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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO RALPH IZARD. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO RALPH IZARD.

Sir,

I have received with much pleasure your favor of yesterday’s date. No apology was necessary for the delay of so few days to answer a letter, the contents of which did not, from any public consideration, require haste. My most fervent wishes mingle themselves with yours, that the happy time may soon arrive when we may enjoy the blessings of peace, uninterrupted by disputes with any power whatever. But alas! my apprehensions are very strong that we are yet at a distance from so great a felicity.

You will readily acknowledge the impropriety of my entering into the question concerning the duty of the commissioners here to have made the communications of the treaty which you mention. But of this you may be assured, that I shall at all times hold myself obliged to you for the communication of your sentiments upon any public affair. I am, therefore, sorry that in your letter you have confined yourself to that part of the treaty upon which I particularly requested your sentiments. And I now take the liberty to request your sentiments upon every part of the treaty which you conceive liable to doubtful construction, or capable of producing discontent or dispute; for I have the honor to be fully of your opinion, that it is of very great importance to be upon our guard, and avoid every cause of controversy with France as much as possible. She is, and will be, in spite of the obstacles of language, of customs, religion, and government, our natural ally against Great Britain as long as she shall continue our enemy, and that will be at least as long as she shall hold a foot of ground in America, however she may disguise it, and whatever peace or truce she may make.

You have mortified me much, by mentioning a conversation at M. Bertin’s, which, if you understood me perfectly, and remember it right, had either too much of philosophy or of rodomontade for a politician, especially for a representative of the United States of America, and more especially still, for a citizen of the Massachusetts Bay.

Your sentiments of the fishery, as a source of wealth, of commerce, and naval power, are perfectly just, and, therefore, this object will and ought to be attended to with precision, and cherished with care. Nevertheless, agriculture is the most essential interest of America, and even of the Massachusetts Bay, and it is very possible to injure both, by diverting too much of the thoughts and labor of the people from the cultivation of the earth to adventures upon the sea. And this, in the opinion of some persons, has been a fault in the Massachusetts Bay. Experience has taught us in the course of this war, that the fishery was not so essential to our welfare as it was once thought. Necessity has taught us to dig in the ground instead of fishing in the sea for our bread, and we have found that the resource did not fail us.

The fishery was a source of luxury and vanity that did us much injury; yet this was the fault of the management, not of the fishery. One part of our fish went to the West India Islands for rum, and molasses to distil into rum, which injured our health and our morals; the other part went to Spain and Portugal for gold and silver, almost the whole of which went to London, sometimes for valuable articles of clothing, but too often for lace and ribbons. If, therefore, the cessation of the fishery, for twenty years to come, was to introduce the culture of flax and wool, which it certainly would do so far as would be necessary for the purposes of decency and comfort, if a loss of wealth should be the consequence of it, the acquisition of morals and of wisdom would perhaps make us gainers in the end.

These are vain speculations, I know. The taste for rum and ribbons will continue, and there are no means for the New England people to obtain them so convenient as the fishery, and, therefore, the first opportunity will be eagerly embraced to revive it. As a nursery of seamen and a source of naval power, it has been and is an object of serious importance, and perhaps indispensably necessary to the accomplishment and the preservation of our independence.1 I shall, therefore, always think it my duty to defend and secure our rights to it with all industry and zeal, and shall ever be obliged to you for your advice and coöperation.

Pardon the length of this letter, and believe me, with much esteem,

Your friend and servant,

John Adams.

[1 ]In the volume of Correspondence of Mr. Ralph Izard, published by his daughter, Mrs. Deas, some surprise is expressed by her at the tone here adopted by Mr. Adams in regard to the fisheries. The explanation is to be found in the position of Mr. Izard himself, which was one of undisguised hostility to two of the commissioners who had negotiated the treaty. Whilst Mr. Adams was desirous of avoiding collision with Mr. Izard, on account of what had been done before he became a member of the commission, he was equally anxious not to appear to give countenance to any of that gentleman’s complaints. His precautions did not save him from being involved in the sweeping censure which Mr. Izard directed at the eastern members of the commission, as “inattentive to the interests of nine States of America, to gratify the eaters and distillers of molasses.” See his letter to Mr. Laurens, President of Congress, in Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. ii. p. 434.