring the war to a speedy conclusion,—that of sending a powerful fleet, sufficient to secure a naval superiority over them in the American seas. Such a naval force, acting in concert with the armies of the United States, would, in all human probability, take and destroy the whole British power in that part of the world. It would put their wealth and West Indian commerce into the power of France, and reduce them to the necessity of suing for peace. Upon their present naval superiority in those seas depend not only the dominion and rich commerce of their islands, but the supply of their fleets and armies with provisions and every necessary. They have nearly four hundred transports constantly employed in the service of their fleet and army in America, passing from New York and Rhode Island to England, Ireland, Nova Scotia, and their West India Islands; and if any one link in this chain was struck off, if their supplies from any one of these places should be interrupted, their forces could not subsist. Great numbers of these vessels would necessarily fall into the hands of the French fleet, and go as prizes to a sure market in the United States. Great numbers of seamen, too, would become prisoners, a loss that England cannot repair. It is conceived that it would be impossible for Great Britain to send a very great fleet after the French into those seas. Their men-of-war, now in Europe, are too old, too rotten, too ill-manned, and their masts and yards are of too bad materials to endure such a navigation. The impossibility of their obtaining provisions, artists, and materials in that country, which would be easy to the French, makes it still clearer that they cannot send a great additional force, and the fear of Spain’s interfering, with her powerful navy, would restrain them. Whereas France has nothing to fear in Europe from them, as the number and excellence of her armies are an ample security against the feeble land forces of Great Britain.

This naval superiority would open such commerce between the United States and the French West India Islands as would enable our people to supply themselves with the European and West India articles they want, to send abroad the produce of the country, and by giving fresh spirit and vigor to trade, would employ the paper currency, the want of which employ has been one cause of its depreciation. The maintenance of such a fleet in America would circulate so many bills of exchange as would likewise in a great measure relieve them from that dangerous evil. And these bills would all return to France for her manufactures, thereby cementing the connection and extending the trade between the two countries. Such a naval superiority would contribute very much to extinguish the hopes of the remaining number of persons who secretly wish, from sinister motives, to become again subjected to Great Britain, and would enable the people of the several States to give such consistency and stability to their infant governments, as would contribute greatly to their internal repose, as well as to the vigor of their future operations against the common enemy. The late speedy supply and reparation of his Majesty’s fleet at Boston will show the advantages which this country must enjoy in carrying on a naval war on a coast friendly to her and hostile to her enemy. And these advantages will in future be more sensible, because the appearance of the fleet before was unexpected, and the harvest in that part of the country had been unfavorable. It is obvious to all Europe, that nothing less is at stake than the dominion of the sea, at least the superiority of naval power, and we cannot expect Great Britain will ever give it up without some decisive effort on the part of France. With such an exertion as that of sending a superior fleet to America, we see nothing in the course of human affairs that can possibly prevent France from obtaining such a naval superiority without delay. Without it the war may languish for years, to the infinite distress of our country, to the exhausting both of France and England, and the question left to be decided by another war.

We are the more earnest in representing these things to your Excellency, as all our correspondence from England for some time has uniformly represented that the intention of the cabinet is conformable to the spirit of the manifesto; that all parties grow more and more out of temper with the Americans; that it has become fashionable with the minority, as well as the majority and administration, to reproach us, both in and out of parliament; that all parties join in speaking of us in the bitterest terms, and in heartily wishing our destruction; that great clamors are raised about our alliance with France, as an unnatural combination to ruin them; that the cry is for a speedy and powerful reinforcement of their army, and for the activity of their fleet in making descents on the sea-coast, while murdering and desolating parties are let loose upon the frontiers of the Carolinas, Virginia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and New England; and that, very early in the year, they will carry all these projects into execution. This whole system may, as we conceive, be defeated, and the power of Great Britain now in America totally subdued (and if their power is subdued there, it is reduced everywhere) by the measure we have the honor to propose.

We submit the whole, merely as our opinions, to your Excellency’s superior wisdom, and have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin,

Arthur Lee,

John Adams.1

THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN LLOYD AND OTHERS.

Passy, 26 January, 1779.

Gentlemen,—

We had yesterday the honor of your letter of the 21st of this month.

You desire to know what port or ports is or are made free, pursuant to the treaty. We believe that none has as yet been determined on; at present, all the ports of France are open to American vessels of all denominations, and we are at present rather doubtful, whether it would be politic in us to apply to have any distinction made. If the appointment of free ports would relieve us from the payment of duties, import or export, we should apply immediately. But, as we apprehend, this advantage would not be the consequence; the limits of the free ports would be prescribed, and the same duties must be paid upon removing goods, within or without those limits, as are now paid upon the imports and exports. Goods, however, might be brought into such free ports from abroad, and then landed and stored for a time, and then exported without paying duties; but whether this would be any great advantage to our trade, you are better judges than we. We should be glad of your advice upon this head, and if you think of any advantages of considerable moment that would arise, we shall be always ready to apply for such an appointment.

We are sorry it is not in our power to give you any acceptable information respecting the article of the treaty which relates to the Barbary corsairs. All we can say is, that we have applied to the ministry upon this head some months ago, and received satisfactory expressions of the disposition of this government to do every thing which is stipulated in that article of the treaty. But some things remain to be determined by congress, to whom we have written upon the subject, and we must necessarily wait their instructions.

There are two inquiries to be made, namely,—which of all the nations who now trade with France is the most favored, and what duties are paid by that nation? These duties, and these only, we suppose we are to pay, and as soon as circumstances will permit (two of us having been for a fortnight very ill, and one of us continuing so,) we shall apply to the ministry for an éclaircissement upon this head, which we will endeavor to communicate to you as soon as we shall obtain it.

We have received an answer to our last application for a convoy, from their Excellencies, Count de Vergennes and M. de Sartine; but the answers convinced us that M. de Sartine was under some misinformation or misunderstanding relative to the business, which obliged us to write again. As soon as we shall be honored with an answer, we will communicate the result of it to you.

Meantime, we have the honor to be, with great respect, gentlemen,

Your most obedient, humble servants,

B. Franklin,

Arthur Lee,

John Adams.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, 11 February, 1779.

Sir,—

As your Excellency reads English perfectly well, my first request is, that you would do me the favor to read this, without a translation; after which, I submit it to your Excellency to make what use of it you shall think proper.

I have hitherto avoided, in my single capacity, giving your Excellency any trouble by letter or conversation; but the present emergency demands that I should ask the favor to explain my sentiments, either by letter or in person; if you will permit a personal interview, I am persuaded I can make myself understood; if you prefer a correspondence, I will lay open my heart in writing before your Excellency.

It is the address to the people in America, under the name of Mr. Silas Deane, that has occasioned this boldness in me. It is to me the most unexpected and unforeseen event that has happened. I hope your Excellency will not conclude from thence, that I despair of the commonwealth. Far otherwise. I know that the body of the people in the United States stand immovable against Great Britain; and I hope that this address of Mr. Deane, although it will occasion much trouble to individuals, will produce no final detriment to the common cause, but, on the contrary, that it will occasion so thorough an investigation of several things as will correct many abuses.

It is my indispensable duty, upon this occasion, to inform your Excellency, without consulting either of my colleagues, that the Honorable Arthur Lee was, as long ago as 1770, appointed by the house of representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, of which I had then the honor to be a member, their agent at the Court of London, in case of the death or absence of Dr. Franklin. This honorable testimony was given to Mr. Lee by an assembly in which he had no natural interest, on account of his inflexible attachment to the American cause, and the abilities of which he had given many proofs in its defence.

From that time to the year 1774, he held a constant correspondence with several of those gentlemen who stood foremost in the Massachusetts Bay against the innovations and illegal encroachments of Great Britain. This correspondence I had an opportunity of seeing; and I assure your Excellency, from my own knowledge, that it breathed the most inflexible attachment, and the most ardent zeal in the cause of his country.

From September, 1774, to November, 1777, I had the honor to be in congress, and the opportunity to see his letters to congress, to their committees, and to several of their individual members. Through the whole of both these periods, he communicated the most constant and certain intelligence which was received from any individual within my knowledge; and since I have had the honor to be joined with him here, I have ever found in him the same fidelity and zeal, and have not a glimmering of suspicion that he ever maintained an improper correspondence in England, or held any conference or negotiation with anybody from thence, without communicating it to your Excellency and to his colleagues. I am confident, therefore, that every insinuation and suspicion against him of infidelity to the United States, or to their engagements with his Majesty, is false and groundless, and that they will assuredly be proved to be so.

The two honorable brothers of Mr. Lee, who are members of congress, I have long and intimately known; and of my own knowledge I can say, that no men have discovered more zeal in support of the sovereignty of the United States, and in promoting, from the beginning, a friendship and alliance with France; and there is nothing of which I am more firmly persuaded, than that every insinuation that is thrown out to the disadvantage of the two Mr. Lees in congress is groundless.

It would be too tedious to enter at present into a more particular consideration of that address; I shall, therefore, conclude this letter, already too long, by assuring your Excellency, that I am, with the most entire consideration,

Your most obedient and most humble servant,

John Adams.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

À Versailles, le 13 Février, 1779.

J’ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire, le 11 de ce mois, et conformément à vos désirs, je n’ai point appelé le secours d’un traducteur pour prendre connoissance de son contenu. Je ne suis pas moins peiné que vous, monsieur, de l’appel au peuple d’Amérique que M. Silas Deane a publié. Il ne m’appartient pas de qualifier cette démarche; c’est à vos souverains respectifs d’en juger et de prononcer sur les différens qui peuvent s’être élevés entre messieurs leurs commissaires. La façon dont on vous a traités ici, ensemble et séparément, a dû vous convaincre, que si nous avons pu être instruits de vos contestations, nous n’y sommes entrés pour rien, et l’estime personelle que nous avons cherché à faire remarquer à chacun de messieurs les commissaires, fait preuve que nous n’avons point adopté les préventions qu’on semble vouloir inspirer à l’Amérique, et dont le fondement nous est inconnu ici; quoique cette désagréable discussion nous soit étrangère, et que nous devions à tous égards nous abstenir d’y entrer, je n’en serai pas moins charmé de vous voir, monsieur. Le jour qui vous conviendra sera le mien; je vous prie seulement de me prévenir à l’avance de celui que vous aurez choisi.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, avec une véritable considération, monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

De Vergennes.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Passy, 13 February, 1779.

Gentlemen,—

I had yesterday the honor of your favor of the 28th of October, inclosing a resolution of congress of the 22d of the same month, to which I shall give all the attention in my power.1 I have much satisfaction in the reflection that I have hitherto endeavored with much sincerity to conform to the spirit of it. What you recommend to me, namely,—to communicate to the ministers of other courts such intelligence as I may receive, will not in future be so much in my power; but as far as I can, while I stay in Europe, I shall endeavor to comply. Indeed, it is a long time that we have had no intelligence to communicate. Three vessels we know have been taken, each of which had many letters, and two of them public despatches; one that sailed from Philadelphia the 4th of November, another that sailed from the same port the 24th, and another that sailed from Boston on the 20th. These letters and despatches were all sunk, and we fear that others are lost.

It would be agreeable to me, indeed, if I were able to throw any light on the subject of finances. As to a loan in Europe, all has been done that was in our power to this end, but without the desired effect. Taxation and economy comprehend all the resources that I can think of.

We expect the honor of a visit from the Marquis de Lafayette this morning, whom we shall receive with gratitude for his gallant and glorious exertions in one of the best causes in which a hero ever fought.

Be pleased to accept my thanks for your kind wishes for my happiness, and believe me to be your affectionate friend,

John Adams.

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Passy, 16 February, 1779.

Sir,—

By the late appointment of a minister plenipotentiary at this court, I am left at liberty to return to my own country, as it does not appear that congress have any further service for me to do in Europe. I therefore wish to return as soon as possible. But the English have heard so much of me in times past, that I should be very loth to be exposed to their good-will. If it is in your Excellency’s intention, therefore, to send any man-of-war to any part of the United States, I would ask the favor of a passage for myself, my little son, and a servant.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, &c.

John Adams.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, 16 February, 1779.

Sir,—

Last evening I had the honor of your letter of the 13th of this month, in answer to mine of the 11th.

I thank your Excellency for the politeness with which you have agreed to my proposition of a conference upon the subject of Mr. Deane’s “Address to the People of the United States.”

At the time when my letter of the 11th was written and sent to your Excellency, there were three commissioners here, representatives of congress, between whom, it appeared to me, Mr. Deane’s address had a tendency to destroy all confidence, as well as between your Excellency and them; for which reason I thought it my duty to endeavor, by a conference with your Excellency, to lessen those evils as far as should be in my power.

But within a few hours after my letter of the 11th was sent, the arrival of the Aid-de-Camp of the Marquis de Lafayette with despatches from congress to Dr. Franklin, and from their committee of foreign affairs to me, informing me of the new arrangement, by which Dr. Franklin is constituted Minister Plenipotentiary here, and I am restored to the character of a private citizen, so wholly changed the scene and the characters here, that I now think I have no right to do, what, if I had continued in the character of a commissioner, I should have thought it my indispensable duty to do.

This masterly measure of congress, which has my most hearty approbation, and of the necessity of which I was fully convinced before I had been two months in Europe, has taken away the possibility of those dissensions which I so much apprehended. I shall not, therefore, give your Excellency any further trouble, than to take an opportunity of paying my respects, in order to take leave, and to assure you that I shall leave this kingdom with the most entire confidence in his Majesty’s benevolence to the United States, and inviolable adherence to the treaties between the two powers, with a similar confidence in the good disposition of his Majesty’s ministers of state and of this nation towards us, and with a heart impressed with gratitude for the many civilities which I have received in the short space I have resided here, at Court, in the city and in the country, and particularly from your Excellency.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

À Versailles, 21 Février, 1779.

J’ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire, le 16 de ce mois. Quoique vous soyez, désormais, sans caractère public en France, soyez persuadé que l’estime et la considération que vous vous êtes acquise à juste titre, n’ont aucunement diminuées; et je me flatte, monsieur, que vous ne me priverez point du plaisir de vous en assurer de bouche, et d’être en même temps l’interprète des sentimens de bienveillance dont le roi vous honore; ils sont la suite du contentement particulier qu’a sa Majesté de la sage conduite que vous avez tenue, pendant toute la durée de votre commission, ainsi que du zèle que vous avez constamment déployé, tant pour la cause de votre patrie, que pour le maintien de l’alliance qui l’attache à sa Majesté.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, très profondément, monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

De Vergennes.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Passy, 21 February, 1779.

My Dear Marquis,—

The conversation with which you honored me last evening, has induced me to give you the trouble of this letter upon the same subject.

It is certain that a loan of money is very much wanted to redeem the redundancy of our paper bills; and without it, it is impossible to foresee what will be the consequence to their credit; and therefore every service that may be rendered in order to obtain it from this kingdom, from Spain or Holland, will be a most essential and acceptable service.

But without some other exertions, even a loan, perhaps, would be but a temporary relief; with them a smaller loan might suffice. You know perfectly well that the enemy in America are at present very weak and in great distress in every part. They are weak in Canada, weak in Halifax, weak in Rhode Island, weak in New York, weak in the Floridas, and weak in every one of the West India Islands. A strong armament of ships of the line, with five thousand troops, directed against Halifax, Rhode Island, or New York, must infallibly succeed. So it must against the Floridas; so it must against Canada or any one of the West India Islands.

You are very sensible, that in this state of weakness, the British possessions in America depend upon each other for reciprocal support. The troops and ships derive such supplies of provisions from Canada and Nova Scotia, that if these places or either of them were lost, it would be difficult, if not impossible, for the other to subsist. The West India Islands derive such supplies from the Floridas, that if they were lost, the others could hardly subsist. Their fleets and armies in Canada, Halifax, Rhode Island, New York, and the Floridas, receive supplies of rum, sugar, molasses, &c., from the West India Islands, without which they could scarcely subsist. Every part of their possessions in America, both on the continent and in the islands, receives constant supplies from Europe, from England, Scotland, and Ireland, without which it must fall. You perceive, therefore, that their dominions in America at present form such a chain, the links mutually support each other in such a manner, that if one or two were taken away, the whole, or at least the greater part, must fall. In this state of things, then, the obvious policy is to send a strong squadron of ships-of-the-line to coöperate with the Count d’Estaing and the American army in some expedition directed against New York, Rhode Island, Halifax, or perhaps all of them in course. Five or six thousand troops would be quite enough. Above all, it is indispensably necessary to keep a clear naval superiority, both on the coast of the continent and in the West India Islands. This, together with French and American privateers, would make such havoc among the enemy’s transports, passing from one of their possessions to another, as must ruin their affairs. The French have a great advantage in carrying on this kind of war in America at present. The British ships are badly manned, and in bad repair. They cannot send them into the American seas without the utmost terror for their own coasts. And when they are in America, they have not such advantages for supplies of provisions, naval stores, &c., as the French.

The devastation which was made among their ships of the line, frigates, transports, and traders in the American seas the last summer, shows how much more might be done if a stronger force were sent there. As long as the enemy keep possession of New York and Rhode Island, so long it will be necessary for us to keep up large armies to watch their motions and defend the country against them, which will oblige us to emit more paper, and still further to increase the depreciation. Now, as long as they maintain the dominion of those seas, their troops will be protected by the cannon of their ships, and we could not dislodge them with any army, however large; at least, we could not keep those places. But if their force was captivated in those seas, as it might easily be by a sea force coöperating with the land forces, we might reduce our army and innumerable other articles of expense. We need not emit any more paper, and that already out would depreciate no further. I should be happy to have further conversation with you, sir, upon these subjects, or to explain any thing by letter which may be in my power.

With the highest sentiments of esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, 27 February, 1779.

Sir,—

I have received the letter which your Excellency did me the honor to write me on the 21st of this month. This testimony from your Excellency of those indulgent sentiments with which his Majesty is pleased to honor my sincere intentions, cannot fail to be preserved by me and my posterity as a most precious monument; and what is of infinitely more importance, it cannot fail to give great satisfaction to my country, to find that a servant of theirs, who has been honored with no small share of their confidence in the most dangerous of times and most critical circumstances, has been so happy as not to forfeit the confidence of their illustrious ally.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, 27 February, 1779.

Sir,—

By the new arrangement which was brought by the Marquis de Lafayette, I find myself restored to the character of a private citizen.

The appointment of a single minister at the Court of Versailles was not unexpected to me, because I had not been two months in Europe before I was convinced of the policy, and indeed of the necessity of such a measure. But I ever entertained hopes that when the news of such an alteration should arrive, the path of my own duty would have been made plain to me by the directions of congress, either to return home or to go elsewhere. But as no information we have received from congress has expressed their intentions concerning me, I am obliged to collect them by implication, according to the best of my understanding; and as the election of the new minister plenipotentiary was on the 14th of September, and the Alliance sailed from Boston the 14th of January, and in this space of four months no notice appears to have been taken of me, I think the only inference that can be made is, that congress have no further service for me on this side the water, and that all my duties are on the other. I have accordingly given notice to his Excellency, M. de Sartine, and to his Excellency, the Minister Plenipotentiary here, of my intentions to return, which I shall do by the first frigate that sails for any part of the United States, unless I should receive counter orders in the mean time. In a matter of so much uncertainty, I hope I shall not incur the disapprobation of congress, even if I should not judge aright of their intentions, which it is my desire, as well as my duty, to observe as far as I can know them.

By the papers inclosed with this, congress will perceive the discontented and tumultuous state of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, which is so great and so rapidly increasing, that the United States will have little to fear from reinforcements of their enemies the ensuing campaign. All their forces will be necessary to keep in order their own riotous populace at home, and to replace those which are daily consuming in the West Indies. There is, however, no prospect of their evacuating either New York or Rhode Island. The possession of those places is so indispensable, for the preservation of their West India and other trade, as well as of their other dominions in America, that nothing but the last necessity will induce them to give them up.

The greatest source of danger and unhappiness to the States, then, probably will be a depreciating currency. The prospect of a loan in Europe, after every measure that has been or could be taken, I think it my duty to say frankly to congress, is very unpromising. The causes of this are very obvious, and cannot be removed; the state of our currency itself, and the course of exchange, would be sufficient to discourage such a loan, if there were no other obstruction; but there are many others. There are more borrowers in Europe than lenders, and the British loan itself will not be made this year at a less interest than seven and a half per cent.

I see no hope of relief, but from economy and taxation; and these, I flatter myself, will be found sufficient, if the people are once convinced of the necessity of them. When a people are contending not only for the greatest object that any people ever had in view, but for security from the greatest evil that any nation ever had to dread (for there is at this hour no medium between unlimited submission to parliament and entire sovereignty,) they must be destitute of sense as well as of virtue, if they are not willing to pay sufficient sums annually to defray the necessary expense of their defence in future, supported as they are by so powerful an ally and by the prospect of others, against a kingdom already exhausted, without any ally at all, or a possibility of obtaining one. As this is the first time I have had the honor to address myself to congress, since we received the news of your Excellency’s appointment1 to the chair, you will please to accept of my congratulations on that event.

I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, &c.

John Adams.

M. DE SARTINE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Versailles, le 28 Février, 1779.

J’ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire, le 16 de ce mois, pour me prévenir que vous êtes dans l’intention de retourner à l’Amérique, et que vous désirez y passer sur un bâtiment du roi. J’ai lieu de croire que lorsque vous avez formé cette demande, vous n’aviez pas connoissance des ordres qui ont été donnés au capitaine de la frégate l’Alliance appartenante aux États Unis, de faire ses dispositions pour mettre à la voile incessament. Comme ce bâtiment a une marche supérieure, j’ai d’autant plus lieu de croire, que vous vous déterminerez à profiter de cette occasion, qu’il n’est pas possible de vous indiquer l’époque où le roi pourra en faire expédier un pour quelque port des États Unis.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

De Sartine.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 3 April, 1779.

Sir,—

I received the letter you did me the honor to write to me of the 24th past. I am glad you have been at Brest, as your presence there has contributed to expedite the operations of Captain Landais in refitting his ship. I think with you, that more has been made of the conspiracy than was necessary, but that it would have been well if some of the most guilty could have received a proper punishment.1 As that was impracticable under our present naval code, I hope you will, on your return, obtain an amendment of it.

I approve of clothing the midshipmen and petty officers, agreeable to their request to you, and hope you have ordered it without waiting to hear from me; and I now desire, that whatever else you may judge for the good of the service, our funds and circumstances considered, you would, in my behalf, give directions for; as the great distance makes it inconvenient to send to me on every occasion, and I can confide in your prudence, that you will allow no expense that is unnecessary.

My gout continues to disable me from walking, longer than formerly; but on Tuesday, the 23d past, I thought myself able to go through the ceremony, and accordingly went to Court, had my audience of the King in the new character, presented my letter of credence, and was received very graciously. After which, I went the rounds with the other foreign ministers, in visiting all the royal family. The fatigue, however, was a little too much for my feet, and disabled me for near another week. Upon the whole I can assure you, that I do not think the good will of this Court to the good cause of America is at all diminished by the late little reverses in the fortune of war; and I hope Spain, who has now forty-nine ships of the line and thirty-one frigates ready for service, will soon, by declaring, turn the scale.

Remember me affectionately to master Johnny,
And believe me, with great esteem, sir, &c.

B. Franklin.

M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

St. Germain, 9 April, 1779.

Dear Sir,—

I beg leave to apply to you in an instance where I am much concerned. The case I shall lay before you, and recommend to your care. There is an officer in Paris whom I wish to send over to America on board the Alliance, and who I know would be of some use in the American army. For that reason, besides this of recommendations I have a great regard for, I wish the gentleman may find a passage in the frigate. Dr. Franklin cannot officially send any officer; but I beg you would take him along with you, and I take upon myself the charge of presenting him to congress. All the marks of kindness I ever met with from them, and the knowledge which the strictest friendship has given me of General Washington’s sentiments, make me as certain as possible, that my officer will meet with the best reception in Philadelphia and in the army, who know I am acquainted with what may be convenient to them.

It is with a great concern, that I hear of discontents between Captain Landais and his officers, and I flatter myself that you will again establish harmony and concord among them. I will take the opportunity of this frigate to write over to my friends in America.

The articles alluded to in your letter from Paris,1 I have been very busy about, but I did not meet with great success till now, and what is done is not equal to what I could wish. It is true, our circumstances are rather narrow in this moment, and I think that the ministers are willing to do what they think possible or advantageous, but we do not always agree in opinion. I hope, however, America will have more and more occasions of knowing the true attachment of this nation for her.

With great impatience I wait for your answer, that I may send the officer to Nantes. I hope you will not refuse your patronage on this occasion, and I may answer, congress will have no objection to take a gentleman I send them.

You will, my dear sir, in settling his passage, much oblige your humble servant,

Lafayette.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Nantes, 13 April, 1779.

Sir,—

I had yesterday the honor of yours of the 3d of this month. Captain Landais had so much diffidence in some of his crew, that he could not think of carrying home any of the most culpable of the conspirators, especially as he was so weak-handed. The naval code of the United States has great occasion for amendments in many particulars, without which there will be little discipline, subordination, or obedience.

I am happy that you approve of clothing the petty officers, and thank you for the confidence you have put in me, in desiring that I would give directions in your behalf for what I may judge for the good of the service, funds and circumstances considered; a trust, however, that will involve me in difficulties, because I fear the demands of officers and men will be greater than I could wish. Obedience on board is so imperfect, that I do not expect the ship can possibly be got to sea without some money to the officers and men. I expect the ship here every day, and I hope in fifteen days to be at sea. If you have any letters I should be glad to carry them.

I am much pleased with your reception at Court in the new character, and I do not doubt that your opinion of the good-will of this Court to the United States is just. This benevolence is the result of so much wisdom, and is founded on such solid principles, that I have the utmost confidence in its perseverance to the end. Spain, too, must sooner or later see her true interests, and declare in favor of the same generous cause. I wish and hope with you, that it will be soon; if it is not, there is great reason to fear a very unnecessary and profuse effusion of human blood; for the English derive such spirits from their captures at sea and other little successes, and war is everlastingly so popular among them when there is the least appearance of success, however deceitful, that they will go on at whatever expense and hazard.

Master Johnny, whom you have honored with an affectionate remembrance, and who acts at present in the quadruple capacity of interpreter, secretary, companion, and domestic to his papa, desires me to present you his dutiful respects.

My regards, if you please, to Mr. Franklin and Mr. Geléc, and the young fry.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 21 April, 1779.

Sir,—

I have received your two favors of the 13th instant. I am much obliged to you for undertaking the trouble of contenting the officers and people of the Alliance. I must now beg leave to make a little addition to that trouble, by requesting your attention to the situation of the officers and sailors, late prisoners in England, which Mr. Williams will acquaint you with; and that you would likewise order for them such necessaries and comforts as we can afford. I wish we were able to do all they want and desire, but the scantiness of our funds and the multitude of demands prevent it.

The English papers talk much of their apprehensions about Spain. I hope they have some foundation.

With great esteem, &c.

B. Franklin.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 24 April, 1779.

Sir,—

By the inclosed letter from M. de Sartine, expressing his Majesty’s desire that the Alliance should be retained here a little longer, you will see that I am under a kind of necessity of disappointing you in your intentions of making your passage immediately in that vessel, which would be more unpleasing to me but for these considerations; that, possibly, it may be safer for you to go in a ship where the crew not being so mixed can be better depended on; where you will not be incommoded by the misunderstandings subsisting between the officers and their captain; and where you will have the society of the French Ambassador, M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne, who appears to me a most amiable man, and of very sensible and pleasing conversation. I hope this will, in some measure, compensate for the inconvenience of shifting your stores from one ship to the other. And as I shall order the Alliance to Lorient, where the King’s frigate is, that carries the ambassador, the removal of your things from one ship to the other will be more easy. You can even go thither in the Alliance if you choose it. The ships in the American trade which were at Nantes when I offered them the convoy of the Alliance, having declined that offer, and sailed, as I understand, under another and perhaps safer convoy, makes her immediate departure for America less necessary, and perhaps she may now make a cruise in these seas, for which I understand she will have time; which will be probably more advantageous, and, therefore, more satisfactory to her people than a direct return. I hope she may procure us some more prisoners to exchange the rest of our countrymen, and at the same time reimburse us the charges of her refitting, which you know we stand much in need of.

M. Dumas writes me from the Hague of the 19th,—“Je sçais depuis hier, de bonne part, que l’Espagne s’est enfin déclarée. Cela fera un bon éffet ici et partout.” I hope his intelligence is good; but nothing of it has yet transpired here.

Inclosed, I send you a cover which I have just received from Martinique, directed to me, but containing only a letter for you. The cover being unskilfully sealed over the seal of your letter, was so attached to it, that I had like to have broken open the one in opening the other. I send you also another letter which came from Spain.

I am obliged by your offer of taking charge of my despatches for America. I shall send them down to you by M. de la Luzerne, who is to set off in a few days.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,

B. Franklin.

(Inclosed with the Preceding.)

M. DE SARTINE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Versailles, le 20 Avril, 1779.

La difficulté, monsieur, de recevoir des nouvelles de l’Amérique Septentrionale, et de donner de celles d’Europe au congrès, me fait désirer que vous suspendiez le départ pour l’Amérique Septentrionale de la frégate des États Unis, l’Alliance, parceque le roi a ordonné qu’il fut préparé une de ses frégates pour porter en Amérique le nouveau ministre plénipotentiaire que sa Majesté y envoye pour remplacer M. Gérard, dont la santé a été très dérangée l’année dernière; et afin de remplir une partie des vues que vous pouviez avoir en expédiant l’Alliance pour le continent des États Unis, le roi accordera avec plaisir à M. Adams son passage pour lui et sa suite sur ladite frégate. Sa Majesté désire que cette proposition puisse convenir avec les arrangemens du congrès, et dans ce cas, je vous serai très obligé de vouloir bien donner vos ordres en conséquence au capitaine de la frégate, l’Alliance, afin qu’il se rende tout de suite à Lorient, où il attendra les ordres ultérieurs que vous lui addresserez.

J’ai l’honneur d’être avec une très parfaite considération, monsieur, &c. &c.

De Sartine.

ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 5 June, 1779.

Dear Sir,—

By advices from America, since my last to you, my enemies are determined to impeach my attachment to our country and her cause, per fas et per nefas. This makes it necessary for me to request of you your opinion on that point, from the knowledge you have had of my conduct while we acted together in commission. The calumnies of wicked men can only be refuted by the testimony of those who are honest and competent, and it is necessary for me to desire this of you, lest any accident, which God forbid, should befall you on the voyage.

Late letters from Charleston say, they are all in good spirits there. No other news.

I have the honor to be, dear sir, with the greatest esteem,

Your most obedient, humble servant,

Arthur Lee.

TO ARTHUR LEE.

Lorient, 9 June, 1779.

Dear Sir,—

Your favors of June the 2d and 5th are now before me; that of the 29th of March I have answered, if I ever received it; for I have answered every one I have received from you, but not having my papers at hand, cannot be particular. I thank you for the manuscript and the pamphlet.

I am happy to hear from you and from all others so agreeable a character of the Chevalier de la Luzerne and M. Marbois, the last of whom I have had the pleasure to see.

I wish it was in my power to do more for Mr. Ford, and to take him with me; but the frigate will be so crowded, I fear it will be impossible.

The declarations of the northern powers against the right of England to stop their merchant vessels, and arming to support their rights, are important events. The displacing of Mr. Paine is a disagreeable and alarming one.

It is with no small astonishment, that I learn by your letter of the 5th, that by advices from America since your last to me, your enemies are determined to impeach your attachment to our country and her cause. Your request, that I would give my opinion on that subject, from the knowledge I have had of your conduct while we acted in commission together, can meet with no objection from me. But I hope I need not inform you, that my opinion upon this point is no secret at Versailles, Paris, Nantes, or elsewhere. Inclosed is a copy of a letter I did myself the honor to write to his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, some time ago,1 which, for any thing I know, is communicated to all the Court; but the answer shows that it was received. I had my reasons then for keeping it to myself, which exist now no more. I would transcribe the whole correspondence if it was in my power, but I have not time; and it is sufficient to say, that it was conducted by his Excellency with the most obliging politeness. It is my duty now to furnish you with a copy, lest any accident may befall me, which is by no means improbable. I thought then, and am confirmed in that opinion more and more, that it was my duty to communicate my sentiments at Court, upon that very extraordinary occasion; and, from regard to my own reputation, I am very glad you have given me an opportunity of furnishing you with evidence that I did this part of my duty so far forth. The letter was written, sent to Versailles, and received by his Excellency, before the arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, his aid-de-camp, or Dr. Winship; that is, before the news reached Passy of the new arrangement. But lest that letter should not be sufficient, I shall inclose another certificate, not without a heartfelt grief and indignation, that malice should have been so daring and so barbarous as to make either such a letter or such a certificate from me either necessary or even pardonable.

Your hint, that I must correct some things that are amiss, extorts from me an involuntary sigh. I shall be in a situation critical and difficult without example, my own character at stake from various quarters, and without any thing to support me but truth and innocence; and you need not be informed that these are not always sufficient. I have little expectation of doing good; God grant I may do no harm. I shall not designedly. But I suppose congress intend to examine me as a witness; and I must tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, as far as I know it. If the task should end here, I should not be much embarrassed; but if they should proceed to demand of me opinions and judgments of men and things, as there is reason to expect they will, although I hope they will not, what will be the consequence? Upon the whole, truth must be my shield; and if the shafts of interested malice can pierce through this, they shall pierce me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, 3 August, 1779.

Sir,—

On the 27th of February, I had the honor of writing to congress, informing them of my intention of returning home, in consequence of the commission which superseded mine. On the 1st of March, I had again the honor of writing some information concerning the unprecedented interest which the British government are obliged to give for the loan of money for the service of the present year. On the 8th of March I took my leave of the American minister, and left Paris for Nantes, in expectation of there meeting the Alliance, and sailing in her for America in a few weeks. Upon my arrival at Nantes, I learned the Alliance was yet at Brest, and so embarrassed with nearly forty prisoners, who were supposed to have been concerned in a conspiracy to carry her to England, and with other difficulties, that it was uncertain when she would be ready.

The agent at Nantes at this time receiving a letter from his Excellency, Dr. Franklin, desiring him to consult me about the direction of the Alliance, I thought it would expedite the public service for me to make a journey to Brest, about two hundred miles, which I undertook accordingly, and arrived at that port without loss of time. There, after an attendance of some weeks, and much negotiation with commandants, intendants, and agents, all things were prepared for the frigate to sail for Nantes with about one hundred British prisoners to be exchanged for a like number of American prisoners, arrived there from England in a cartel. I returned to Nantes by land, and the Alliance in a few days arrived in the river; the prisoners were exchanged, about sixty enlisted in the Alliance, and the rest in the Poor Richard, Captain Jones.

After accommodating all the difficulties with the British prisoners, the American prisoners, the officers and crew of the Alliance, and supplying all their necessary wants, Captain Landais, having orders to sail for America, and every thing ready to proceed to sea in a few days, received unexpected orders to proceed to Lorient and wait there for further orders. I had the honor of a letter at the same time from his Excellency, inclosing one from the Minister of Marine, by which I learned that the King had been graciously pleased to grant me a passage on board the frigate which was to carry his Majesty’s new minister plenipotentiary to the United States; that the frigate was at Lorient; and that the minister would be there in a few days. I went in the Alliance from Nantes to Lorient, where after some time the frigate, the Sensible, arrived; but his Excellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, did not arrive until the 10th of June. On the 14th of June, and not before, I had the pleasure to be under sail; and on the 2d of August arrived in Nantasket Roads.

I have entered into this detail of disappointments, to justify myself for not returning sooner, and to show that it was not my fault that I was not at home in eight weeks from the first authentic information that I had nothing further to do in France. There is nothing remaining for me to do, but to settle my accounts with congress; but as part of my accounts are in conjunction with my late colleagues, with whom I lived in the same house during my residence in Paris, I am not able to judge whether congress will choose to receive my accounts alone, or to wait until the other commissioners shall exhibit theirs, and have the whole together under one view, so as to do equal justice to all. I am ready, however, to render all the account in my power, either jointly or separately, whenever congress shall order it; and I shall wait their directions accordingly.

It is not in my power, having been so long from Paris, to give congress any news of importance, except that the Brest fleet, under the Count d’Orvilliers, was at sea the beginning of June; that Admiral Arbuthnot was at Plymouth the 31st of May; and that there was a universal persuasion, arising from letters from Paris and London, that Spain had decided against the English. The Chevalier de la Luzerne will be able to give congress satisfactory information upon this head.

I ought not to conclude this letter, without expressing my obligations to Captain Chavagne and the other officers of the Sensible for their civilities in the course of my passage home, and the pleasure I have had in the conversation of his Excellency, the new Minister Plenipotentiary from our august ally, and the Secretary to the Embassy, Monsieur Marbois.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne is a Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem; of an ancient and noble family, connected by blood with many characters of principal name in the kingdom; a grandson of the celebrated Chancellor de Lamoignon; a nephew of Monsieur Malesherbes, perhaps still more famous as first President of the Court of Aids and as a Minister of State; a brother of the Count de la Luzerne and of the Bishop of Langres, one of the three dukes and peers who had the honor to assist in the consecration of the King; a near relation of the Maréchal de Broglie and the Count his brother, and of many other important personages in that country. Nor is his personal character less respectable than his connections, as he is possessed of much useful information of all kinds, and particularly of the political system of Europe, obtained in his late embassy in Bavaria; and of the justest sentiments of the mutual interests of his country and ours, and of the utility to both, of that alliance which so happily unites them; and at the same time divested of all personal and party attachments and aversions. Congress and their constituents, I flatter myself, will have much satisfaction in his negotiations, as well as in those of the secretary to the embassy, who was recently secretary to the embassy in Bavaria, and who is a counsellor of the parliament of Metz, a gentleman whose abilities, application, and disposition cannot fail to make him useful in the momentous office he sustains.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, 4 August, 1779.

Sir,—

At the close of the service on which congress have done me the honor to send me, it may not be amiss to submit a few remarks to their consideration on the general state of affairs in Europe, so far as they relate to the interests of the United States. As the time approaches when our relations with the most considerable States in Europe will multiply and assume a greater stability, they deserve the attention of Americans in general, but especially of those composing their supreme council.

France deserves the first place among those powers with which our connections will be the most intimate, and it is with pleasure I am able to assure congress that, from the observations I have made during my residence in that kingdom, I have the strongest reasons to believe that their august ally, his ministers and nation, are possessed of the fullest persuasion of the justice of our cause, of the great importance of our independence to their interests, and the firmest resolution to preserve the faith of treaties inviolate, and to cultivate our friendship with sincerity and zeal. This is of the more consequence to us, as this power enjoys in Europe at this hour an influence which it has not before experienced for many years.

Men are so sensible of a constant tendency in others to excesses, that a signal superiority of power never appears without exciting jealousies and efforts to reduce it. Thus, when Spain, under Charles V. and his successor, made herself dangerous, a great part of Europe united against her, assisted in severing the United Provinces from her, and by degrees greatly diminished her power. Thus, when France, under Louis XIV., indulged the spirit of conquest too far, a great part of mankind united their forces against her with such success as to involve her in a train of misfortunes, out of which she never emerged before the present reign. The English in their turn, by means of their commerce and extensive settlements abroad, arose to a degree of opulence and naval power, which excited more extravagant passions in her own breast, and more tyrannical exertions of her influence, than appeared in either of the other cases. The consequence has been similar, but more remarkable. Europe seems to be more universally and sincerely united in the desire of reducing her than they ever were in any former instance. This is the true cause why the French Court never made war with so universal a popularity among their own subjects, so general an approbation of other courts, and such unanimous wishes among all nations for her success, as at this time.

The personal character of the King; his declared patronage of morals and economy, and the great strokes of wisdom which have marked the commencement of his reign; the active spring which has been given to commerce by the division of the British empire and our new connections with his subjects; all these causes, together with the two treaties of peace which have been lately signed under his auspices and his mediation, have given to this power a reputation which the last reign had lost.

The first of these treaties has determined those controversies which had for a long time divided Russia and the Porte, and the parties have been equally satisfied with the conditions of their reconciliation; a circumstance the more honorable for the French Ministry and the Chevalier de St. Priest, their Ambassador at Constantinople, as it is uncommon. The ancient confidence of the Porte in the Court of Versailles has revived, and the coolness, or rather enmity, which divided France and Russia for near twenty years, gives place to a friendship which is at this time in all its fervor, and will probably be durable, as these powers have no interest to annoy each other; but, on the contrary, are able to assist each other in a manner the most essential.

The peace of Germany, signed at Teschen the 13th of last May, has not equally satisfied the belligerent powers, who were on the one part the Emperor, and on the other the King of Prussia and the Elector of Saxony, his ally.

From the multitude of writings which have appeared before and during this war, in which the causes, the motives, and the right of it are discussed, it appears that in 1768, at the extinction of one of the branches of the House of Bavaria, which has been separated from its trunk for near five centuries, the House of Austria thought itself able, and priests and lawyers among their own subjects were complaisant enough to tell her she had a right, to put herself in possession of the best part of the patrimony of the extinguished line.

The King of Prussia, to whose interest this augmentation of power would have been dangerous, has crowned an illustrious reign by displaying all the resources of military genius and profound policy in opposition to it. While he contended in the field, France negotiated, and the work begun by his arms was completed by the cabinet of Versailles.

The Palatine House of Bavaria, the Duke of Deux Ponts, and particularly the Elector of Saxony, have obtained all they could reasonably demand; and the empire has preserved its balance of power in spite of its head. The King of Prussia has covered himself with glory, to which he put the finishing stroke by not demanding any compensation for the expenses of the war. All parties have been satisfied except the Emperor, who has disordered his finances, ruined his kingdom of Bohemia with immense fines, has not obtained any advantage over his adversary, and, consequently, has destroyed among his own troops the opinion they had of their superiority; and, in fine, has sustained a loss the most sensible for a young prince just beginning to reign, the reputation of justice and moderation. It is the influence, the address, and ability of the French Minister, joined to the firmness of Russia, which have completed this work;1 and Louis XVI. has restored in Germany, to the nation over which he reigns, that reputation which his grandfather had lost.

The merit of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who was Ambassador in Bavaria during the transaction of this business, and that of M. Marbois, the Secretary to that Embassy, in accomplishing an affair of such importance, which was rendered peculiarly delicate by the late family connection between the Courts of Vienna and Versailles, was probably a motive for sending them now to America, a mission of no less importance and no less delicacy.

It is not probable, however, that they could have succeeded so soon, if England could have afforded subsidies to the Emperor. The Revolution in America, in which the French King has taken an earlier and a greater part than any other sovereign in Europe, has operated so as to conciliate to him a consideration that is universal. The new minister will give to congress information the most precise in this respect, and touching the part which Spain is taking at this time, for which reason I shall refrain from entering into it, and content myself with observing, that all these considerations ought to induce us to cherish the alliance of France; and that every good citizen of the United States ought to endeavor to destroy the remains of those prejudices which our ancient rulers have endeavored to inspire us with; that we have nothing to fear, and much to hope from France, while we conduct our affairs with good sense and firmness; and that we cannot take too much pains to multiply the commercial relations and strengthen the political connections between the two nations; provided always, that we preserve prudence and resolution enough to receive implicitly no advice whatever, but to judge always for ourselves, and to guard ourselves against those principles in government, and those manners, which are so opposite to our own constitution and to our own characters, as a young people, called by Providence to the most honorable and important of all duties, that of forming establishments for a great nation and a new world.

In the opinion of some, the power with which we shall one day have a relation the most immediate, next to that of France, is Great Britain. But it ought to be considered that this power loses every day her consideration, and runs towards her ruin. Her riches, in which her power consisted, she has lost with us, and never can regain. With us she has lost her Mediterranean trade, her African trade, her German and Holland trade, her ally, Portugal, her ally, Russia, and her natural ally, the House of Austria; at least, as being unable to protect these as she once did, she can obtain no succor from them. In short, one branch of commerce has been lopped off after another, and one political interest sacrificed after another. She resembles the melancholy spectacle of a great wide-spreading tree that has been girdled at the root. Her endeavors to regain these advantages will continually keep alive in her breast the most malevolent passions towards us. Her envy, her jealousy, and resentment will never leave us while we are what we must unavoidably be, her rivals in the fisheries, in various other branches of commerce, and even in naval power. If peace should unhappily be made, leaving Canada, Nova Scotia, or the Floridas, or any of them, in her hands, jealousies and controversies will be perpetually arising. The degree, therefore, of intercourse with this nation, which will ever again take place, may justly be considered as problematical; or rather the probability is, that it will never be so great as some persons imagine; moreover, I think that every citizen, in the present circumstances, who respects his country and the engagements she has taken, ought to abstain from the foresight of a return of friendship between us and the English, and act as if it never was to be.

But it is lawful to consider that which will probably be formed between the Hollanders and us. The similitude of manners, of religion, and, in some respects, of constitution, the analogy between the means by which the two republics arrived at independency, but, above all, the attractions of commercial interest, will infallibly draw them together. This connection will not probably show itself before a peace or a near prospect of peace. Too many motives of fear or interest place the Hollanders in a dependence on England, to suffer them to connect themselves openly with us at present. Nevertheless, if the King of Prussia could be induced to take us by the hand, his great influence in the United Provinces might contribute greatly to conciliate their friendship for us. Loans of money and the operations of commercial agents or societies will be the first threads of our connections with this power. From the essays and inquiries of your commissioners at Paris, it appears that some money may be borrowed there; and from the success of several enterprises by the way of St. Eustatia, it seems that the trade between the two countries is likely to increase, and, possibly, congress may think it expedient to send a minister there. If they should, it will be proper to give him a discretionary power to produce his commission or not, as he shall find it likely to succeed, to give him full powers and clear instructions concerning the borrowing of money; and the man himself, above all, should have consummate prudence, and a caution and discretion that will be proof against every trial.

If congress could find any means of paying the interest annually in Europe, commercial and pecuniary connections would strengthen themselves from day to day, and if the fall of the credit of England should terminate in bankruptcy, the seven United Provinces having nothing to dissemble, would be zealous for a part of those rich benefits which our commerce offers to the maritime powers, and, by an early treaty with us, secure those advantages, from which they have already discovered strong symptoms of a fear of being excluded by delays. It is scarcely necessary to observe to congress that Holland has lost her influence in Europe to such a degree, that there is little other regard for her remaining, but that of a prodigal heir for a rich usurer, who lends him money at a high interest. The State which is poor and in debt has no political stability. Their army is very small, and their navy is less. The immense riches of individuals may possibly be in some future time the great misfortune of the nation, because the means of defence are not proportioned to the temptation which is held out for some necessitous, avaricious, and formidable neighbor to invade her.

The active commerce of Spain is very inconsiderable; of her passive commerce we shall not fail to have a part; the vicinity of this power, her forces, her resources, ought to make us attentive to her conduct; but if we may judge of the future by the past, I should hope we had nothing to fear from it. The genius and interest of the nation incline it to repose. She cannot determine upon war but in the last extremity, and even then she sighs for peace. She is not possessed of the spirit of conquest, and we have reason to congratulate ourselves that we have her for the nearest and principal neighbor. Her conduct towards us at this time will perhaps appear equivocal and indecisive; her determinations appear to be solely the fruit of the negotiations of the Court of Versailles. But it ought to be considered she has not had motives so pressing as those of France to take in hand our defence. Whether she has an eye upon the Floridas, or what other terms she may expect from congress, they are no doubt better informed than I am. To their wisdom it must be submitted to give her satisfaction, if her terms are moderate and her offers in proportion. This conduct may conciliate her affection and shorten delays, a point of great importance, as the present moment appears to be decisive.

Portugal, under the administration of the Marquis de Pombal, broke some of the shackles by which she was held to England. But the treaty, by which a permanent friendship is established between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal, was made in 1777, an event that the English deplore as the greatest evil, next to the irrecoverable loss of the Colonies arising from this war, because they will now no longer be able to play off Portugal against Spain, in order to draw away her attention, as well as her forces, as in former times. But as Portugal has not known how to deliver herself entirely from the influence of England, we shall have little to hope from her; on the other hand, such is her internal weakness that we have absolutely nothing to fear. We shall necessarily have commerce with her, but whether she will ever have the courage to sacrifice the friendship of England for the sake of it, is uncertain.

It would be endless to consider that infinite number of little sovereignties into which Germany is divided, and develop all their political interests. This task is as much beyond my knowledge as it would be useless to congress. They will have few relations friendly or hostile with this country, excepting in two branches of commerce, that of merchandise and that of soldiers. The latter, infamous and detestable as it is, has been established between a nation once generous, humane, and brave, and certain princes, as avaricious of money as they are prodigal of the blood of their subjects; and such is the scarcity of cash and the avidity for it in Germany, and so little are the rights of humanity understood and respected, that sellers will probably be found as long as buyers. America will never be found in either class. The State of Germany, with which we may have commerce of an honorable kind, is the House of Austria, one of the most powerful in Europe. She possesses very few countries, however, near the sea. Ostend is the principal city, where she might have established a trade of some consequence, if the jealousy of the maritime powers had not constantly opposed it. France, Spain, Holland, and England have been all agreed in their opposition; and the treaty of Utrecht, ratified more than once by subsequent treaties, has so shackled this port, that it will be impossible to open a direct trade to it without some new treaty, which possibly may not be very distant. England may possibly make a new treaty with Austria, and agree to privileges for this port, in order to draw away the advantages of the American trade from France and Spain; and in such a treaty, Holland may possibly acquiesce, if not accede to it. The port of Trieste enjoys liberty without limits; and the Court of Vienna is anxious to make its commerce flourish. Situated as it is at the bottom of the Gulf of Trieste, the remotest part of the Gulf of Venice, tedious and difficult as the navigation of those seas is, we could make little use of it at any time, and none at all while this war continues.

This Court would seize with eagerness the advantages that are presented to her by the independence of America; but an interest more powerful restrains her, and although she is certainly attentive to this revolution, there is reason to believe she will be one of the last powers to acknowledge our independence. She is so far from being rich, that she is destitute of the means of making war without subsidies, as is proved by the peace which has lately been made. She has occasion for the succors of France or of England to put in motion her numerous armies. She conceives easily, that the loss of the resources and credit of the English has disabled them to pay the enormous subsidies which in former times they have poured into the Austrian coffers. She sees, therefore, with a secret mortification, that she shall be hereafter more at the mercy of France, who may choose her ally, and prefer at her pleasure either Austria or Prussia, while neither Vienna nor Berlin will be able, as in times past, to choose between Paris and London, since the latter has lost her past opulence and pecuniary resources. It is our duty to remark these great changes in the system of mankind which have already happened in consequence of the American war. The alienation of Portugal from England, the peace of Germany, and that between Petersburg and Constantinople, by all which events England has lost and France gained such a superiority of influence and power, are owing entirely to the blind diversion of that policy and wealth which the English might have still enjoyed, from the objects of their true interests and honor, to the ruinous American war.

The Court of Berlin flatters itself that the connections which have heretofore so long united France and Prussia will renew themselves sooner or later. This system is more natural than that which subsists at this day. The King of Prussia may then wait without anxiety the consequences of the present revolution, because it tends to increase the resources of his natural ally. The jealousy between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, and that between the Houses of Bourbon and Austria, are a natural tie between France and Prussia. The rivalry between France and Great Britain is another motive, too natural and too permanent for the former to suffer the King of Prussia to be long the ally of the latter. One of the favorite projects of Prussia, that of rendering the port of Emden a place of flourishing trade, interests him most powerfully in our independence. Silesia, one of his best provinces, has already felt the influence of it, and, sensible of the force that empires derive from commerce, he is earnestly desirous to see it introduced between America and his States; which gives ground to believe, that as Austria will be one of the last, so Prussia will be one of the first to acknowledge our independence; an opinion which is rendered more probable by the answer which was given by the Baron de Schulenburg to Mr. Arthur Lee, and the influence of the King of Prussia in the United Provinces, which is greater than that of any other power, arising from his great military force and the vicinity of his dominions. His near relation to the Stadtholder and the Prince of Brunswick is an additional motive to cultivate his friendship. The Electorate of Saxony, with a fruitful soil, contains a numerous and industrious people, and most of the commerce between the east and the west of Europe passes through it. The fairs of Leipsic have drawn considerable advantages for these four years from our trade. This power will see with pleasure the moment which shall put the last hand to our independence. The rest of Germany, excepting Hamburgh and Bremen, have no means of opening a direct commerce with us; with the latter we have no connection at present; in the former all the commerce of Lower Germany is transacted; here we shall soon have occasion to establish an agent or consul.

Poland, depopulated by the war and a vicious government, reduced by a shameful treaty to two thirds of her ancient dominion, destitute of industry and manufactures, even of the first necessity, has no occasion for the productions of America. Dantzic sees her ancient prosperity diminish every day. There is, therefore, little probability of commerce, and less of any political connection between that nation and us.

Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, comprehended under the denomination of the northern powers, have been thought by some to be interested in our return to the domination of Great Britain. Whether they consider themselves in this light or not, their late declarations against the right of England to interrupt their navigation, and their arming for the protection of their commerce on the ocean, and even in the English channel, are unequivocal proofs of their opinion concerning the right in our contest, and of their intentions not to interfere against us. It is very true that the articles of commerce which they produce, are, in many respects, the same with those of America. Yet, if we consider that we shall have occasion to purchase from them large quantities of hemp and sail-cloth, and that our productions of timber, pitch, tar, and turpentine, are less profitable with us without bounties than some other branches of labor, it is not probable that we shall lower the price of these articles in Europe so much as some conjecture, and, consequently, our increased demand upon those countries for several articles will be more than a compensation to them for the small loss they may sustain, by a trifling reduction in the price of those articles. It is not probable that the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen have viewed with indifference the present revolution. If they have been apprehensive of being hurt by it in some respects, which, however, I think must have been a mistaken apprehension, yet the motive of humbling the pride of the English, who have endeavored to exercise their domination even over the northern seas, and to render the Danish and Swedish flag dependent on theirs, has prevailed over all others, and they are considered in Europe as having given their testimony against the English in this war.

Italy, a country which declines every day from its ancient prosperity, offers few objects to our speculations. The privileges of the port of Leghorn, nevertheless, may render it useful to our ships when our independence shall be acknowledged by Great Britain, if, as we once flattered ourselves, the Court of Vienna might receive an American minister. We were equally in error respecting the Court of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, where an Austrian prince reigns, who receives all his directions from Vienna, in such a manner that he will probably never receive any person in a public character, until the chief of his house has set him the example. The King of the Two Sicilies is in the same dependence on the Court of Madrid, and we may depend upon it, he will conform himself to all it shall suggest to him. This prince has already ordered the ports of his dominions to be open to American vessels, public and private, and has ordered his ambassador at Paris to apply to your commissioners for a description of the American flag, that our vessels might be known, and receive no molestation upon their appearance in his harbors.

The Court of Rome, attached to ancient customs, would be one of the last to acknowledge our independence, if we were to solicit for it. But congress will probably never send a minister to his Holiness, who can do them no service, upon condition of receiving a Catholic legate or nuncio in return; or, in other words, an ecclesiastical tyrant, which, it is to be hoped, the United States will be too wise ever to admit into their territories.

The States of the King of Sardinia are poor, and their commerce is very small. The little port of Villa Franca will probably see few American vessels, nor will there be any close relations, either commercial or political, between this prince and us.

The Republic of Genoa is scarcely known at this day in Europe but by those powers who borrow money. It is possible that some small sums might be obtained there, if congress would fall upon means of insuring a punctual payment of interest in Europe.

Venice, heretofore so powerful, is reduced to a very inconsiderable commerce, and is in an entire state of decay.

Switzerland is another lender of money, but neither her position nor her commerce can occasion any near relation with us.

Whether there is any thing in these remarks worth the trouble of reading, I shall submit to the wisdom of congress, and subscribe myself, with the highest consideration,

Your most obedient and humble servant,

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, 10 September, 1779.

Sir,—

Looking over the printed journals of the 15th of last April, I find in the report of the committee appointed to take into consideration the foreign affairs of the United States, and also the conduct of the late and present commissioners of these States, the two following articles.

1. “That it appears to them, that Dr. Franklin is Plenipotentiary for these States at the Court of France; Dr. Arthur Lee, Commissioner for the Court of Spain; Mr. William Lee, Commissioner for the Courts of Vienna and Berlin; Mr. Ralph Izard, Commissioner for the Court of Tuscany; that Mr. John Adams was appointed one of the Commissioners at the Court of France in the place of Mr. Deane, who had been appointed a Joint Commissioner with Dr. Franklin and Dr. Arthur Lee, but that the said commission of Mr. Adams is superseded by the plenipotentiary commission to Dr. Franklin.

3. “That in the course of their examination and inquiry, they find many complaints against the said commissioners, and the political and commercial agency of Mr. Deane, which complaints, with the evidence in support thereof, are herewith delivered, and to which the committee beg leave to refer.”

The word “said” in the second article refers to the commissioners mentioned in the first, and, as my name is among them, I learn from hence that there were some complaints against me, and that the evidence in support of them was delivered to congress by the committee.

I therefore pray that I may be favored with copies of those complaints and evidences, and the names of my accusers, and the witnesses against me, that I may take such measures as may be in my power to justify myself to congress.1

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE TREASURY BOARD.

Braintree, 19 September, 1779.

Gentlemen,—

By the last post, I had the honor of a letter from your secretary, inclosing, by your order, a copy of the resolutions of congress of the 6th of August, relative to the allowance to the late commissioners and their accounts, together with the resolution of your honorable board of the 26th of August, requesting me to inclose my accounts and vouchers to the board of treasury, that they may take order thereon.

I have the honor to transmit, by my worthy friend, Mr. Lowell, my accounts; in the first place, the account of moneys drawn for by Dr. Franklin and me jointly, and the expenditure of them. These moneys, from the time of my arrival at Passy, the 9th of April, 1778, to the end of August following, were received by Dr. Franklin, and the account kept by him of the expenditure. The account marked A is a copy of the account he gave me; but he never showed me any of the vouchers, and I never compared them, so that Mr. Franklin, I suppose, holds himself accountable for them.

From the 1st of October until the new commission arrived, the account was kept by me. At the end of each month I carried my account and vouchers to Dr. Franklin. We looked them over together, and signed the account, except the last, when Dr. Franklin being so ill of the gout, and I being engaged in settling my affairs in order to come away, it was omitted. I transmit the vouchers for all the time that the account was kept by me; but I have one request to make with respect to these, but more especially with respect to my private vouchers, which is, that when the honorable board have made the use of them they intend, they would deliver them to Mr. Gerry to be returned to me, being necessary for the security of my reputation, as well as against new demands of payment. The account thus kept by me, and signed monthly by my colleague and myself, is marked B. The large articles of family expenses and postage of letters are here inserted only in the large. Dr. Franklin has the original books of account of all these particulars, with other receipts in them.

The account marked C is my private account of moneys received by me singly, and includes what money I received of the navy board at Boston before my departure; what I received of the continental agents at Bordeaux, Nantes, Lorient, &c.; what I received of Mr. Franklin out of the moneys drawn for jointly, and what I received of Mr. Grand, the banker, either with my own hand or by drafts upon him; the amount of all which, exclusive of a draft for Mr. Deane’s furniture, is NA livres.

The account marked D is a particular account of all my expenses, the amount of which is

This includes the expense of all my journeys from Bordeaux to Paris, from Paris to Nantes, from Nantes to Brest, from Brest back again to Nantes, the expenses of clothing for myself and servants, and, in general, all my particular expenses of every kind. During the time that the joint account was kept by Mr. Franklin, the honorable board will see that Mr. Franklin paid all these articles out of the joint stock which I was paying for out of my particular. The effect to the public is the same; but it was necessary to make the observation, in order to explain the articles.

The honorable board will also see in this account of mine several articles for books. I found myself in France ill-versed in the language, the literature, the science, the laws, customs, and manners of that country, and had the mortification to find my colleagues very little better informed than myself, vain as this may seem. I found also that Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane, and Mr. Lee had expended considerable sums for books, and this appeared to me one of the most necessary and useful ways in which money had ever been spent in that country. I therefore did not hesitate to expend the sums mentioned in this account in this way, in the purchase of such a collection of books as were calculated to qualify me for conversation and for business, especially the science of negotiation. Accordingly the books are a collection of books concerning the French language, and criticism concerning French history, laws, customs, and manners, but above all a large collection of books on the public law of Europe, and the letters and memoirs of those ambassadors and public ministers who had acquired the fairest fame, and had done the greatest services to their countries in this way.

The honorable board will judge whether this is a “reasonable expense,” and whether it ought or ought not to be deducted from the allowance. I shall submit to their judgment with entire satisfaction.

All the articles in both accounts which were for my son, will, no doubt, be deducted from my allowance. Yet I ought to observe that Mr. Izard and Mr. William Lee have supported their families; Dr. Franklin has two grandsons, and Mr. A Lee a nephew; Mr. Deane two brothers, and afterwards a son; all that I desire is, that I may be treated like the others.

I departed from my own house the 13th of February, 1778, and happily arrived at it again the 2d of August, 1779. How far the honorable board will judge the resolution of congress, allowing three months after the recall, applicable to me, I do not know; indeed, whether I am recalled to this moment, I do not know. All I desire is, a reasonable compensation for the time I was actually in the service, and this was in fact from the day that I received my commission, which was in December, 1777; for from that day I was obliged to avoid all engagements in private business, and to devote myself to the preparation for my voyage as much as at any time after.

I shall send, by this opportunity, all the vouchers I have; when I was making journeys from place to place it was impossible for me to take receipts of postilions, tavern-keepers, and twenty other sorts of people for small sums; but I presume no man will say his expenses have been, or can be less than mine.

The United States have no house-rent, or hire of chariots or horses, or horsemen, or servants, or furniture of houses to pay for me. None of these things, except the servant who went with me, were ever added to the public expenses on my account. There are two or three small sums in the account, paid to Mr. Austin for services while he acted as my secretary, perhaps six weeks, which is all the expense the public bore for secretaries to me. I do not mention this as a virtue or merit, for I am convinced it was an error; and I would never advise any other gentleman to follow my example in these particulars.

I was obliged to be at some expense for bedding on board the Sensible in my passage home, as the board will see.

I submit the whole to the consideration of the board, only requesting that I may be informed what articles are allowed in the settlement of my account, under the head of reasonable expenses, and what are not.1

I have the honor to be, with great respect to the honorable board,

Their most obedient and most humble servant,

John Adams.

THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Á Philadelphie, le 29 Septembre, 1779.

Monsieur,—

Je m’applaudis bien sincèrement d’avoir prévu que votre séjour en Amérique ne seroit pas de longue durée, et je félicite vos compatriotes du choix qu’ils ont fait de vous, pour aller négocier la paix qui doit assurer le repos des treize Etats. Vous y porterez la modération et l’équité qui m’ont paru faire le fond de votre caractère, et vous êtes sûr d’avance de trouver en France le ministère du roi dans les mêmes dispositions. Le choix du congrès est approuvé par toutes les personnes bien intentionnées en Amérique; on y applaudira également en Europe, et je vous réponds des suffrages et de la confiance de toutes les personnes dont vous serez connu. Vous travaillerez, monsieur, à donner la paix à votre pays, et mes soins auront pour objet de resserrer les noeuds qui unissent votre nation et la mienne. Nos travaux auront donc quelque analogie, et je vous prie d’être bien persuadé que je prendrai une part immédiate a vos succès.

La frégate la “Sensible” est toujours dans le port de Boston: il dépendra de vous, monsieur, de vous concerter avec M. de Chavagnes en cas que vous vous déterminiez à partir avec lui. Je suis persuadé d’avance que le ministre de la marine trouvera qu’on ne pouvoit faire un meilleur usage de ce vaisseau qu’en l’employant à vous ramener en Europe.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, avec le plus inviolable attachement, monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

Le Chevalier de la Luzerne.

THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE TO CAPTAIN CHAVAGNES.

La mission, monsieur, dont le congrès vient de charger Monsieur Jean Adams, est d’une telle importance que Monsieur Gérard et moi avons pensé qu’il falloit prendre les mesures les plus promptes, et les plus sûres, pour assurer son passage. Nous avons en conséquence proposé au congrès, de se servir de votre frégate pour le transport de ce ministre, et notre proposition a été accepté. Cependant le congrès y a mis luimême la condition que M. Adams feroit les dispositions convenables pour son départ dans une intervalle de temps raisonnable, et qu’il ne seroit pas de nature à retenir votre frégate trop long temps, je vous réitère donc, monsieur, la prière que je vous ai déjà faite, de vous concerter avec monsieur Adams touchant les mesures qu’il jugera apropos de prendre pour son départ. J’espère que, eu égard à la nature de la circonstance, le ministre approuvera entièrement le délai que vous serez dans le cas de mettre à votre départ, et je suis bien persuadé, d’un autre coté, que M. Jean Adams mettra toute la célérité possible dans les préparatifs de son départ.

Le Chevalier de la Luzerne.

Je pense entièrement, monsieur, comme M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne, et je joins mes instances aux siennes.

Gérard.

M. DE MARBOIS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Á Philadelphie, le 29 Septembre, 1779.

Monsieur,—

Je n’ai que le tems de vous marquer combien j’ai pris de part au choix que vos compatriotes viennent de faire de vous, pour aller négocier la paix en Europe. J’ai été réellement touché de l’unanimité et de l’empressement avec lequel tous les esprits se sont réunis dans l’opinion qu’ils ont conçue de vous, et dans la persuasion qu’un ministre sans prejugés et sans autre passion que celle du bonheur de son pays et de la conservation de l’alliance, etoit l’homme le plus propre à conduire l’important ouvrage de la paix.

Je désire beaucoup, monsieur, que vous reconduisiez en Europe M. votre fils, malgré l’éloignement qu’il a pour la navigation. Il apprendra de vous les moyens d’être un jour utile à son pays, et vos préceptes et vos sentimens lui apprendront à chérir ma nation, qui sent de jour en jour davantage combien son union avec vous est naturelle et réciproquement avantageuse.

Je suis, avec respect, monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

De Marbois.

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Braintree, 6 October, 1779.

Sir,—

The “Sensible” intending to sail in a few days, it is my duty to embrace the opportunity of acknowledging my obligations to his Majesty and to your Excellency for the favor of a passage in this frigate, which was rendered the more honorable and agreeable to me by the company of his Excellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, and M. Marbois, two characters that I have every reason to believe will be peculiarly useful and acceptable in this country.

Your Excellency will permit me also to express my obligations to Captain Chavagnes and the other officers of the frigate, for their civilities, as these gentlemen, upon all occasions, discovered a particular attention and solicitude to render all the circumstances of the voyage as agreeable as possible to me and the other passengers, as well as to protect the merchant vessels under their convoy.

I hope and believe they have neither seen nor heard any thing here among the people of this country, but what has a tendency to give them a favorable opinion of their allies.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration,
Your Excellency’s most obedient and humble servant,

John Adams.

TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Braintree, 17 October, 1779.

Sir,—

I have the honor of your letter from Philadelphia of the 29th of September, and return you my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations on the honor which has been done me in my election to an important negotiation in Europe. The sentiments your Excellency is pleased to express of my character and of the good opinion of my own countrymen in general, are exceedingly flattering to me.

There is no character in which I could act with so much pleasure as in that of a peacemaker. But alas! sir, when I reflect upon the importance, the delicacy, intricacy, and danger of the service, I feel a great deal of diffidence in myself. Yet, when I consider the remarkable unanimity with which I was chosen, after congress had been so long distressed with the appearance of their foreign affairs, and so divided in sentiment about most other characters, I am penetrated with a sense of the honor done to me, more than I can express.

Your Excellency may be assured that, wherever I go, I shall carry with me the highest opinion of the wisdom, the equity, and policy of the present minister from France, and the fullest persuasion that his negotiations will be reciprocally advantageous to the allies, and incessantly tending to strengthen the ties of interest and good-will that at present unite them.

Your Excellency will be pleased to accept of my thanks for the favor of a passage in the frigate, the Sensible. I have not yet received from congress any despatches. As soon as they arrive, I shall immediately wait on Captain Chavagnes, and the frigate shall not be unnecessarily detained on my account. I will either embark immediately, or inform the captain that I cannot have the pleasure to go with him.

I must also request of your Excellency to present my respectful compliments and thanks to M. Gérard for so obligingly joining his instances with yours to the captain of the frigate for my passage in her.

I have the honor to be, with the sincerest attachment, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DE MARBOIS.

Braintree, 17 October, 1779.

My Dear Sir,—

I had the honor of your favor of the 29th of September by express, and I thank you for your kind compliments and congratulations on my election to the momentous office of peacemaker. I am really, sir, much affected with the unanimity with which the congress has conferred this honor upon me. I cannot be sufficiently sensible of the favorable opinion you express of me. But I feel myself agitated with too many very strong passions, relative to myself and my family, besides those which regard the prosperity of my country and the conservation of the alliance, to subscribe entirely to that opinion.

My little son, sir, is very sensible of the honor you have done him in mentioning his name upon this occasion, but I believe it will be my duty to leave him at home, that his education may be where his life is to be spent. He has already learned to esteem and respect the French nation, and that sentiment will, I hope, never leave him.

In whatever country I may be, I shall never forget the agreeable hours I have passed with M. de Marbois, nor cease to hope for his honor and prosperity.

I hope you have found every thing as agreeable at Philadelphia as you could expect, and that all circumstances will become from day to day more and more so. I am very ambitious of carrying with me to Europe any despatches which his Excellency, the Chevalier, may think proper to intrust to my care, especially letters to his friends, among whom I have particularly in my eye M. Malesherbes. I request also the same favor from you, sir, and have the honor to be,

With an affectionate respect, &c.

John Adams.

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, 20 October, 1779.

Sir,—

I have the honor to transmit you herewith inclosed two commissions, wherein you are authorized and appointed minister plenipotentiary from these United States, to negotiate treaties of peace and commerce with Great Britain, accompanied with instructions in each case for your government in the execution of those several commissions.

For your further information and benefit are inclosed copies of the instructions to the Hon. Benjamin Franklin and John Jay, Esquire, our Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid.

Also two acts of congress of the 4th and 15th instants, ascertaining your salary, and making provision for your subsistence on your arrival in France.

The nature and importance of the trust committed to your charge, will, I persuade myself, engage your immediate attention, and induce you to undertake the service and embark for France without loss of time.

Wishing you a prosperous voyage, and success in your embassy, I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and regard,

Your humble servant,

Samuel Huntington,President.

P. S. The Hon. Francis Dana, Esquire, is appointed your Secretary.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, 4 November, 1779.

Sir,—

I had yesterday the honor of receiving your letter of the 20th of October, inclosed with two commissions, appointing me minister plenipotentiary from the United States to negotiate peace and commerce with Great Britain, together with instructions for my government in the execution of these commissions, copies of instructions to the ministers plenipotentiary at Versailles and Madrid, and two acts of congress of the 4th and 15th of October.

Peace is an object of such vast importance, the interests to be adjusted in the negotiations to obtain it are so complicated and so delicate, and the difficulty of giving even general satisfaction is so great, that I feel myself more distressed at the prospect of executing the trust, than at the thought of leaving my country, and again encountering the dangers of the seas and of enemies. Yet, when I reflect on the general voice in my favor, and the high honor that is done me by this appointment, I feel the warmest sentiments of gratitude to congress, and shall make no hesitation to accept it, and devote myself without reserve or loss of time to the discharge of it. My success, however, may depend, in a very great degree, on the intelligence and advices that I may receive from time to time from congress, and on the punctuality with which several articles in my instructions may be kept secret. It shall be my most earnest endeavor to transmit to congress the most constant and exact information in my power, of whatever may occur, and to conceal those instructions which depend in any measure on my judgment. And I hope I need not suggest to congress the necessity of communicating to me as early as possible their commands from time to time, and of keeping all the discretionary articles an impenetrable secret; a suggestion, however, that the constitution of that sovereignty which I have the honor to represent might excuse.

As the frigate has been some time waiting, I shall embark in eight or ten days at furthest. Your Excellency will please to present my most dutiful respects to congress, and accept my thanks for the polite and obliging manner in which you have communicated their commands.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

[1 ]It is proper to state that the original draft of this letter bears the marks of considerable reduction in extent and tone from the hands of Dr. Franklin. The substance, however, is preserved.

[1 ]See the letter of the committee, page 60, of this volume, and the note.

[1 ]Addressed to John Jay, elected President of Congress on the 10th of December preceding.

[1 ]This refers to a conspiracy alleged to have been formed on the passage out from Boston. See Mr. Adams’s certificate to Captain Landais, under date 8 March, 1780.

[1 ]So in the original. It should be Passy.

[1 ]See page 79.

[1 ]See the lucid and interesting account of the masterly negotiation of the Baron de Breteuil, which brought about this result, in Flassan’s Histoire de la Diplomatie Française, tome vi. pp. 177-251.

[1 ]This letter, growing out of the complaints made by Mr. Izard, already alluded to in a former note, was submitted to congress by the president. But that body, when called upon by Mr. Gerry, refused to take any action upon it, on the ground that Mr. Adams had already, by a formal vote, been excepted from the general censure passed upon the commissioners in Europe, and that their subsequent appointment of him to a new trust had entirely rejected the particular charge.

See in the Journals of Congress, 20 April, 1779, the yeas and nays upon each separate name of the commissioners, and, in the general correspondence in this work, the confidential letters of Elbridge Gerry and James Lovell, under dates 27 and 29 September, 1779, further elucidating these movements.

[1 ]This letter was referred by congress in the first place to the commissioners of accounts, who made a report upon it on the 25th of October, 1779. This report was again referred to a committee of their own body, consisting of Mr. Forbes, Mr. Matthews, and Mr. Houston, who, on the 15th of April, 1780, made the following report, which was accepted:

“That they do not find any vote or proceeding of congress, nor are they informed of any general or received custom, on which the charge of moneys for the education of the accomptant’s son can be admitted; and though the same is inconsiderable, they are of opinion it ought to be rejected, that a precedent be not established; that they are of opinion that the charge for books ought to be admitted, on the ground of a practice which has obtained in different nations, respecting their public ministers, and which is mentioned by Mr. Adams in the explanations attending his vouchers; that they find the several charges in the said accounts conformable to the strictest principles of economy; and that, as far as Mr. Adams has been intrusted with public money, the same has been carefully and frugally expended. Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii. p. 312.

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1 Jan. 1779: THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

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THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Sir,—

THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN LLOYD AND OTHERS.

Gentlemen,—

Your most obedient, humble servants,

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Sir,—

Your most obedient and most humble servant,

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Gentlemen,—

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, &c.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

My Dear Marquis,—

With the highest sentiments of esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, &c.

M. DE SARTINE TO JOHN ADAMS.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

Remember me affectionately to master Johnny, And believe me, with great esteem, sir, &c.

M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,—

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

With great esteem, &c.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant,

(Inclosed with the Preceding.) M. DE SARTINE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

ARTHUR LEE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,—

Your most obedient, humble servant,

TO ARTHUR LEE.

Dear Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

Your most obedient and humble servant,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE TREASURY BOARD.

Gentlemen,—

Their most obedient and most humble servant,

THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE TO JOHN ADAMS.

With the highest sentiments of esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.

Remember me affectionately to master Johnny,
And believe me, with great esteem, sir, &c.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,

(Inclosed with the Preceding.)

M. DE SARTINE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration,
Your Excellency’s most obedient and humble servant,