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CHAPTER SIXTH.: BOLOGNA. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 5 (Defence of the Constitutions Vols. II and III) 
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 5.
Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.
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“The Tuscans were an ancient and original people of Italy, whose power was so considerable, that they extended their dominion from one sea to the other. These people, some ages before the foundation of Rome, built twelve cities, and among them Bologna, which was made the capital of the kingdom.* Some years afterwards, when Constantine, from his reverence for the holy see, had transported the throne of the empire to Byzantium, and the majesty of the emperors was become, from its distance, little respected by the Italians, many cities, and Bologna among the rest, in 382, instituted a republic. Claterna, a neighboring city, at the distance of twelve miles, which had been built also by the Tuscans, likewise erected an independent republic; but first an emulation arose, and afterwards a war, in which the Claternates were subdued, and they being as discontented with their obedience to the citizens of Bologna, as they had formerly been with that to their king, they were received, according to the custom of the Romans, into the country of the conquerors. This city was afterwards ruined by the barbarians so entirely, that no vestige of it remains but in history.
“In 961, Otho,† Emperor of the Germans, came into Italy, delivered it from the yoke of the Berengarii, obtained of the pope the crown imperial, and, with general applause, the title of Otho the Great. This prince, perceiving that the cities of Italy, from their natural generosity of sentiment, and their distance from the emperor, could not be held in subjection, conceded to many of them their liberty, reserving a light tribute.
“‡ Bologna obtained, with a sort of preëminence, and with a smaller tribute, her usual liberty, with the privilege of electing her magistrates with a mixed authority; and, conformably to the institution of Otho, gave a form to her republic, with three councils, with the title of a community. The one was the Council of the Credenza, which was that of the consuls and the other magistrates; the other was called the Special Council, and comprehended the nobility; the third was called the General Council, and was that of the people, which, without the power of suffrage, was assembled, in order to be present at the administration of the oaths to the magistrates, and other similar public appearances.”
In this constitution there is a shadow, and no more, of three branches. The people, who ought to constitute an essential part, were excluded from all influence, and only called out occasionally to look at their rulers, and gratify their senses with shouts of acclamation. The credenza and the nobility formed an aristocracy, in which the magistrates were appointed, and the administration conducted. It seems to have been an imitation of the Roman consuls and senate, without even the poor expedient of a tribune to control them.
In 1153, the cities of Italy began to elect pretors, whom they named podestà or bailiffs; and, excited by their example, the citizens of Bologna elected Guido Sassi to that magistracy, and invested him publicly with the sceptre and the sword of justice. This was a reduction of the divisions of the republic to that union which is the effect of the government of a single person, against the corruption of which they endeavored to provide by the college of consuls, and by the brevity of annual magistrates.
“Felsinus, King of Tuscany, was the founder of the royal city of Bologna, the mother of arts, sciences, and studies, and the nurse of laws, and, after his own name, called it Felsina. This city, which the Italian authors delight to describe, is situated at the foot of the Apennines, in the middle of the Emilian Way, in the forty-fourth degree of latitude, between mountains and plains equally beautiful and fertile; in the north a fruitful plain in the east the river Savena, in the west the Rhine; not far from the sea, and in the neighborhood of lakes and rivers abounding with fish. The air is temperate, and the country plentiful of every thing necessary and useful to human life.* This glorious city was made by the kings of Tuscany the metropolis of their dominion, and the seat of their residence. Their empire indeed extended only over the twelve cities, of which this was the first; the others were Veii, Chiusi, Cortona, Populonia, Tarquini, Vetulonia, Volterra, Volsena, Roselle, Perugia, Arezzo, and Fiesole.”
In the year 1123, the form of the republic of Bologna, the state of the city, and the customs of the citizens, were as follows. Those who shall read their history, will easily perceive that this republic did not, in those ancient and rude times, administer the city scientifically, nor conduct skilfully the affairs of war. “They elected three councils, a special council, a general council, and a council of credenza, in the authority of which, with their magistrates and judges, the supreme government consisted. The special council was elected annually in this manner. In the beginning of December the special and the general council were convoked, either by the consuls or by the pretor, according as one or the other of those officers happened to be in the government of the republic, in presence of whom, every one of the council, observing the order of his tribe, made his election and his drawing by lot. For this purpose, there stood before a tribunal two urns, in one of which were placed to be drawn as many tickets as there were men of that tribe present in council, and on them their names were written; in the other were as many blanks, except ten written upon by the hands of two brothers, hermits of St. Augustin, deputed by the council for that purpose. When the drawing was to be made of the first tribe, a boy of the age of twelve years, or less, drew a ticket from the principal urn, and the person whose name came out presented himself at the tribunal; the boy at the second urn drew another ticket, and if by chance it was blank, that person was excluded from the election of the council; but if the ticket was written upon, he became an elector; and this method was followed, until the ten black or written tickets declared the ten electors of that tribe. This being done, the same was repeated by the men of the other tribes, one by one, until forty men, that is to say, ten for each tribe, were electors. Then the forty electors retired to a secret place, and elected six hundred men, that is to say, one hundred and fifty for each tribe, excluding, however, the mean and poor artisans, occupied in low and base works, and minors of eighteen years; neither was any one obliged to accept of this office. And these six hundred men then presented themselves as the special council. In the same manner and order, in substance, in three days, the council of credenza was elected; but all the doctors of laws, without other qualification or appointment, might enter this council, and that of the six hundred. After three days more, the general council were elected exactly in the same mode; but he who had been an elector in one council could not be an elector in another. These councils assembled sometimes all together, and at other times separately, according to the nature of their business, and they assembled at the sound of a bell or trumpet. There were provided by these councils three bells, the lesser, the middle, and the greater; for the special council the smaller bell was rung, for the council of credenza the middle, and for the council general the greater. It was forbidden to the consul, or the pretor, to convoke the councils, if he had not previously ordered the business which was to be treated by the chancellor to be written in a book provided for that purpose. When the council was collected, the chancellor publicly proposed the subject that was to be considered; and, this done, the orators, who were four, and stood near the tribunal of the magistrates, reasoned in public. A like privilege was granted to the orators of the magistrates, who were also four; but this only touching the business of the magistrates, and their opinions, in answer to the question separately put to them, were written down, and called the resolution or division. It was sometimes tolerated, when it appeared to be necessary, that private or individual magistrates should harangue in council, who, mounted in a pulpit, with a loud voice delivered their opinions; and upon the questions proposed by them a division was made, or a resolution taken. These divisions were made in various ways. Sometimes the opinion of every one was taken in secret, and written down by a notary, successively; at other times every one gave his vote openly and audibly, and frequently the decision was made by white and black beans; now, those of one opinion went to one side and those of a different judgment to the other; then one party stood up, and another sat down; and in these cases the voices were counted by the ministers publicly. The will and resolution of the council being determined, the decree was published, and recorded in a book, and another council could not be convoked till this decree was made. A number of notaries were employed; some to write the speeches and opinions, others to publish the decrees, and others to receive the laws. Such were the usages of the councils of this republic, which was honored with the name of commons, or community.
“Of the magistrates, some were ordinary, others extraordinary; the ordinary were created and deputed every year in the republic, and were called the magistrates of the court; the extraordinary were those who were deputed for some extraordinary business. The principal ordinary magistrates were the consuls of the community, or the pretor instead of them; the consuls of justice, the judges of the community, the attorney-general, the judges of appeals, the judges of new crimes, the judges of the office of exiles or outlaws, the judges of new causes, a judge who was the executioner of sentences, and the questor; and they all had their soldiers and notaries. The extraordinary were the legates, curators, and syndics.
“The same mode was observed in the choice of consuls as of counsellors. The election of pretor was in this manner. In the month of September the councils, general and special, were called together at the pleasure of the magistrate; but before they convened, the day and hour that each tribe was to go out to the choice by lot was published; and, in the manner already described in the election of counsellors, the forty men were drawn from one and the other council assembled, excluding, however, the magistrates; these forty suddenly retired to a secret chamber, where they were locked up from the consuls of the state and the merchants and bankers, that no one might, by word or letter, corrupt them; and if, through the whole night and the next day, by consent at least of twenty-seven of them they had not created a pretor, they lost the authority to elect; and the next day the pretor convoked the general council and the council of credenza, and from one and the other were deputed forty men, as before; and if these, to the number of twenty-seven, could not agree, the election and deputation of the pretor was referred to a suffrage or joint ballot of the general council and council of credenza. The pretor might be elected from any city, at the pleasure of the council, provided he was not a relation of any of the electors as far as the third degree, nor possessed a real estate in Bologna or its territory, nor was less than six-and-thirty years of age; and it was an injunction always to elect a man of reputation, virtuous, noble, and wise. Of right, according to the statute, a pretor could not be elected from the place of the antecedent pretor; yet this was sometimes practised; but he must not be his relation.
“The election ended and published to the councils, public letters were written to the pretor elect, requesting his acceptance of the honor that was offered him; and upon the day when he made his entry into the city, he was met and honored by all the people. The pretor had the same prerogatives and authorities which the consuls had; and therefore, according to the times, the republic was governed sometimes by consuls and sometimes by pretors; and sometimes there were at once both consuls and a pretor, as appears by instruments signed both by the consuls and a pretor in the years 1177 and 1179. It appears, that instead of consuls, the citizens sometimes turned to an election of a foreigner for a pretor, to compose the discord which arose between those of the citizens who abused their liberty, to the end that they might call delinquents to account, and punish with more severity, and not fluctuate so easily from love or hatred, fear or favor. But because for the most part the pretors were not skilled in the laws, at first two, and afterwards four judges of the law were called to aid them; and the pretors were decorated with high hats, long swords, and a sceptre, to denote their power (potestà); and from this they were afterwards vulgarly called podestà. Besides the consuls or the pretor, in whom resided the sum total of the republic in peace and war, certain other magistrates, as has been mentioned, governed, and the mode of electing them was the same. Two tribes were called out to the lot one day, and the two others the next; and the deputed electors were prohibited to choose a father, son, brother, or any other relation, and moreover such as were inept, unskilful, or incapable of such government; and according as any one was elected, he was proclaimed with a loud voice in council. To obviate all frauds which might be attempted, the ten written tickets being drawn, all the rest were examined in presence of the council, to see that there were no more than the law allowed. It was provided by law, that no one could elect or proclaim a magistrate, who did not pay twenty pence into the purses of the treasury, which were exacted by the pretor; and it was forbidden to any one to accept of the office, if he had not been out of it one year. None could be elected, but by that tribe in which he had his domicil; and every one who entered on a magistracy, took an oath to exercise his office with integrity and fidelity.
“Besides the magistrates already mentioned, there were those of the soldiery; the mode of electing whom was the same, but the government different. The command in chief was given to the consuls or to the pretor. The officers of the army among the cavalry, in the infantry, of the people, and lastly of the carroccio,1 were different. The officers or prefects of the foot, of the horse, and of the people, because they carried a standard, (gonfalone,) were called gonfaloniers; and each one in his tribe was elected by his fellows, in the manner before described. Moreover, some citizens served on foot, and some others on horseback; and those who performed the service of their own accord, did it more willingly than when deputed by commission of the magistrates to that purpose. Wherefore, when any enterprise was undertaken by the military order, every one, whether of the foot or the horse, according to the necessity, went out under his own standard or ensign; and if the service required a greater appearance, each gonfalonier of the people led out his own tribe; and then it was said, that the people were gone out. It rarely happened that all the tribes went out at once; but at one time, the infantry of one tribe; at another, the cavalry of another; now one whole tribe, and then another. All the men were enrolled in the militia, from eighteen years of age to seventy, at which age men were released from all public offices, so as to be even rejected from the council. And if by accident any old man, who exceeded that age, inconsiderately entered the council, the election was annulled. In every parish, those who kept horses for war were described or registered in companies, by deputed muster-masters. These companies, some of which were registered by tens, and some by twenty-fives, according to the number of the soldiers described by the muster-masters, at certain periods conducted their horses to officers deputed for the service, to be reviewed and approved; and notaries took down their names, with their furniture, and the quality of the horses.
“Military expeditions were of two sorts; one with squadrons or legions of light horse, the other with regular armies; and great was the difference between being ordered out upon an excursion of troopers, and an expedition with the army. Because of the frequent excursions of the cavalry, it was ordained that in every tribe there should be public marshals or blacksmiths, and every master of a burgh should have ready and in order all the instruments for shoeing horses, to the end that the cavalry passing that way, and having occasion, might be always served. The treasurer paid a certain stipend to every magistrate, and kept an account of the public revenues and all expenses. The revenues consisted in tributes, gifts, and tolls or customs. The gifts were upon the gates, bankers, lands, mills, oxen, &c.; and if the revenue was not sufficient for the expenses of the war, a tax was imposed, by order of the council, upon polls and estates, according to every man’s possessions and incomes. Thus much concerning the ordinary magistrates.
“The extraordinary were always elected by the pretor, as the ambassadors, directors of public works, and the syndics. No magistrate could go upon an embassy; and to any one who was sent out of the territory upon an embassy, they assigned three horses, two notaries, and one cook. If the embassy was to the pope or the emperor, the expense, attendants, and servants, were ordered at the discretion of the council. A commission was given the ambassador in writing, and the whole legation was governed by instructions. It was ordained in general terms, that no one should petition or seek to be created of the number of magistrates; and if any one was known to seek it, his conduct was publicly related in council, and it was reproached to him as the greatest infamy. The officers of state, with the title of podestà, with their judges and notaries, were elected partly from the mountains, and partly from the plains or low lands. The castles which were subject to the Bolognese elected also their own consuls, and, when they were commanded, went to war with them, and carried various standards. All the burdens and tributes were much heavier upon them than upon the citizens, excepting only some persons who, for particular merit, had been exempted by the council.
“There were many colleges or companies in the city, as that of the merchants, the goldsmiths, and the artificers. The merchants and goldsmiths created their own consuls, and the companies of artificers appointed their own treasurers; and those who were able to do it assembled together in associations for the promotion of commerce and improvement in the arts. The people and the city afterwards increasing, there were elected certain colleges of arms, one called that of the Lombards, another della Branca, and another del Griffone; and these had the care of the arms of the republic, and were decorated by the city with many privileges; and the foreigners who were of these companies were made citizens of Bologna, if they had been householders in the city ten years, and might be of the council of the commons, stewards of companies, and magistrates, equally with other citizens. The greatest part of the laborers in the country were slaves of the nobles, from which servitude, however, they were afterwards liberated, the community paying a certain sum of money to their masters.
“All these particulars of their constitution were found in the ancient customs, or the privileges granted or confirmed by the emperors, or in the decrees of the councils, or in the laws of the city; the former were called reformationi, the latter statuti. The decrees were those ordinances which, at the prayer of the pretor, were adopted by the councils, or made by him and approved by them. The laws were no other than the ordinances made by the legislators, who were called statutieri. No ordinary magistrate was of these legislators, but they were deputed, according to the wants of the city, from time to time, and, after the example of the Athenians, reviewed the old laws, and altered, amended, accommodated, and reformed them, according to their judgment. The laws which these legislators made were reported to the council, by them recited publicly to the people, and written in the volumes of civil law, which to this day are called the Statuto. This constitution was preserved till after the year 1250.
“The houses were of wood, without much ornament or skill in architecture; and from this cause they were frequently exposed to terrible fires. Among all the buildings, the most noble objects were the steeples built upon the churches, and the towers built by all the principal citizens. The frequent fires, and the common calamities of Italy, the deluges of water, and the frequent exiles of the citizens, are supposed to have destroyed many objects, and buried in oblivion many facts worthy of eternal remembrance.”
There are greater traces of an artificial and scientific legislation in this constitution, than in either that of Florence or Siena; nevertheless, all authority, legislative, executive, and judicial, was in one council; for, when the special and general council met together, they acted as one, and when one met alone, it acted as sovereign; the podestà, and his judges and notaries, were only deputies of the council. Although so much pains was taken, by mixing lot with choice, by rotations, and other prudent precautions, to prevent ambition, faction, and sedition from entering, all was ineffectual.
Omitting most of the wars, foreign and domestic, we may select a few instances from whence the operation of this form of government may be evinced.
“Henry V., as he was called, but of Germany the Sixth,1 after his succession to his father Frederick, passing through Bologna with Constantia his wife, in his way to Rome to receive the imperial crown, was magnificently received by the people, and entertained by Gerardo, Bishop of Bologna, in the bishop’s palace; in acknowledgment of his kind reception, he gave to Gerardo the title of Prince, which was afterwards retained by the bishops of Bologna. Henry was not only crowned as emperor, but with much ceremony invested with the kingdom of the two Sicilies, as the inheritance of his wife Constantia.
“In the next year, Gerardo, Bishop of Bologna, by his favor with the emperor and the pope, and the privileges he had obtained for the city, was grown into such reputation for justice and virtue with all men, that he was constituted pretor with great popularity, and in the beginning of his dignity he contracted a friendship with Albert, the Count of Prato, and made a treaty for mutual defence. Gerardo having the first year administered in such a manner as to be thought a bright example of a good and moderate ruler, seemed a little afterwards to be changed in his whole nature, began to desire innovation, and openly to favor the plebeians, oppressing the nobles and first men of the city. This gave occasion to grave disorders and seditions; for the patricians, who had conferred the office upon him, and were accustomed and habituated to the command of others, could not easily tolerate this injury and the evident partiality of the pretor; so they assembled in the palace, and created twelve consuls, men of great authority in Bologna.
“Gerardo, hearing of the election of consuls, was in high wrath, and began to threaten them with his frown; but they quickly published to the people that he was deposed from the office of pretor. Giacomo Orsi, a powerful citizen, and a favorer of Gerardo, collected a company of armed men, and attempted to oppose the resolution of the consuls and patricians; whereupon Specialino Griffoni, not less celebrated in letters than in arms, and one who was studious and intent upon maintaining the republic, turned round to the nobles, and harangued them as follows: ‘Is it consistent with our duty or our honor, fellow-citizens, to suffer that authority which for three hundred years and more we have enjoyed, of directing this our republic, to be wrested from us by a private person, placed by us alone in the government of it, for the general safety of the city? Shall we submit to become like the vilest populace, esteemed of no importance or authority, and subjected to that Gerardo, to whom we are and forever shall be objects of jealousy and terror, so long as our republic shall remain safe and sound? Rouse up your spirits at once; never think of bearing this insupportable tyranny; and let the object itself, and the opportunity of the moment, stir you to this enterprise, infinitely more than my words; and accept of me, according to your pleasure, either as a soldier or a captain in the service to which I am willing to devote my soul and body.’ ”
Amidst all this aristocratical thunder, the still voice of reason and experience whispers to a candid reader the probability that the nobles were more tyrannical than Gerardo; that the people were impatient under it; Gerardo disposed to alleviate their burdens; and the nobles thence alarmed with the apprehension of a master over themselves, rather than over the people.1
“The speech being ended, he seized his arms, and, accompanied by the consuls and the greater part of the nobles, marched to the bishop’s palace. Giacomo Orsi, with those devoted to him, opposing them in arms, they came to action; but Giacomo, not being able to resist the impetuosity of the assailants, with great difficulty saved himself, with Gerardo, by flying from the city. The consuls, disappointed by their flight, were the more exasperated; and seeing Orsi out of their power, they declared him a rebel against the republic, confiscated all his property, and ordered his house and tower to be razed to the ground.”
Such decision delivered the city for the present from this violent sedition, and with as much virtue as that which delivered the Roman patricians from Mælius or Manlius.
“But the next year, under new consuls, although it appeared that the sedition of Gerardo was quieted, and that no disposition remained for innovation, yet all on a sudden, on the first of July, some of his abettors proceeded from words to blows with some of the adverse party, in which affray Pietro Scannabecchi lost his right hand, and Scannabecco Ramponi lay mortally wounded, among many others both killed and wounded. The day after, both parties prepared their arms, and came to battle again in the palace of the community; when Giuseppe Occelletti and Tomaso Toschi da i Gieremei, supporters of Gerardo, were slain; whereupon the consuls were again obliged to take arms against Gerardo, who, having taken possession of a castle called Sorresano, had there fortified himself. They sent out Guglielmo Malavolti, a consul, with a chosen band of soldiers, who conducted himself with so much skill and bravery, that he drove Gerardo from his fortress, and burnt his castle. In a short time the Emperor Henry, by a decree, liberated the bishop Gerardo, whom he called his Prencipe, from the oath of calumny,1 and permitted him to exercise his functions in all his causes, and those of the bishopric, by an administrator, or other legitimate person.
“The next year, 1195, it seems they tried the experiment of a pretor again,” (that is to say, as we may conjecture the family of Gieremei and their party prevailed in the public councils to carry this point,) “and Guido Cino was elected. But as he followed, in his administration, the steps of Gerardo, after having done intolerable things against many persons, he was dishonorably deposed from his office, and accused of an infinite number of iniquities; and, attempting to fly, he was made prisoner by those whom he had offended, all his teeth were drawn out of his head for his punishment, and then he was set at liberty. In his place, Guido da Vilmercato, of Milan, was appointed.
“In 1202, civil discords arose in the city, by which Bologna was not a little troubled and afflicted. The first disorder that occurred, arose from an ancient enmity between the Asinelli and the Scannabecchi. These two factions meeting in the high street, with a sudden and impetuous onset engaged in arms, and many were killed and wounded on both sides. This quarrel was composed by the interposition of the pretor and the other nobles; but another soon arose from some private offence; for Giovanni Tettalasini had killed Guido Pepoli. This enmity between these two families continued forty years before it was pacified.
“In 1212, upon some public occasion, among a great concourse of nobility on horseback, Gieremia Malavolti, falling from his horse, was killed, to the grief of the people and the emperor.”
And, probably to the equal joy of the nobility.
“In the year 1218 there were in the city of Bologna ten thousand scholars at the academy for the study of the law; in such reputation was that university.
“1 The quarrel between Frederick the emperor and Gregory the pope, revived in Bologna the party distinctions of Guelphs and Ghibellines, drawn from Germany in the time of Henry IV. Not only some cities favored the emperor, and others the pontiff, but in the city of Bologna the citizens arrived at that degree of extreme madness, that, in hatred of each other, they strove to deprive each other of their lives and fortunes together. Sons became enemies to their fathers, and brothers to brothers; and, as if it was not enough to shed their own blood, like mad dogs, they proceeded to demolish houses, and to burning the cities, the trees, and the corn. This diabolical pestilence produced such an aversion to each other, that they studied to distinguish themselves in all things; in their clothes, in the colors they wore, in their actions, their speech, their walk, their food, their salutations, their drink, their manner of cutting bread, in folding their napkins, in the cut of their hair, and innumerable other extravagances equally whimsical. A plague truly horrible, a flame wholly inextinguishable, which proved the extinction of many noble families, and the ruin of many miserable cities.
“The next year, under the pretorship of Uberto Visconti, a cruel war arose out of a violent sedition. Godfrey, Count of Romagna, favorite of Frederick, took Manzolino, a castle of Romagna, and drove out from it the prefect of Bologna. This officer’s return stimulated the people to a violent revolt, because every one lamented that the castle had been lost by the neglect or misconduct of the pretor, and that of those who governed in the city; and in such manner did this indignation, conceived in the hearts of all, increase, that, seizing their arms against the will of the republic, they collected together in the piazza, immediately made one Giuseppe Toschi their leader, a man not only bold but rash, and, with the loudest cries, ran tumultuously to the palace of the pretor, where Giuseppe demanded the standard of the people, and the armed guards of the palace, declaring that he would go out and meet the enemy, and prevent his committing further depredations on the territory of Bologna. The pretor refused his demand; but Giuseppe, consulting only his own temerity, broke open the gates of the palace, forced his entry into it, ransacked every thing, and burned all the papers of the pretor. In order to acquire more favor with the people, he turned out all the public tables, rung the bell, contrary to the will of the pretor and the guards; and having thus collected all the people armed in the piazza, he had the carroccio brought out, and ordered all things for a war. He then arranged four thousand infantry under Bornio Gieremei, whose tool he probably was, eight hundred cavalry under Orso Caccianemici and Prendiparte Prendiparti, and four hundred men at arms under Alberto Galluzzi and Lodovico Ariosti.
“In this curious manner a foundation was laid for a change in the commonwealth, and an institution of the People. They called by this name, The People, the new republic placed in the hands of the people, whose superintendents were the prefect of the people, the antiani, the consuls of the merchants, and the masters of colleges. According to Thomas Aquinas, the antiani were instituted in the cities of Italy, as the tribunes were in Rome, that they might take the part of the plebeians; but after this Giuseppe, whom they created prefect of the people, no other prefect is mentioned till 1255. The Florentines and the Genoese having ordained a republic of the people about the same time, introduced also the prefect of the people and the antiani; and this popular government was sustained, with its proper councils, to whom the prefect and the antiani were governors, the pretors and judges of the pretors remaining as they had been before that time; six antiani were created from all the four-and-twenty tribes; and the use and creation of these antiani continued as long as the republic, their number only being increased, as well as that of the consuls of merchants and masters of colleges.
“By this change of government the republic became involved in two wars at once, with Imola and Modena; and the people of Bologna, finding their affairs not succeed to their wishes, rose in a tumult, and killed Rolando Formaglini, superintendent of Piumazzo, because his fortress was taken by the enemy, they having suspicions that he had betrayed it for money.
“The animosities of the Guelphs and Ghibellines mixing with the disputes between the nobles and commons, produced such convulsions in all the cities, especially in those adhering to Frederick, that in Modena, Reggio, Parma, Cremona, Bergamo, and Pavia, those who favored the church were finally expelled by the power of their adversaries, and driven into exile; and Bologna still continued to be agitated with seditions, as well as with disputes with the bishop and the pope, by whom the people were excommunicated.
“In 1234,1 was settled the controversy with the bishop, but a greater tumult than had ever been known arose, on account of Alberto Lambertazzi, who being in the piazza, and seeing Gabriel Sanzio his enemy, killed him. This homicide put arms into the hands of a multitude of citizens. Although the pretor, not having the criminal in his power, declared him an outlaw, the relations and friends of the deceased did not the less greedily watch for a severe revenge. As they saw that the party of the Lambertazzi were upon their guard, and went about prepared, with a great retinue of armed men, they consulted upon modes of getting into action. Meeting one day with Alphonso, the brother of Albert, they came to a rude scuffle together, in which much blood was shed, and more mischief would have been done, if the interposition of the pretor had not interrupted it; but this broil was the beginning of discords and seditions which lasted a long time.”
The hatred between the most considerable families had grown so inveterate,—having continued, with few interruptions, for forty years, namely, from the death of Guido Peppoli,—that much bloodshed was apprehended; but John of Bologna, a famous preacher, coming into the city, preached peace, charity, and benevolence, to his immortal honor, with so much success, that a kind of reconciliation was made between the families of Delfini and Malataschi; Torelli and Andalò; Griffoni, Artenisii, and Castel de’ Britti; Galluzzi and Carbonesi; Lambertini and Scannabecchi; Pepoli and Tettalasini; who had been constant enemies; and several intermarriages were contracted among them.
“In the year 1244 is found the next mention of the antiani of the people, who presided in the instituted republic of the people, and moderated in two councils; one called the little council, which they, with the consuls of the merchants and goldsmiths, masters of the arts and of arms, the gonfaloniers of the people, and of the collegi, and their counsellors, composed; and the other called the grand council, in which they were again found, with the other larger number of counsellors; and all that was by these ordained was perpetually to be observed; so that all laws were made, executed, and judged by the majority of this single council, or by persons deputed by them.”
The same original and essential fault that had occasioned their miseries, and continued to increase them.
“In 1248, secretly making great preparations for war, and calling to their assistance the March, Romagna and Azzo da Este, they created eight noblemen to conduct the war against the Modenese; these were Alberto Galluzzi, Lambertazzi, Prendiparti, Samaritani, Scannabecchi, Ariosti, Guido Gieremei, and Cattellani. For captain-general they elected the Marquis Azzo da Este; but he being infirm, to show his gratitude to the senate, sent them three thousand cavalry and two thousand foot. Gieremei had command of half the men at arms, and Lambertazzi of the infantry.”
It appears from this, that though the government was called popular and the people, that the people was no more than an aristocracy, and that the nobles were not excluded. The two families of Gieremei and Lambertazzi were very near the head of the republic, and, as we shall soon see, most eagerly contending for the foremost station.
“An obstinate battle was fought, in which great exertions both of skill and bravery were shown, and a complete victory obtained by the Bolognese, and King Hentio1 taken prisoner. In 1254, the treaties with the Marquis da Este and the commons of Ferrara were confirmed in the council general and special of the commons of Bologna. The next year the republic adorned itself with a new magistrate, Ricardo Villa being made pretor; but because the pretor was the superintendent of the republic of nobles, which was called The Commons, it was now their pleasure that there should be a prefect, or captain of the people, who should govern the popular republic called The People. This dignity had been laid aside a long time, though it had been the original title of the first magistrate, but was now revived, and Giordano Lucino was elected to it. Separating the functions, it was ordained, that the pretor should have the authority and jurisdiction of the city, and be superintendent of the councils of the commons, and that the captain should administer in war abroad; that within the city the councils of the people should govern, and confer in the public business with the antiani.”
“In the year 1257, a transaction was completed, which alone ought to be sufficient to immortalize the republic of Bologna. There is, among the records of that city, a book entitled ‘The Paradise of Pleasure,’ which contains the decree of the third of June, 1257, by which all the slaves and villains were manumitted, and annually taxed in a certain quantity of corn, which was consigned to the care of an officer, already instituted and called the pretor of the sack, who was appointed in the same manner with the pretors of the castles. This law, at first prepared by legislators, was recited and approved by the councils of the people, assembled, according to the usage, by the ringing of bells. The record is in substance,—‘In the beginning God Almighty planted a paradise of pleasure, in which he placed man whom he had created and clothed with a white robe of innocence, giving him a perfect and perpetual liberty; but the wretch, unmindful of his own dignity and the divine munificence, tasted of the apple forbidden him by the commandment of Heaven, and thereby dragged himself and all his posterity down into this valley of misery, poisoned the human race, and most miserably bound it in the chains of diabolical servitude; and thus, from incorruptible it was made corruptible; from immortal, mortal; subjected to continual vicissitudes and most grievous slavery. God, however, beholding that the whole world had perished, had compassion on the human race, and sent his only begotten son, born of the Virgin Mary, who, coöperating with the grace of the Holy Ghost, to the glory of his own dignity, breaking the bonds with which we were held captive, restored us to our primitive liberty; and therefore it is very justly questioned, whether men, whom nature from the beginning produced and created free, and the law of nations only subjected to the yoke of servitude, ought not to be restored to the blessing of manumission.
“ ‘These men have been a shame to the cause of liberty. In consideration of which, the noble city of Bologna, which has always fought for liberty, recollecting the past and providing for the future, in honor of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Redeemer, has redeemed, with a price in money, all those who, in the city of Bologna and its bishopric, were found confined in a servile condition, and after a diligent examination, decreed them to be free; ordaining that no one, constrained in any kind of slavery, in the city or episcopacy, shall dare to remain or be detained in it, to the end that so great a mass of natural liberty, redeemed by a price, should not be liable to be corrupted by any remaining mixture of slavery, as a moderate fermentation corrupts the whole mass, and the society of one evil depraves many that are good. In the time of that noble man and podestà, D. Accursius of Sorixana, whose reputation spreading far and wide, shines like a star, and under the examination of D. Jacob Grataceli, his judge and assessor, whose skill, wisdom, constancy, and temperance, recommend him to all men, the present memorial is made, which by its proper name ought justly to be called Paradise, containing the names of all the masters and all the slaves, both male and female, that it may appear by what servants and maids liberty is acquired, and at what price; to wit, ten pounds for those of more than fourteen years of age, whether men or women, and eight pounds for all under that age, to every master for every one whom he holds in servitude. This memorial was written by me, Conrad Sclariti, a notary, deputed to the office of servants and maids; and may it remain to posterity a monument of this transaction.”*
Amidst the melancholy gloom of factions and licentiousness, of injustice and cruelty, of fraud and violence, such a gleam of humanity, equity, and magnanimity, is refreshing. It shall be left to our own reflections, the first of which will undoubtedly be a wish to see a paradise of pleasure in each of the United States of America.
1 “The temporary reconciliation of the nobles had produced prosperity and success to the republic; but as the constitution remained the same, and war alone had preserved the benevolent impressions of John the preacher, as soon as that was over the seditions of the citizens again disturbed all their quiet and felicity. The Galluzzi, Lambertazzi, Artenisi, Britti, Carbonesi, Scannabecchi, all noble families and greatly esteemed in Bologna, could no longer restrain their passions, and, as the historian very justly observes, God knows how they could have restrained them so long.
“The Lambertazzi were the first to set fire to the train of jealousy and indignation, hatred and revenge, and to begin the ruin of their country. Provoked by some words, reported to them by their flatterers, and perhaps invented or exaggerated, they took arms, and coming fiercely to action with the Gieremei, a great quantity of blood was shed on both sides; they would have proceeded to greater extremities, if Ramponi, a man in high esteem, had not dexterously interposed, and by his wisdom and courage, brought them to an accommodation; yet the quarrel continued to break out at times, and prevailed even among the scholars. One of the tribunes of the city was dangerously wounded, and Raimondo, a Genoese, was beheaded, but this did not end the disorder. The Galluzzi and Carbonesi took up the dispute, and several horrid murders were committed, and several of the dependencies of the republic, taking advantage of the opportunity, or excited by partisans, rebelled.”
The disorder lurked, however, in some degree of secrecy till 1260, when it broke out again, and the parties began to collect together companies of idle vagabonds, and on a thousand occasions endeavored to come to action.
“Finally, the Gieremei went out in arms against the Lambertazzi, the Galluzzi against the Carbonesi, the Lambertini against the Scannabecchi, and the Artinesi against the Britti. They continued engaged a long space of time, each party assisted by the families of its adherents. The pretor, with all his court and forces, was obliged to turn out, and partly by his menaces, and partly by some small remains of reverence for authority, he put a stop to this most sanguinary and horrible rencounter, and obliged those who remained alive to return to their houses.
“In 1264, these intestine broils were renewed, particularly between the families of Lambertazzi and Gieremei, and while many were anxious to make peace between them, and were occupied in contriving the means of it, the Lambertazzi, little inclined to any accommodation, by exerting all their influence and intrigues, on purpose to offend the Gieremei, procured that Peter Pagani, a powerful citizen of Imola, should be made lord of it, to the end that he might expel from thence all the friends of the Gieremei, and demolish all their houses, a commission which he fully executed. Imola, thus revolted from the obedience of Bologna, drove out Giacopino Prendiparte of Bologna, or, as others say, killed him, who was commissary and governor in the name of the city of Bologna. This action so displeased the senate, that they suddenly sent out a powerful army with the carroccio, under the pretor, and obliged the usurper and his men to evacuate the post. But before this enterprise was finished, another tumult happened against the judges, one of whom, Uguccione, was assaulted and killed, and the parties were again upon the point of coming to a bloody decision, and it required the whole court in arms to disperse the tumult.
“Before the end of the year, another tumult arose in Imola, where the Bricij, principal leaders of that city, favorers of Cujano and Saffatello, had secretly introduced many men, and drove out of the city the Imindoli, their enemies or rivals. But the people were so displeased with this violence, that they rose upon the Bricij and their followers, drove them out of the city at the point of the sword, and recalled the Imindoli. The senate, on the news of this fidelity, bestowed the highest praises on the people, and to reward them, by removing the cause of such inconveniences, ordered that for the future they should have no pretor at all, and that all their differences should be brought before the pretor of Bologna, to be adjudged with equity and celerity, upon condition that they should pay the auditors or judges who should hear their controversies five hundred pounds a year. All this was cheerfully accepted by the people of Imola,” as much preferable to continual quarrels in arms, to determine whether the Gieremei or Lambertazzi should have the appointment of one of their instruments to be a pretor among them.
“Clement VI. among the first acts of his pontificate, invited into Italy Charles of Anjou, brother of St. Louis, King of France; and Uberto, Count of Flanders, general of Charles’s army, passed into Italy with forty thousand men. Bologna, with Milan, Bergamo, Verona, Mantua, and Ferrara, joined the church and France; four thousand men, under Guido Antonio Lambertini, a noble Bolognese, joined the crusade proclaimed by the pope against Manfred.
“The Lambertini indulging their enmity against the Bocchetti laid a plot one day to kill one of them, and thinking to find him in a certain place, where their spies had informed them he was, they went to seek him, but he was gone. In their return they met one of the Scannabecchi; letting loose their malice against him, they killed him and fled. The pretor, informed of their crime and flight, issued a proclamation against them, rifled their houses, and to intimidate other malefactors, burnt them to the ground. Finding by these continual homicides that the government was too weak to restrain the parties, a new magistracy was created in the city, of three men, who were to hear and prudently examine the differences among the nobles, and endeavor to appease them. Andalò, Malavolti, and Ramponi, all men of great candor and singular prudence, were chosen. Andalò was of great authority with the Ghibellines, Malavolti with the Guelphs, and so was Ramponi. These, without respect of persons, judging with impartiality, had a wonderful effect in the city, and by great mildness composed many discords and long enmities, particularly between the Asinelli and Scannabecchi, among whom a great deal of blood had been spilled, and who had been a long time enemies; and, in a word, brought the city to a degree of tranquillity.
“It was this year that, hearing of the defeat and death of Manfred, the Ghibellines in Florence began to tremble, and the Guelphs to triumph. That city chose two pretors from Bologna, the same Malavolti and Andalò, and erected their council of thirty-six Guelphs and Ghibellines, divided the city into seven greater arts, and gave every art its gonfalonier; and this year Dante the poet was born.
In 1267, “Charles Calzolaio, finding a young man in Bologna in bed with his wife, killed him, to maintain his own honor, but was taken into custody, and sentenced to death by the pretor, as one who, contrary to the laws, had taken justice into his own hands. This sentence appeared to be unjust to the other Calzolai, who tenderly loved their brother Charles, and they united together, mutually pledged their faith to each other to rescue him, and taking arms, went to the palace of the pretor, and forcibly delivered Charles from his prison. This excited in the city a mighty tumult, and so intimidated the pretor, that he concealed himself in a place of safety. The commotion subsided by the exertions of the consuls, and the fury of the Calzolai subsided so far, that the senate ventured to inquire who were the authors of the tumult; but the heads of it were by this time escaped from the city, so that the company of the Calzolai were only fined in a sum of money. To this uproar succeeded another still greater, between the Lambertini and Scannabecchi, in which many were left wounded, and many slain; among whom was Bartolomeo Guidozagni, a friend of the Lambertini. This tincture of blood enkindled the minds of the two parties to vengeance to such a degree, that, like mad dogs,* they thought of nothing but persecution, murder, and extermination; and they collected their friends, both within and without the city, together to this effect. The consuls in office, to whom information was given of the danger, published a proclamation, that no man should be introduced or let into the city, if he were not previously known to the deputies appointed to superintend, who might know by that means the reason of his coming, and oblige him to lay down his arms. This prudent precaution in a few days quieted the factions, and the consuls, thinking the late disorder too light to be very severely punished, only made an example or two in each of the families, by confining one of the Lambertini in Mantua, and one of the Scannabecchi in Florence; and because the consuls saw the violent enmities which prevailed among many noble families, which were in danger of increasing every day to mortal rancor, they availed themselves of the resolution and prudence of Andalò and Malavolti, lately returned from Florence, by electing them to compose the peace of the city, giving them ample powers for that end. And this measure succeeded so far, that the Lambertini and Scannabecchi, the Gozzadini and Arienti, Guidozagni and Orsi, Calamatoni and Sangiorgi, Bianchetti and Pizzigotti, and many other noble families, were reconciled, in the presence of the consuls in the palace, with much satisfaction to the whole city. But as no measure of the executive could be taken without offence to some part of such a divided executive authority, the consuls, by annulling all the condemnations in the late disturbances, excited the indignation of the pretor Dandolo, so that he resigned his office. The consuls, who were not sorry for it, appointed Aurelio Rocca dalla Torre, of Milan, in his stead.”
In this instance, as in many others, before and after, being obliged to appoint a foreigner for their first magistrate, to avoid the certain seditions and rebellions that would have been excited by the adverse party, if any natural born citizen, however distinguished by merit, had been raised to this eminence, among his jealous peers.
“In 1268, Alberto Caccianemici, for some offensive words of his nephew Guido, son of his brother Gruamonte, which were reported to him, without examining the truth of the information, in a fit of impatience for vengeance, called his two sons to him, and ordered them to go and put their cousin to death. His orders were executed with great inhumanity.” But, in such a state of government and parties, the laws are overborne by popular and powerful individuals, and there is no justice to be had against them in a regular prosecution; so thought the people in this case, and therefore took upon themselves the punishment of so atrocious a cruelty, by rising in arms, and demolishing their houses.
“In 1269, another instance of a similar but more important nature happened. The captain of the people governed severely in his office, and did not do justice to the people, as they said; and this provoked the wrath of the people so far, that they deposed him. The pretor took this deposition in ill part, and thought that the principal authors of it ought to be punished, at least in some small degree, to discountenance such irregularity. But this irritated the people so highly, that, perceiving his danger he thought it prudent to fly; and a new pretor, as well as captain, were appointed. Thus the discontented nobles, although they could not, from their opposition to each other, obtain the first offices in the state, had it always in their power, by secret machinations with the people, to excite tumults, and distress, embarrass, and depose the foreigners who held them.
“There is an example of generosity in the gentlemen of Bologna, in the year 1270, too much to their honor, amidst all their quarrels, to be omitted. A great scarcity prevailed in all the cities of Tuscany and Lombardy, and the people of Bologna were reduced to extreme misery by famine. Upon this occasion all the noblemen, and other rich men of the city, had the charity to open their stores, and expose all their corn and grain to the people; and, not satisfied with this, they united together, collected all the money they had, or by their credit could borrow, and offered it to the senate, that it might be sent to Romagna, and other distant provinces, to procure a supply of bread for the city. This benevolent effort, however, produced an accidental ill effect; it occasioned a rivalry in the markets for grain between Bologna and Venice, which produced resentments, retaliating imposts and duties, and at last a war, in which the Venetians were conquered.
“But the city of Bologna could not enjoy its triumphs in peace; malignant spirits in secret scattered reports and calumnies to disturb the public tranquillity, sometimes against one illustrious citizen, and sometimes another. These rumors coming to the ears of the senate, they exerted all their skill to discover whether the crimes alleged had been committed or not; but, after all their diligence found no evidence, but idle suspicions. Nevertheless the senators and people, taking the hint from these endeavors to excite disorders, judged it would be useful to create a new magistracy of three men, of the best lives, and most wisdom, to preserve the quiet of the city, and to administer justice, by rewarding the good, and chastising the insolent disturbers of the peace of others. To this end ample authority was given them to bear arms, and to take with them armed men; to imprison delinquents, and accommodate all disputes which should arise; and these were called the Magistrates of Peace. The three chiefs divided their people into three military classes; one was called that of the Lombardi, and to this was committed the red standard, with the figure of Justice holding a drawn sword in her hand; the second was called the Griffin, and to this was consigned the white standard, with a red griffin; the last was called della Branca, to which was allotted the white standard, with a red lion holding a sword in his right paw. These companies were greatly esteemed in the city, and much honored by the senate, who granted them signal privileges, registering the magistrates as true and noble citizens.
“While this new magistracy was wholly employed in the preservation of the honor and peace of the city, and daily reconciled the minds of the citizens, the rancor of private animosity broke out again in the murder of Philip, called il Bologna, one of the company della Branca, by Soldano de’ Galluzzi, who fled, which beyond measure displeased the senate; not having the murderer in their power, in order to give complete satisfaction to the company, they published a capital proclamation against him, and demolished to their foundations all the houses he had both in town and country. By this exemplary punishment alone would the irritated minds of the company, who had arms in their hands, be pacified.”
The next year it appears by the records, that, besides the pretor and captain of the people, four and twenty wise men (sapienti) were elected, six for each tribe, out of all the tribes of the city, by the antiani, to preserve the companies of the city. They elected also four citizens to oversee the plentiful supply of the city; and five and twenty other wise men to superintend the fortresses and castles in the country, as well as some things relative to the government in the city. All these inventions, dictated by distress, and the feeling as well as fear of the evils of discord, were only aggravations of the evil, as they only divided the executive power still more, without dividing the legislative; whereas the direct contrary ought to have been the remedy, namely, they ought to have united the executive power, and divided the legislative, and by that means have produced that trinity in unity, which is neither a contradiction nor a mystery, but is alone efficacious to curb the audacity of individuals, and the daring turbulence of parties. The judicial power, independent of all, is able to encounter any man or combination of men, without recurring to such rigorous measures, inconsistent with liberty, as these new magistrates in Bologna were obliged to adopt. In order to purge the city of its many popular disorders, they were obliged to forbid a great number of persons, under grievous penalties, to enter the palace; nor was it permitted them to go about the city, nor to bear arms. All this they were obliged to do to prevent collections of people in the streets. Afterwards some of the first people of the city were banished, and confined to certain places abroad, and, upon pain of death, sentenced to depart the city in three hours. It is provoking to read the perpetual cant of these historians, such as, that, in this year 1273, Bologna, having compelled the Venetians to peace, and ruling over Imola, Faenza, Forli, and the castles of Romagna, in peace, and by fear, might have become great and glorious by the valor of its citizens, if civil discords had not begun again to commit their cruel ravages. These dissensions, on the contrary, proved the ruin of the city, and were the cause that, by little and little, she lost her ancient authority and grandeur, and from a patron she became a client, from a mistress a subject; a miserable fall, which began in this manner.
“There were in Bologna two most noble families, the Gieremei and the Lambertazzi, between whom, not only the party prejudices of Guelphs and Ghibellines, but a rivalry for power and preëminence in the state, had long subsisted; but neither party animosities nor family jealousies were able to prevent Imelda, a daughter of Orlando Lambertazzi, a most beautiful young lady, from entertaining a partiality for Boniface, a son of Gieremia de Gieremei, a very handsome young man, who was desperately in love with her. This mutual passion thus increasing in their hearts from day to day, the two lovers at last found an opportunity to meet. The lady’s brothers being engaged in some amusement at the house of the Caccianemici, having information of this interview, went to their sister’s chamber, and finding Boniface there, fell upon him with poisoned weapons, and in an instant pierced his breast and his heart, their miserable sister flying in despair from their fury. Having committed the murder, they concealed the body in a sink, which ran under some apartment in the house, and fled from the city. The murderers having departed, Imelda, full of apprehensions and terrible presages of what she should discover, ventured to return to her chamber, and seeing upon the floor a rivulet of blood, she followed its direction, and opening the place where her lover lay she threw herself on the delicate body, still warm and bleeding, and distracted with tenderness and grief, applied her lips to his wounds, and drew in the poison with his blood; and whilst sorrowfully lamenting the loss of her lover, the poison spread over her whole frame to her heart, and Imelda fell dead in his arms.”
A catastrophe so tragical could not be recited on a stage without affecting in the most sensible manner the most unfeeling audience. The discovery of it to the public in Bologna could not, one would think, but melt the most obdurate heart of faction, and soften the savage monster to humanity; but the effect of it was so contrary to this, that it wrought up the hatred between the two factions to a mortal contagion, which increased and spread till it ruined and enslaved the republic.
“Whilst the unfortunate fate of Boniface and Imelda depressed the spirits of the two noble families, the senate understanding that the city of Forli had rebelled, and that the Aigoni, according to the stipulation, were not restored to their country, called the council together, and the question was proposed, Whether they ought first to march against the rebels of Forli, or merely to restore the Aigoni to Modena? The Lambertazzi advised, that the first attention should be given to the cause of the Aigoni; and, on the contrary, the Gieremei advised, that they should first endeavor to subjugate Forli. The parties, not agreeing in opinion, they began to fall into confusion. Finally, the council of the Gieremei prevailing, the army was sent out, and laid close siege to Forli.
“The following year, the senate, having much at heart the reduction of Forli, resolved, in order to chastise so great a disobedience, to order out the carroccio, and all their army. The pretor entered the senate to take leave for his departure to the war, and there found Antonio Lambertazzi laboring to convince them that the enterprise against Forli would not succeed. After having urged many arguments, he began to speak slightingly of the honor of the Gieremei, who had carried this point against him. Gieremeo Gieremei, who was present, provoked at his insolence, gave him the lie, and by mutual agreement they went out of the palace into the piazza, where they drew their swords and began to combat. A great crowd of the two factions soon gathered about them, and fell to fighting all together, so that much blood was shed, and the battle grew more hot, and greater numbers collected; when Gozzadini and Cavaliere, with many others interfered, parted the combatants, and the Lambertazzi returned to their houses. The pretor, who went with the people to the tumult, wishing to put some restraint of fear upon both parties, ordered four of the houses of each party to be demolished; but this severity had little or no effect; for having grown more bitter than ever against each other, they were almost every day in arms and action together. As this revolt was already divulged to the circumjacent cities, the companies della Branca, of the griffin, and of the Lombardi, understanding that the Guelphs of Modena, and the Ghibellines of Forli, intended to come in to the aid of the two parties, took arms and, together with the people, posted themselves to guard the passages of the city; receiving intelligence that the Guelphs of Modena were on their march, they went out to meet them, and put them to flight at the point of the sword. The Count da Panigo, who had armed himself in favor of the Lambertazzi, hearing of this defeat of his friends, made his escape from the city; but his people were put to the sword by the company della Branca, who afterwards razed to the ground all the houses, not only of the count, but of his followers. The Ghibellines from Forli, friends of the Lambertazzi, hearing of the slaughter of the Modenese and the followers of the count, made by the soldiers della Branca, suddenly retreated. These civil wars in Bologna were scarcely divulged abroad, when all Romagna, taking advantage of the occasion, rebelled; and for this reason the senate, together with the pretor and the companies, posted themselves at all the ways, to make peace between these two factions; in which enterprise they fortunately at length succeeded, and, after much reasoning and persuasion, they obtained hostages from both sides, and thus the city was quieted.
“While this peace was in treaty, the principal heads of the rebellion of Imola, of Faenza, and of Salarolo, dreading the resentment of the Bolognese at Forli, saved themselves by flight. The Bolognese were indeed formidable, for they were collecting a powerful army to march into Romagna. When it was embodied, and the pretor of Bologna attempted to go out upon the campaign, Antonio Lambertazzi, forgetting his plighted faith, and disregarding the fate of the hostages delivered, flew out again in arms to prevent the carroccio from going out, and recommenced a plentiful effusion of blood. This sedition was the most terrible of any that had ever yet happened; it lasted forty days without intermission; so that Bologna became a haunt of murderers, and the streets ran down with human blood; the property of all men was subjected to depredation, the edifices were ruined, and the grandeur and glory of the city trodden under foot.
“The Lambertazzi, at last overcome, fled the city, with all their accomplices, and went to Faenza, leaving their houses and palaces a prey to the people, which, shortly, were all levelled with the ground; and because the pretor and captain of the people had always held a good understanding with the Lambertazzi, they were now deposed from the magistracy, although it is universally agreed that the judgment and decrees of the former were unexceptionably impartial and upright. Fifteen thousand citizens were banished, whose names are distinctly written in a book among the records in the chamber of Bologna. These persons, scattered in various places, planted new families, as the Guerrini in Forli, the Bazzani and Sacchi in Parma, the Malpighi in Lucca, the Carrari in Ravenna, the Buoninsegni in Terni, the Maffei in Rome, the Bagarotti in Placentia and Padua; from which families have arisen men famous both in arms and letters. The Lambertazzi sought an asylum in Faenza and in Forli, and fortified themselves in both those cities; but the Gieremei, not content with having driven them out of the city, endeavored to chase them from the places where they were received; wherefore, that they might not be taken by surprise, they sent to their friends in every place, particularly to the Count di Montefeltro, the Counts of Modiana, and to others of their faction, for succor. The banished citizens of Ravenna, being united with those of Forli, Ariminum, and other places, went to Forli, and from thence to Faenza, and there fortified themselves, and a little afterwards drove out the Manfredi; and passing afterwards to Castel San Piero, and from thence to Salarolo, where the Manfredi had resorted, and having taken the castle, many of their enemies were put to death, and many made prisoners and sent to Forli, among whom was Alberico Manfredi.
“At Bologna, many of the faction of Lambertazzi were imprisoned; and as a report was spread that a powerful succor was arrived to the Gieremei, the Lambertazzi, with their wives and children, fled to the mountains, and from thence to Faenza, where, with the assistance of their friends, they began to collect forces. The Gieremei, receiving information that the Lambertazzi were preparing to return to Bologna, consulted in council upon the project of going out first in search of them. The resolution was taken with great precipitation, and they marched out with the carroccio with great spirit to Romagna. The Ghibellines, who were apprized of their approach, went out suddenly to meet them in arms, and the Guelph party were defeated, leaving three of the Gieremei dead upon the field, and Alberghetto Manfredi mortally wounded and a prisoner. This reverse of fortune spread a terror in Bologna; but, dreading a total loss of their city, they exerted themselves to the utmost to fortify it, and had recourse again to their confederates and friends, and in a short time assembled a strong army. It is unnecessary to enumerate all the places and parties from whence each side drew its aids; but the carroccio again went forth, and was again met by the Lambertazzi and their allies, when another terrible engagement ensued, and again the Lambertazzi remained victorious. Two thousand men were slain, among whom were a great number of the principal nobles. The Lambertazzi pursued their victory into the territory of Bologna, where they put every thing to fire and sword, destroying vines, trees, corn, and houses, and took a great number of castles, and, it is supposed, might have made themselves masters of the city, such was the panic in it, without striking another blow; but, thinking they had done enough for the present, they returned to Faenza.
“The Bolognese, finding their affairs unfortunate, both at home and abroad, deliberated on sending to King Charles for assistance, and two ambassadors accordingly went, Passaggieri and Prendiparti. Many citizens displayed their public spirit in defence of the city and senate, and subscribed large sums to defend their liberty; Passaggieri, for example, was so attached to the Gieremei, that he gave six thousand pounds for the common good. The senate by proclamation ordered, that every citizen possessed of a horse should have him recorded in a book, that they might know what assistance the militia might have in case of extremity, and the name of every man who then owned a horse is very carefully preserved as a family distinction.
“The Lambertazzi,1 after their victory over the Gieremei, did not fail to make incursions into the country of Bologna every day, disturbing now one place, and then another, in such a manner, that there was not a castle, village, or city, of that party, that was not infested, or threatened with their arms. The Bolognese, apprehensive that the evil might extend itself too far, and that the people, wearied with so many calamities, might revolt, and having before their eyes what Rodolph the emperor had done, they began to meditate a surrender of the city to the pope; ambassadors were appointed, who were courteously received, and their petition attended to, at Viterbo. The pope was vastly pleased with the submission of Bologna, and she acknowledged the church and the pontiff for her patron. The instrument is dated twenty-ninth July, 1278, by which the ambassadors, ‘in the name of God, and of the podestà, captain, council, and commons, recognize the dominion, diction, law, jurisdiction, power, and principality of the city, territory, and district in St. Peter, the keeper of the key of the kingdom of heaven, and in Nicolas III., and his successors, Roman pontiffs, reserving the laws and rights of the city, territory, and district.’
“Although the Gieremei discovered an obstinate aversion to any kind of peace or reconciliation with the Lambertazzi, the pope conceived a great desire of uniting Romagna and Bologna in his interest, and, after long negotiations to that purpose, he succeeded in persuading both parties to listen to his proposals, and submit to his decision. The constitution of the pope Nicolas III., ‘upon the reformation of the peace of the Bolognese, to wit, the Gieremei and Lambertazzi,’ was made, and the prisoners on both sides set at liberty; and in 1279, the two factions of Gieremei and Lambertazzi were assembled once more in the piazza of Bologna, in presence of the cardinal legates of the pope, appearing in great pomp and splendor. The families of the party of the Lambertazzi and of that of the Gieremei were all recorded by name, and, after long orations made by the cardinals, the instruments were signed, and the oaths of perpetual peace and friendship taken by them all.”
The proceedings, as they remain on record, are very voluminous, and it is not possible a peace should be made with more solemnity or less reserve; but of what avail are pious exhortations, charitable resolutions, or solemn oaths, against inveterate passions in unbalanced governments?
In 1280, “the Lambertazzi, who could not live under the operation of the secret venom of their personal hatreds, which daily corroded their hearts, making little account of the peace made, or the penalties imposed, burning with desire to imbrue their hands in the blood of the Gieremei, having taken their arms, flew to the piazza, and finding there a great number of their enemies, fell upon them with a sudden fury; after a long combat, they pushed the Gieremei out of the piazza, and made themselves masters of it, and would have easily possessed the palace, if the captain with two thousand men, had not rushed into the midst of the danger, and with the Caccianemici, Lambertini, Ariosti, Prendiparti, and other friends, opposed them, and, at the point of the sword, driven them back, and pursued them out of the city. The battle on both sides was bloody, and many principal men were killed in it, after performing prodigies of valor. The Lambertazzi, thus again driven from the city with their arms, retired to the mountains with great loss, and the Gieremei proceeded to the old work of ruining their houses, within and without the city; and having issued a proclamation against a great number, they sent others into confinement, according to the usage in such cases in those times. Bërthold, the count of Romagna, the pope’s nephew, immediately summoned all parties to appear before him, and give an account who were the aggressors in the late revolution, and prevailed upon the Gieremei and Lambertazzi to give hostages to perform the award for settling their differences; but before the affair could be finished the pope died, and Berthold restored the hostages to the Guelphs, but the Lambertazzi not acting to his satisfaction, he carried theirs to Rome.
“Bologna now remaining in the hands of the Gieremei, four officers were immediately created, whose duty it was to preserve the peace of the city, and to them was given the highest possible authority; and they began their operations with so much prudence and firmness, that their proceedings gave great satisfaction to the citizens, and with whatever they ordered or desired the people complied with affection and confidence, excepting some of the followers of the Lambertazzi, who not being able to bear the sight of the city at peace, while their party were driven out of it, began, by slow degrees and secret practices, to consult of measures to make themselves masters of it, and restore their banished party. For many days they discoursed together in secret upon this project, and hoping that fortune might for once favor and assist them, they determined finally to assault the piazza; and because all the city was in security, and lived in peace, they readily persuaded themselves, that by surprise their design would succeed. One day, at the hour of dinner, issuing out in arms, and crying with a lively accent, The people and the church! they seized on the two mouths of the piazza. The Gieremei, as soon as they were alarmed, ran out with the people in general with arms in their hands, and coming to a fierce engagement with their enemies, after a plentiful effusion of blood, drove them out of the city to the mountains, to go from thence to Faenza and dwell with their friends.
“The city of Bologna now purified of all tumults, the senate attended to the fortification of all the fortresses and castles in the country, placed strong garrisons, and furnished plenty of provisions, and all things necessary; and the commanders placed in them, we may well suppose, were all good Guelphs and Gieremeites. The Lambertazzi having taken refuge in Faenza, and partly in Forli, those who were in Faenza, following the activity, ardor, and boldness of their genius, began to live with so much liberty, that it appeared as if Faenza was their own. This conduct was observed, and excited not only much censure, but the greatest malevolence in the citizens, and, among others, in Tibaldello Zambrasio, one of the most noble in Faenza. This nobleman, seeing himself exposed to the ridicule of the town, on account of a pig which the Lambertazzi had made so free as to take from him, and because they had threatened his life for demanding the restoration of it, grew into such a rage, that he swore he would lose his life, or have satisfaction. After talking much of various projects, he at last determined upon one which he had never talked of at all. He pretended to be seized with a melancholy humor; went strangely out of his house sometimes, flying the company of his friends and relations; appearing in the streets uncommonly thoughtful; sometimes talking to himself of a variety of things, and muttering imperfect sentences. Having held this course of life for some days, his infirmity became divulged through the whole city. In a few days more, without confiding his secret to his father or any other, he counterfeited the part of a complete idiot; and his behavior was so wild, whimsical, and extravagant, that he appeared both to his father and brother to be wholly bereaved of his understanding. It threw his family into distress, and the whole city into the utmost astonishment, to see a nobleman who had ever shown so much prudence as to be held in high esteem, fallen suddenly into such misfortune and disgrace, though so worthy of compassion. In a few days more he took from his own farm an old mare, wholly worn out, and reduced to a mere skeleton; and having shaved her with a pair of scissors, transformed her into such an object as excited the laughter of every one who saw her. In this condition he led her into the city, and there turned her loose. The boys soon collected about the animal, and beat and terrified her till she ran, with all the strength and spirit that remained in her, throughout the whole city, and occasioned a general hubbub wherever she went.
“The Lambertazzi, knowing nothing of the notorious fact, any more than of the secret motive, were alarmed with suspicions that their enemies were rising, seized their arms, and ran about to every place where they heard the loudest shouts and noises. Finding it was only an idle populace insulting Tibaldello’s mare, they joined with others in the laugh, and returned to their houses. The same pageantry having been repeated more than once afterwards, the Ghibellines became so secure, that when they heard a similar cry, they said it was ‘only Tibaldello’s mare.’ Rising at length to the third stage of counterfeited madness, Tibaldello ran about the streets in the night, and cried out, ‘To arms! to arms!’ and taking in his hands the padlocks and bars of the city gates, which were sometimes carelessly left, he raised a very great multitude and a mighty rumor, so as again to alarm the Lambertazzi, and drive them to their arms; but, finding it another freak of Tibaldello, they threatened him severely if he should make any more such disturbance, and returned. By these whimsical movements, frequently repeated, he so effectually quieted the suspicions of the Lambertazzi and Ghibellines, that upon any such uproar they laughed with the rest, and made themselves merry with the crazy whimsies of Tibaldello. With so much art and perseverance was the folly simulated, that all suspicions were quieted, not only in the Ghibellines, but in the whole city; and the belief of his irrecoverable folly was universal.
“Having pursued his plan thus far with success, he opened himself in perfect confidence to a very faithful friend, made him acquainted with his design, and desired him to prepare with secrecy two habits of monks, in a sack, and meet him the next day in a forest in the neighborhood of Faenza. This was done; and at the hour prescribed they met, Tibaldello having gone out of town with all the appearance of a madman, disguised like a falconer, with two dogs attending him, and a hawk in his hand, to the high diversion of every one that met him. Arrived at a lonely place in the forest, he set his dogs and his hawk at liberty, and, with his faithful companion, putting on the habits of friars, that they might not be known by any whom they might meet on the road, and travelling all night, at the opening of the gates in the morning they arrived at Bologna, and took lodgings at the house of Alberto Battagliucci. To Guido Ramponi he related all that had passed, explained his intentions, and by his favor obtained an introduction to the council of secrecy. Here he opened his whole design, and the desire he had to chastise the Lambertazzi; and showed them of how much importance it was to them to embrace the present opportunity to remove from their sight and their apprehensions those enemies of their city and people, who were constantly employed in schemes of mischief against both. This counsel was received with pleasure by the whole body, and the business was referred to the four superintendents of peace, under oath to keep it secret. To these Tibaldello methodically communicated his plan, and demanded only for himself, and all the family of the Zambrasi, and Ghirardone, his faithful friend, and his family, to be made citizens of Bologna; and engaged to send hostages as security for what was to be done. The offers of Tibaldello were very satisfactory to the pretor, and Guidottino Prendiparte pledged himself for the family of Zambrasi. The four superintendents made him relate the method and means by which every thing was to be conducted; and the stratagem appearing to be practicable, they again took an oath to keep the whole a secret.
“The business concluded on, they dismissed Tibaldello, who was to procure the hostages; so, setting out the same evening, he reached Faenza at the opening of the gates, and entered the city without being known by any one. Arrived at his house, he found his whole family in great affliction. To his aged father alone he related in order the progress he had made by means of a feigned madness, in his plan against those who had taken little account of the honor of his family and blood. The father, with joy beyond expression, and a thousand embraces of his son, caused to be assembled in his house all their relations, to whom, in an eloquent and prudent harangue, Tibaldello related his actions and designs. All with one voice and one heart offered to devote themselves to vengeance on the Lambertazzi. Tibaldello, to whom an hour appeared a thousand years, till he could see an end of his enterprise, the next day secretly sent his three brothers,—namely, Zambraso, Guido, and Fiorino, to Bologna, conducted by Ghirardone, informing the four superintendents of what they were to do, and of the hour when their soldiers ought to appear at Faenza. The hostages received, the council assembled, digested every particular, and secretly gave orders that all the passes should be secured, that no one might be able to send intelligence of any thing that happened.
“On the twenty-third of August, 1281, the army of Bologna was formed, and marched out of the city in order, with all the Guelph party; by a forced march the whole night, they were early in the morning at the gate appointed; finding it open, they freely entered the city, and were conducted to the place intended for action. The Zambrasi had embarrassed and stopped up the streets where they thought proper; and Tibaldello, as usual, feigning to make a noise with the padlocks at the gates of the houses of the Lambertazzi, in truth fastened many of them within, so that they could not go out. The whole apparatus being ready, he set up a cry of Long live the church! and Down with all the traitors! and while he was terrifying the city with this horrid outcry, the Bolognese, with the utmost security, made themselves masters of the piazza of the city. The Ghibellines, followers of the Lambertazzi, hearing the noise of voices and the sound of arms, rang the bells, assembled a great number, and hastened to the piazza, there to fortify themselves; but, finding the Guelphs already in possession, they began the conflict.”
The particulars of this engagement, the danger of one and intrepidity of another individual, are not now material. “The action was sharp and bloody; and after mighty feats of valor on both sides, and many killed and wounded, the Lambertazzi were defeated, and such as could, obliged to fly into the country; all who could not, were put to the sword. Nine of the principals fled to a church or monastery for sanctuary, but were there miserably put to death. Besides five hundred prisoners, a multitude of others wretchedly perished in the sinks and ditches.
“The Bolognese, having obtained the victory, and by means of it the complete dominion of Faenza, pardoned the Faentines, but confiscated all the property of the Lambertazzi and their adherents, both within and without the city. Finally, they appointed a new pretor and a sufficient guard, and triumphantly conducted Tibaldello Zambrasi, his father, and with them Zambraso, Guido, and Fiorino, the hostages, and their sister and other relations, to Bologna, who were all made by the senate not only citizens, but nobles. The same honors and immunities were conferred on Ghirardone and his relations, to all of whom the senate gave houses and possessions, and they enjoyed the most respectable offices in the state. As the victory was the twenty-fourth of August, the senate ordained an annual festival of St. Bartholomew’s day, in perpetual commemoration of Tibaldello; in which his pig, his mare, his hawks, dogs, friar’s dress, and city keys, were all transmitted, in sculpture and marble, to the amusement and astonishment of posterity.
“The nobles of the party of Lambertazzi, who were still remaining in Forli, sent ambassadors to the pope to obtain peace, but they could accomplish nothing; the pope not only refused to receive them, but ordered them to return. The Gieremei sent ambassadors, and they were admitted to an audience, and received with dignity; and by their persuasions the pope sent Giovanni Appia, a French gentleman, a counsellor of King Charles, with eight hundred cavalry, to recover Forli. The pope made him Count of Romagna, and he went with the ambassadors to Bologna, where he was received with great honor; where he remained, however, but a short time; for having in 1282 despatched what belonged to his office, he took with him two of the tribes of the city, and marched into the territory of Ravenna. From thence he wrote to the republic of Forli, commanding them to send out of their city the Count Guido da Feltrio, and all the foreigners; but he was not obeyed, because neither the Count nor the Lambertazzi, to whom he wrote at the same time, were willing to go.”
Their refusal gave occasion to another long war, and to all the fire and sword, stratagems and massacres, as well as carnage in battle, that usually attended all their wars. But though these evils also originated in the same source, the imperfect constitution of Bologna, they may be passed over.
“It seems there were still some persons left in Bologna of the name of Lambertazzi, one of whom, in 1285, came to blows with one of the Scannabecchi under the piazza, which occasioned another rising of the people in arms. They were both put to flight, but overtaken in the country, and beheaded; and all the party of the Lambertazzi were again declared rebels, and all their families banished to a certain distance in the city, and confined to places assigned them. The wise men (sapienti) afterwards made a provision, that all those of the party of the Lambertazzi who had taken an oath of fidelity to the church and the party of the Gieremei, according to a general regulation made in the council of the commons and people of Bologna, should be cancelled from the book of the exiles, excepting those who, since taking the oath, had gone to live in Faenza, Forli, and other places, and united themselves with the enemies of the people of Bologna; and with this reservation, that none who had been of the party of the Lambertazzi at the time of the first commotion, should be of the council, or hold any office. This regulation gave great satisfaction to the city, and a general tranquillity.
“But the government had not strength to preserve the peace. In 1286, a private quarrel, however, happened, probably from the general state of parties, in which Gualradi, of the company della Branca, was killed. The government was neither able to punish the murderer nor to prevent the people from taking it upon themselves in their own way. They took arms for revenge, and ruined all the houses, towers, trees, and other property of the persons guilty or suspected, both in the city and out of it, and of all their relations. But the new government could not long remain quiet. The council of eight hundred, and the people, having their eyes fixed upon the general utility of the city and its district, that all things might be governed with consummate prudence, gave orders to the sapienti to examine how a new council might be established, of two thousand persons, of sufficient wisdom, charity, and property to support the weight of the commonwealth. The sapienti, elected by the antiani and consuls, having maturely deliberated and debated, ordained that the new council of two thousand should be elected by ballot in that council; that is to say, that a hundred electors for each tribe should be appointed, each of whom should have the election of five members of the new council; that each one should be not less than eighteen nor more than seventy years of age, and should be truly of the party of the church and of the Gieremei of the city of Bologna, and so held and reputed in the time of the first commotion which happened in the city; that he should not be a servant,* a puppet-showman, a porter, nor a foreigner, &c., nor a constant inhabitant of the country of Bologna, and should have been a constant resident in the city for twenty years; should be rated to the public taxes, and have paid his share of the public collections; should be known in the lists of the public factions, but should not be a clergyman or ecclesiastical person, nor of any other city, castle, or land which has favored the Ghibellines or the party of the Lambertazzi. If there were any one at present in the council, in any of the cases enumerated in this order, he could not be chosen by any elector whatsoever; and if he obtained a ticket as an elector, he could not vote himself in any manner. No one could be elected contrary to the preceding form, under penalty of banishment and a fine of twenty pounds for every one that should violate it, and for every offence; and any one who should be elected contrary to this order should not take the oath of a counsellor, nor proceed to choose another, under the same penalty. Every election made against it should be null, and any one might inform secretly or openly of a breach of this law, and obtain the penalty. The antiani, consuls, and doctors of laws and their notaries should be of this council ex officio, in addition to the number of two thousand; but no one was to be a member who was not a native of the city. The senate then caused to be distinctly recorded, in three books, the names of the banished Lambertazzi, repaired the carroccio and its standard, and painted it with the portraits of six saints, and laid out upon it no less than thirty pounds and ten pence.”
Many other regulations and precautions were taken by the triumphant faction of the Gieremei, to fortify themselves in the government, and exclude, in the most decided manner, every man who had any tincture of, or connection with, the opposite party; but still there were not wanting many seditious persons, insidiously meditating to undermine their tranquillity, and to favor those who were held to be rebels against them; so that the senate were frequently alarmed, and full of apprehensions of the total ruin of the city.
They saw that almost the whole country was one continued tavern of the banished (banditti); and, to put some restraint upon their temerity, purge both the city and country of such a dangerous plague, and quiet the seditions of the nobles, they assembled the antiani, consuls, and all the sapienti, made many ordinances against the banished rebels, to the end that no fresh revolution might be attempted; and made it a capital crime to attempt or propose, or even to speak or reason about their restoration or pardon.*
In the beginning of the year 1289, all their prudence appeared to be ineffectual; for in their own faction, and in the new government, were two parties still, the nobles and plebeians, and a tumult arose between them. The senate, the pretor of the preceding year, and the people, became involved in the dispute, till the pretor thought his life in danger, and secretly went away from the city with many of his friends. The want and the necessity of representatives of the people was felt at this time; and whether it was to obtain information, or to throw off a burden of care and labor, or to gratify some aspiring individuals, or to please the people, or to extend their influence, or whether all these motives concurred, the antiani, assembled in the chamber of the pretor, considered among themselves what ought chiefly to be done relative to the war at this time to be carried on in conjunction with their confederates; and they ordained that two wise men, of exemplary lives, should be elected from each tribe, who should examine, and, in concert with them, the antiani, inquire in what state were the stipendiaries of the commons of Bologna, and see whether the soldiers had their horses according to law, and whether provision was made of money to pay salaries, wages, &c. But who was to elect these wise men? Not the people; not the tribes themselves. This would have made two centres; and all authority must be in one. The antiani themselves therefore elected them; and in the afternoon the antiani and the wise men assembled together, and consulted generally about the soldiers; and it was concluded that the number in pay ought not to be diminished, but rather increased; and that particular attention should be given to the collection of the revenue upon several articles, as grain, salt, mills, &c., that money might be had in season to pay the soldiers their stipends, &c.
But there is not time nor room to pursue this relation. It must be sufficient to add, that affairs went on in this curious manner to the final catastrophe of all such governments, an establishment of absolute power in a single man. There were in Italy, in the middle ages, a hundred or two of cities, all independent republics, and all constituted nearly in the same manner. The history of one is, under different names and various circumstances, the history of all; and all, excepting two or three that are still decided aristocracies, had the same destiny, an exit in monarchy. There are extant a multitude of particular histories of these cities, full of excellent warning for the people of America.* Let me recommend it to you, my young readers, who have time enough before you, to make yourselves masters of the Italian language, and avail your country of all the instruction contained in them, as well as of all the art, science, and literature which we owe to Greece, Italy, and Palestine, countries which have been and are our masters in all things.
CONSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
AGAINST THE ATTACK OF M. TURGOT, IN HIS LETTER TO DR. PRICE, DATED THE TWENTY-SECOND DAY OF MARCH, 1778.
“Some philosophers have been foolish enough to imagine, that improvements might be made in the system of the universe, by a different arrangement of the orbs of heaven; and politicians, equally ignorant, and equally presumptuous, may easily be led to suppose, that the happiness of our world would be promoted by a different tendency of the human mind.
Johnson’s Adventurer, No. 45.
in three volumes.
A DEFENCE OF THE CONSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
[* ]Bombaci, p. 2.
[† ]Muratori, Annali, tom. v. p. 397, anno 961 - 2.
[‡ ]Conseguì Bologna con maggiori preeminenze, e minori gravezze la esperimentata libertà con facoltà d’ eleggere i magistrati con mero, e misto impero, e conforme all’ instituto di Ottone, con tre sorte di consigli diede forma alla sua republica, con titolo di comune. L’ uno fù il consiglio di Credenza che era quello de’ consoli, e de gli altri magistrati; l’ altro fù il particolare che comprendeva i nobili; il terzo fù il generale, et era quello del popolo, quale però senza podestà de’ suffragi, si raddunava ad esser presente a’ giuramenti de’ magistrati, et ad altre somiglianti apparenze. Historie memorabili della Città di Bologna ristrette da Gasparo Bombaci, p. 9.
[* ]Ghirardacci, Historia di Bologna, p. 2.
[1 ]See page 199.
[1 ]Ghirardacci, lib. iv. p. 101.
[1 ]Cette première indication de leur jalousie, ce premier appel à la décision des armes, sur les droits des deux ordres rivaux, étoit cependant, pour eux-memes, d’un bien dangereux exemple; car ils n’étoient pas les plus forts. Le peuple pouvoit à son tour recouvrer, par les mêmes moyens, l’influence qu’on lui ravissoit, il pouvoit les chasser eux-mêmes de la ville. Sismondi, Rep. Ital. tom. 2, p. 285.
[1 ]“Henrico per Decreto liberò Gerardo in tutte le cause del giuramento della calonnia.” This was an oath prescribed by the civil law.
[1 ]Ghirardacci, lib. v. p. 146.
[1 ]Ghirardacci, lib. vi. p. 156.
[1 ]The son of Frederick.
[* ]Ghirardacci, lib. vi. p. 194.
[1 ]Ghirardacci, lib. vii. p. 197.
[* ]Come cani arrabbiati. Ghirardacci, p. 212.
[1 ]Ghirardacci, lib. viii. p. 233.
[* ]“Non sia servo, burrattino, brentatore, fachino, nè fumante, o forestiero.” p. 270.
[* ]There is another anecdote in 1288, which, although it remains in mysterious obscurity, may yet be alleged as an instance of those extravagant characters, irregular events, and atrocious actions, which always abound in such governments, render the protection of the laws precarious, and life and liberty insecure. “Ambassadors had been sent by the republic to Forli, and to the Count of Romagna; and other ambassadors were sent to the Marquis of Este, to congratulate him upon his interposition to promote an accommodation between the citizens of Reggio, who were truly of the party of the church, and to beg that by his counsels and mediation he would prevail upon Bettino Galluzzi, elected captain of Reggio, to hearken to reason, and restore some merchandises taken at Rubiera from Bolognese merchants. Lamberto Bazzilieri, a Bolognese, had contracted friendships with many persons in the court of Obizzo, Marquis of Este, and frequented familiarly all the courtiers of that prince; so that he was held to be one of that court. Finding Obizzo at table one day at dinner, Lamberto, without being observed by any one, approached very near the person of the prince, drew his dagger, and, with a rapid and malicious force of his arm, gave him an unexpected stroke across the visage. Azzo, the prince’s son, and all the other courtiers and citizens present, laid their hands upon their swords, and rushed upon the malefactor to put him to death; Obizzo, though his face was covered with blood, had the presence of mind to command them to desist, but ordered him to be put to the torture, to make him confess from what motive, and at whose instigation, he had made such a desperate attempt. After a long and cruel examination on the rack, he declared that he had not done it by the orders, or at the desire, or by the advice of any one, nor excited by any hope, nor in consequence of any previous conversation or thoughts, but that he had been urged on by a sudden fury. This confession not being credited, he was examined again repeatedly, but, with the same constancy and fortitude, persevered in the same confession; nor could all his torment extort from him any other answer. Finally, bound to the tails of four asses, he was dragged through all the city of Ferrara, and afterwards hanged.” This action is an example of that contempt of life, that inveteracy of resolution, and that immovable fortitude, which is sometimes inspired by the inflamed passions of party; but his denial is by no means a proof that the plan was not concerted.
[* ]By all of them is verified the observation of a liberal writer, quoted before: “These republics were all exposed to almost daily revolutions; and seldom did the system of administration continue a whole year the same.” Danina, Revolutions of Literature, c. v. sect. 10.