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• Preface.
• Vaughan, a Discourse of Coin and Coinage
• Chap. I.: Of the First Invention and Use of Money.
• Chap. II.: Of the Matter of Money.
• Chap. III.: Of the Forms of the Money Anciently and Now In Use.
• Chap. IV.: Of the Proportions Held Between Gold and Silver, Antient and Modern.
• Chap. V.: Of the Raising of the Price of Money Both of Silver and Gold.
• Chap. VI.: Of Base Money.
• Chap. VII.: Of the Inconveniences In General Grown In the Matter of Money.
• Chap. VIII.: Of the Low Price of Our Silver.
• Chap. IX.: Of the Prohibition of Forrein Moneys, Especially Spanish.
• Chap. X.: Of the Unequal Coinage of Our Moneys.
• Chap. XI.: Of the Great Increase of the Proportion Between Gold and Silver, and the Things Valued By Them; By Which There Is Grown a Greater Want of Money In England Than Was In Antient Times, and of the Causes Thereof, and of the Remedies Which May
• Chap. XII.: Of the Raising of the Price of Moneys By Our Neighbours, and the Defect of Our Not Raising of Our Moneys Accordingly.
• Chap. XIII.: Of the Benefits Which Do Grow Unto the State By the Raising of Moneys, and the Prejudices Which Do By Not Raising of It.
• Chap. XIV.: The Benefits Which Do Grow to the State By the Not Raising of Money, and the Prejudices Which Do Grow By the Raising of It.
• Chap. XV.: Examinations of the Reasons For the Raising of Money.
• Chap. XVI.: Examinations of the Reasons For the Not Raising of Money.
• Chap. XVII.: Of Contracting With Forrein Nations By Ambassadors to Keep Their Moneys At a Certain Standard.
• Chap. XVIII.: Of the Ordaining of Solid Payments.
• Chap. XIX.: Of Equalizing the Exchange.
• Chap. XX.: Of Reducing Moneys to the Lowness of Ancient Values.
• Chap. XXI.: Of Raising Our Moneys According to the Raising of Our Neighbours.
• Chap. XXII.: Of Introducing Two Different Species of Money.
• Chap. XXIII.: Of Coining of Moneys Without Distinction of Weights.
• Lord Coke’s Account of Coin and Coining.
• Cotton, a Speech Touching the Alteration of Coin.
• The Answer of the Committees Appointed By Your Lordships to the Proposition Delivered By Some Officers of the Mint, For Infeebling His Majesties Monies of Gold and Silver.
• The First Part. the Preamble.
• Questions to Be Proposed to the Merchants, Mint Masters, and Goldsmiths Concerning the Alteration of the Silver-monies.
• Certain General Rules Collected Concerning Money and Bullion Out of the Late Consultation At Court.
• Advice of His Majesty’s Council of Trade, Concerning the Exportation of Gold and Silver In Foreign Coins and Bullion. (concluded December 11. 1660.)
• Reasons Aud Arguments For the Free Exportation of Gold and Silver In Foreign Coin and Bullion.
• Sir William Pettys Quantulumcunque Concerning Money, 1682.
• Questions.
• A Report Containing an Essay For the Amendment of Silver Coins
• The Second General Head Concerning the Present State and Condition of the Gold and Silver Conis.
• The Third General Head Discusses This Question, Whether It Be Or Be Not Absolutely Necessary At This Time to Re-establish the Coins.
• The Fourth General Head Is to Propose the Means That Must Be Obtained, and the Proper Methods to Be Used In and For the Re-establishment of the Silver Coins.
• The Fifth General Head Considers What Must Supply the Commerce, Pay Taxes, &c. Whilst the Clipt Money Is Under Its New Fabrication.
• In Quodam Libro Vocato Nigro Scripto Tempore Regis Henrici Secundi, Per Gervasium Tilburiensem, De Necessariis Scaccarii, Remanente In Curia Receptæ Scaccarii, Inter Alia Sic Continetur.
• A Computation of the Common Weight of a Hundred Pounds By Tale, In Ordinary Silver Money At This Day, Taken From a Medium of the Bags, Weighed At the Receipt of Exchequer, In May, June, and July Last.
• Note On the Re-coinage of 1696-99.
• Representations of Sir Isaac Newton On the Subject of Money. 1712-1717.
• Representation First
• Representation Second.
• Representation Third.
• Tables Illustrative of the Successive Changes In the Standard, In the Weight of the Coins, and In the Relative Values of Gold and Silver In England, From the Conquest Down to 1717.
• Note On Scotch Money, With Tables Showing the Successive Changes In the Standard In the Weight of the Coins, and In the Relative Values of Gold and Silver, From 1107 to 1707, When Scotland Ceased to Have a Peculiar Coinage.
• Observations On Coin In General, With Some Proposals For Regulating the Value of Coin In Ireland.
• Essays On Money and Coin I
• Part I.: The Theories of Commerce, Money, and Exchanges.
• Chapter I.—: Of the Nature and Origin of Wealth and Commerce.
• Chapter II.—: Of Money and Coins.
• Chapter III.: Of Exchanges.
• Essays On Money and Coin Ii
• The Preface.
• Part II.
• Chapter I.: A Summary Account of All the Alterations That Have Been Made In Our Standard of Money, From the Norman Conquest to the Present Time, With the Opinions of Some Very Eminent Men Upon Those Kinds of Measures.
• Chapter II.: The Established Standard of Money Should Not Be Violated Or Altered, Under Any Pretence Whatsoever.
• Postscript. of Standard Measures.
• Reflections On Coin In General
• Raper, an Inquiry Into the Value of the Ancient Greek and Roman Money.
• Introduction.
• § 1.: Of the Attic Drachm.
• § II.: Of the Eginean and Euboïc Talents.
• § III.: Of the Roman Money.
• § 4.: Of the Value of Gold In Greece and Rome.
• § V.: Of the Value of the Ancient Greek and Roman Money.
• Conclusion.
• Tables Showing the Denominations of the Principal Greek and Roman Coins, and Their Values In Sterling Money,

Reasons aud arguments for the Free Exportation of Gold and Silver in Foreign Coin and Bullion.

The council of trade appointed by your Majesty, having taken into consideration the tenth article of the instructions given unto them by your Majesty, ordering to advise how Bullion may be best drawn into these kingdoms; and having had many days’ examination and debate, of and upon the several ancient laws, forbidding the Exportation of all manner of Gold and Silver in Coins, Bullion, Plate, &c.: After comparing the present course of trade, with that of those ages wherein those statutes were made, and observing the inconveniences growing upon these kingdoms through such prohibitions, and the advantage which other princes and nations make by letting the Exportation thereof free; have drawn up their sense and apprehension upon the whole matter, which they humbly offer to your Majesty as followeth:—

And first, It hath been observed, out of these and other statutes, that all Money and Bullion, once imported, was to be put into the hands of the King’s exchangers, which course is now antiquated. That some of those statutes seem more to intend religious persons, and clerks, than merchants; and all imply, or particularly except, some cases wherein, by the King’s licence, Money and Bullion might be Exported, without being in danger of the forfeitures in those laws. And therefore, finding these dispensations to be your Majesty’s prerogative, preserved entire to the Crown, through so many of your royal progenitors, we have not thought fit to touch any further upon this matter, as being humbly confident that your Majesty’s subjects shall (upon all occasions) be indulged the like, if not more ready relief, and accommodation for their trade, from your Majesty’s royal grace and bounty: only, because the observation was obvious, that, perhaps, all former Parliaments purposely left this door open to the people by the grace of the King, to be relieved by these dispensations as foreseeing how difficult, if not impossible, or how inconvenient, at least, it might be in future times, altogether to restrain the Exportation of Money and Bullion, we could not omit the same in this place.

And secondly, Supposing that it were of absolute necessity to restrain all Money and Bullion, once imported, to be kept within the kingdom. It then came under consideration, whether either the laws hitherto made in that behalf are, or that it be possible to make a law, adequate to prevent the exportation thereof.

And here we were convinced, by experience, that the laws of this kingdom (hitherto made) have been of no effect to the end thereby designed; and looking abroad, as there are no where more strict and severe laws against the Exportation of Coin and Bullion than in Spain and France, we found all to be to as little purpose.

We then, thirdly, enquired, What loadstone attracted this Metal by force of nature to itself, against all human providence or prevention? and soon found, that it was alone the present course of trade and traffic throughout the world, and quite altered from that in former ages when those statutes were made, which hath converted all action into the Commodities which the earth and sea produce, is in continual circumrotation, embraceth all things, and hath enforced at last money (which in former times was only used as the measure to value all Commodities by) to become now itself to a Commodity, subject to rising and falling in price and value as any other merchandize, and to be the only employment of thousands of merchants that deal in nothing else; yet it cannot be denied, that the surest way to bring in money, and to keep it (were there no laws of restraint at all) were to be more sellers than buyers, and to make up such a balance of trade of this kingdom, as it might be judged whether the produce of native goods did exceed the consumption of the foreign; for then the overplus would be found in Money, and remain in the land.

But this point we found would require a vast expense of time, both in council and action, both at home and abroad; and that the result at last would be no more but what experience hath already taught, that Money and Bullion have always forced their way against the several laws; that the trade of the world will not be forced, but will find or make its own way free to all appearances of profit; and that, although there be a method in trade, yet it is held impossible to describe the same.

For Spain hath the mines of Gold and Silver; yet enjoyeth the least part thereof, and for three parts of the year hath scarce sufficient to serve its own ordinary occasions.

On the other side, neither Venice, Tuscany, Genoa, nor the Netherlands, have any mines at all of their own, nor are at all careful to keep in Money or Bullion, by any restraint of laws; yet they are always masters thereof, and some of them abound therein.

But it is true, that Venice once did fall upon the course taken by Spain, France, and England, to keep Money and Bullion within their country by strict laws; but they soon found they had the less thereof by this restraint, and as soon relinquished the same, and have never since complained of any want.

And therefore, in the fourth place, we discovered that, as it is impossible by any laws to restrain Money and Bullion against the use that traffic finds for the same; so also the adhering to this principle of restraining thereof discourageth, as well all natives as foreigners, to Import any Money or Bullion into those lands, where the Exportation thereof, at their own pleasure, is forbidden them; and that this hath been the cause that even the English that lived in Spain, when they had acquired Money and Bullion there, would not transport it hither, but either lodged it in Genoa, Venice, or Livorne, for the trade of the Mediterranean, as those of Holland do for the trade of the German Ocean.

From whence, fifthly, the many advantages (thereby given away clearly to the stranger from the English) present themselves; for the stranger, knowing we must be furnished in one of those places for our occasions, make us pay dearly for our accommodation; and besides, to seek the same there, we are often hindered in our voyages outward, put upon double adventures, and oftentimes hindered of our market.

For there are some trades, that in part, or in the whole, cannot be driven, or managed, to any profit or proportion of advantage with our neighbours, but by Exporting Money or Bullion, either together with their merchandizes, or wholly a merchandize or commodity of itself—Wherein are humbly offered these instances:—

To the East Indies—Though some English commodities be vended there, yet no considerable trade can be driven by us, or any others that buy the commodities of the natives, but with Money carried out of Europe. And if we Export 100,000l. per annum, that will purchase so much goods as do usually yield in England 300,000l., one-third whereof is paid, as the salary of ships, men’s wages, and for customs; and here is one considerable advantage, that redounds, as well to your Majesty’s revenue, as to the navigation of this kingdom; then one-third of the said East India commodities is as much as serveth for the consumption of these kingdoms; and that we have at the price it cost in India; the last third, as also the first third, reckoned to freight, mariners’ wages, and customs, are both exported to the Mediterranean, Spain, France, the Baltic, and other ports, where the proceed of them serves to purchase foreign commodities for us, and helps so far to balance our trade, as that it occasioneth the importation of at least 100,000l. per annum in Bullion, and prevents the Exportation of as much more; which would be wanted to purchase necessary commodities from abroad. Whereas, if we did not follow the East India trade, the Hollanders would drain from us at least 300,000l. per annum, for the East India commodities that we must have from them; for so much, at least, the same goods would cost at their hands, which we now bring home ourselves for 100,000l.

And all these mischiefs, we avoid, and all their advantages we gain, by the free exportation of 100,000l.

For the Norway trade, which gives a large employment to a great number of shipping, and furnisheth us with a very necessary supply of timber and tar; it cannot be carried on without the liberty of Exporting Money and Bullion, because the kingdom of Norway gives no vent to any of our native commodities, in proportion to the value of what we fetch thence, and therefore Money and Bullion must pay for it; and should the ships first go to Holland or Hamburgh to fetch the dollars, the very time expended in deviating from their designed ports of lading would make the price of timber twice as much as now it is; the freight of it being at least two-thirds of the value of it when it is imported.

The trade of Turkey cannot be driven to advantage, but with some part Money, because the consumption of our manufactures in those dominions, is not sufficient to make payment for what we have occasion to bring from thence; nor can those manufactures be put off, in the most advantageous terms, but by giving some part money with them, in the exchange for the Turkey commodities, which is a trade not to be neglected, because, whereas we now furnish not only our own country with many necessary commodities that are here manufactured, out of the product of that trade, to the great increase of your Majesty’s revenue, and employment of the poor, but other nations also; so that if we left that trade, the Hollanders would presently take it up, and then we must have all this supply from them, to the signal prejudice of our common capitals, and deduction of our manufacture.

And lastly, whereas it hath been objected,

1. That this liberty is the ready way to have no Money at all left in this kingdom, and to set open the door to the Hollanders, and others, to drain us of all Money and Bullion; we have considered, that when the merchants of this kingdom shall have like freedom here at home to Export Money and Bullion directly hence, for the ports of East India, Norway, and Turkey aforesaid, it will not turn to account for them, or any foreign nation, to Export the same hence to their own country; for then it will cease to be a community of traffic; they will have no advantage over us, to oblige us to seek our Monies that we have occasion for there; and Money, of all commodities, is the worst, if it lies still, and if the penny be not daily turned.

That it is all one mischief to the nobility, gentry, and freeholders of this kingdom, whether the Money or Bullion thereof, be drawn from them by the native or stranger merchant.

Herein also we consider, that this nation hath, of its own growth, manufacture, and product, always enough to oblige the importation of Money and Bullion upon all occasions, beyond any other nation whatsoever in Christendom. That Money and Bullion once imported is like a river, which, overflowing in its passage, doth always leave so much behind, as the neighbouring meadows for a long time after feel the benefit thereof.

And this nation hath had one notable experience, that when the Spaniard was permitted to export two-thirds of the Money he imported, and obliged to no more than one-third to be brought into the King’s mint, it commonly happened that the mint got the whole, as the Spaniard found the advantages here, to make better benefit to return the same into Flanders, or in the manufactures, or naturalized commodities of this kingdom.

So that, to wind up all that has been said, the result of the several reasons and arguments herein summed up seemed to be this: That time and experience instruct, and the present state of traffic throughout the world require, that, for the increase of the stock of Money in these your Majesty’s kingdoms, some way of liberty for the Exportation, at least of foreign Coin and Bullion, should be found out, and put in execution; which hath produced the humble advice offered in the preceding paper.

FINIS.

SIR WILLIAM PETTY

his

Quantulumcunque

concerning

MONEY.

To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax,

Anno 1682.

LONDON:

Printed for A. and J. Churchill, at the

Black Swan, in Paternoster Row, 1695.

Sir William Pettys

Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1682.

To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax.

SUPPOSE that 20s. of new mill’d Money doth weigh 4 Ounces Troy, according to Custom or Statute. Suppose that 20s. of old Eliz. and James’s Money, which ought also to weigh 4 Ounces Troy, doth weigh 3 Ounces Troy; and very variously between 3 and 4 Ounces, viz. none under 3, and none full 4.

Suppose that much of the new mill’d regular Money is carried into the East-Indies, but none of the old light and unequal Money.

QUESTIONS.

Qu. 1.Whether the old unequal Money ought to be new Coined, and brought to an equality?

Answ. It ought: Because Money made of Gold and Silver is the best Rule of Commerce, and must therefore be equal, or else it is no Rule; and consequently no Money, and but bare Metal which was Money before it was worn and abused into Inequality.

Qu. 2.At whose Charge?

Answ. At the States Charge, as now it is: Because the Owner was no cause of its Inequality, but the States neglect in (not) preventing and punishing such Abuses, which are remedied by new Coinage.

Qu. 3.Of what weight and fineness ought the new Shiling to be?

Answ. Of the same with the other present new Money, and which the old was of, when it was new: Because all must be like, all according to the Statute; and all fit to pay ancient Debts, according to what was really lent.

Qu. 4.Suppose 20s. of old Money may make but 18s. of new, who shall bear the loss of the two shillings?

Answ. Not the States: Because men would clip their own Money: But the owner himself must bear the loss, because he might have refused light and defective Money, or put it away in time; it being sufficient that he shall have new regular beautiful Money for his old unequal Money, at the States Charge, Ounce for Ounce weight.*

Qu. 5.After this Reformation of Coin, Will more Silver be carried out of England, suppose into the East-Indies, then before; and to the Damage of England?

Answ. Somewhat more: But none to the Damage of England, Eo Nomine; but rather to its Profit: Because the Merchant will be considered for the Manufacture of the new Money; besides the Metal of it, as he only was when he carried out Spanish Reals.

Qu. 6.Whereas the Merchant carries Scarlet and Silver to the Indies, will he not now carry only the new coined Silver?

Answ. The Merchant will buy as much Scarlet as he can for 100 new Shillings, and then consider whether he shall get more Silk in the Indies for that Scarlet than for another 100 of the like Shillings: And, according to this Conjecture, he will carry Scarlet or Shillings in specie, or part one, part the other, if he be in doubt.

Qu. 7.But will not England be impoverished by Merchants carrying out the said 100 Shillings?

Answ. No, if he brings home for them as much Silk as will yield above 100 Shillings (perhaps 200 Shillings) in Spain, and then bring the same 200 into England: Or, if he bring home as much Pepper as an English man will give him 200 of the like Shillings for. So the Merchant and England shall both Gain by Exporting the 100 Shillings.

Qu. 8.But if the new Shilling were but ¾ths of the weight as formerly, then the Merchant would not meddle with them at all, and so secure this fear of impoverishment?

Answ. The Merchant would Export then, just as before; Only he will give but ¾ so much Pepper, or other Indian Goods, for the new retrenched Shilling as he did for the old: And would accept in India ¾ as much Pepper as he formerly had for the old: And consequently there would be no difference, but among a few such Fools as take Money by its name, and not by its weight and fineness.

Qu. 9.If a Shilling was by new Coinage reduced to ¾ of its present weight, should we not thereby have ? more of Money then now we have, and consequently be so much the richer?

Ans. You would indeed have ? part more of the new christned Shillings; but not an Ounce more of Silver, nor Money; nor could you get an Ounce more of Forreign Commodities for all your new multiplied Money than before: Nor even of any Domestick Commodities; but perhaps a little at first from the few Fools above mentioned. As for Instance; Suppose you buy a Silver Vessel from a Goldsmith weighing 20 Ounces, at 6s. per Ounce, making 6 Pounds or 24 Ounces of Coined Silver; now suppose that the said 6 Pounds were reduced from weighing 24 Ounces to weigh but 18 Ounces upon the new Coinage; but be still called 6 Pound even by the King’s Proclamation; Can it be imagined that the Goldsmith will give his Vessel weighing 20 Ounces of wrought for 18 Ounces of unwrought Silver? For the Workmanship of Money is of little value. Now the Absurdity is the same in all other Commodities, though not so demonstrable as in a Commodity whose Materials are the same with Money.

Qu. 10.Cannot Authority Command that men should give as much Commodity for the new retrencht Money, as for the old which weighed ? part more?

Answ. Then the effect of such Authority would also be to take away ? of all mens Goods, which are Commodities beyond Seas, and give the same to Forreigners, who would have them for ¾ of the usual quantity of Silver: And the same Authority would take away from the Creditor ? of the Money which was due before the Proclamation.

Qu. 11.Whereas you suppose retrenching ¼ in the new Coinage; Suppose it was but , how would the matter be then?

Answ. Just the same: For Magis et minus non mutant speciem: But it were better you supposed that one Shilling were to be taken for 10 or 20, then the Absurdity would be it self so visible, as to need no such Demonstration, as is needful in such small matters as Common Sense cannot discern: For if the wealth of the Nation could be decupled by a Proclamation, it were strange that such Proclamations have not long since been made by our Governours.

Qu. 12.Will not some men, having occasions to buy Commodities in Forreign Parts, carry out all Money, and so not vend or Export our own Commodities at all?

Answ. If some English Merchants should be so improvident, yet the Forreign Merchants would buy up such English Commodities as they wanted, with Money brought into England from their respective Countries, or with such Commodities as England likes better than Money. For the vending of English Commodities doth not depend upon any other thing, but the use and need which Forreigners have of them. But were it not a folly for an English man not to carry Lead into Turkey: but go thither with Money, in his Ballast, and so loose the Freight of the Lead, which he might sell there; And that a Ship should come from Turkey with Money, in her Ballast also, to fetch Lead from England which might have been carried at first by the English Ship? No: The art of a Merchant is to consider all those Matters, so as no Prince’s Proclamation concerning the Weight and Denominations of Coins, signifies any thing to Forreigners when they know it, nor to his own Subjects pro futuro, what e’re Disturbances it may make amongst them pro præterito. We say again: it were better for a Prince owing 20s. to say he will pay but 15s. than disguishing his own particular purpose, to say that all Landlords shall henceforth take 15s. Rent for 20s. due to them by their Tenants Leases; and that he who hath lent a 100l. on the Monday, (the Proclamation of Retrenchment coming out on Tuesday) may be repaid on Wednesday with ¾ or 75l. of the very Money he lent two days before.

Qu. 13.Why is not our old worn unequal Money new Coined and equallized?

Answ. There may be many weak Reasons for it; But the only good one which I know, is, that bad and unequal Money may prevent hoarding, whereas weighty, fine and beautiful Money doth encourage it in some few timorous Persons, but not in the Body of Trading Men. Upon the account of Beauty our Britannia Half-pence were almost all horded as Medals till they grew common; For if but 100 of those pieces had been Coined, they would for their Work and Rarity have been worth above 5s. each, which for their Matter are not worth that Half-penny they pass for: For in them, Materiam superabat Opus.

Qu. 14.Why hath Money been raised, or retrencht, or imbased by many wise States, and so often?

Answ. When any State doth these things, they are like Bankrupt Merchants, who Compound for their Debts by paying 16s. 12s, or 10s. in the pound; Or forcing their Creditors to take off their Goods at much above the Market rates. And the same State might as well have paid but ¾ of what they ow’d, as to retrench their Money in General to ¾ of the known weight and fineness. And these practices have been compassed by Bankers and Cashiers, for oblique Considerations, from the Favourites of such Princes and States.

Qu. 15.It is then the Honour of England that no such Tricks have been practiced, though in the greatest Streights that ever that State hath been in.

Answ. It hath been their Wisdom, and consequently their Honour to keep up a Rule and Measure of Trade amongst themselves, and with all Nations.

Qu. 16.But is there no Case wherein Money may be justly and honourably raised?

Answ. Yes, in order to Regulation and Equalizing of Species of Coins; As when two Species of one Weight and Fineness are taken at different Rates, then the one may be raised or the other depressed: But this must be rated by the Estimation of the whole World as near as it can be known, and not by any private Nation; and the like may be done between Gold and Silver.

Qu. 17.What do you think of the rising or falling of the Price of Lands, from this following Instance, viz. A piece of Land was sold 60 Years ago for 1000l. that is for a 1000 Jacobusses; and the same Land is now sold for 1000l. or 1000 Guineas, and the Guinea is but ? the weight of the Jacobus. Is the Land cheaper now than 60 Years ago?

Answ. It looks like a Demonstration that it is: Yet if Gold be not Money, but a Commodity next like to Money, and that Silver be only Money; then we must see whether 1000 Jacobusses would then purchase no more Silver than 1000 Guineas will do now: For if so, the Land was heretofore and now sold for the same Quantity of Money, though not of Gold; and is neither risen nor fallen by what hath been instanced.

Qu. 18.What is the difference between retrenching or raising of Money, and imbasing the Metal of the same, as by mixing Copper with Silver?

Answ. The first is the better of the two, if such Mixture be of no use in other things: For if 20s. which contains 4 Ounces of Silver, should be reduced to 3 Ounces of Silver, it is better than to add one Ounce of Copper to the same, in order to make 4 seeming Ounces as before: For if you come to want the said 3 Ounces of Silver mixt with Copper, you must lose the Copper, upon the Test, and the Charge of Refining also, which will amount to above 4 per Cent.

Qu. 19.What do you object against small Silver Money; as against Single Pence, Two Pences, &c.?

Answ. That the Coinage of small Pieces would be very chargeable, and the Pieces themselves apt to be lost, and more liable to wearing; for little of our old small Money is now to be seen, and our Groats are worn away to Three half-pence (worth) in Metal.

Qu. 20.What do you say of Money made wholly of base Metal, such as Farthings, &c.?

Answ. That the want of Materials ought to be made up by the fineness of Coinage, to very near the intrinsick Value; or what is gained by the Want of either, to be part of the King’s Revenue.

Qu. 21.Which is best, Copper or Tin, for this purpose?

Answ. Copper: Because it is capable of the most imitable and durable Coinage: though the Copper be Forreign, and Tin a Native Commodity. For suppose Copper and Tin of the same Value in England; yet if 100 Weight of Tin sent to Turkey will fetch home as much Silk as will fetch above 100 of Copper from Sweden, in such case the Difference between Native and Forreign is nothing.

Qu. 22.This Doctrine may extend to a free exportation of Money and Bullion, which is against our Laws: Are our Laws not good?

Answ. Perhaps they are against the Laws of Nature, and also impracticable: For we see that the Countries which abound with Money and all other Commodities, have followed no such Laws: And contrarywise, that the Countries which have forbid these Exportations under the highest Penalties, are very destitute both of Money and Merchandize.

Qu. 23.Is not a Country the poorer for having less Money?

Answ. Not always: For as the most thriving Men keep little or no Money by them, but turn and wind it into various Commodities to their great Profit, so may the whole Nation also; which is but many particular Men united.

Qu. 24.May a Nation, suppose England, have too much Money?

Answ. Yes: As a particular Merchant may have too much Money, I mean coined Money, by him.

Qu. 25.Is there any way to know how much Money is sufficient for any Nation?

Answ. I think it may pretty well be guessed at; viz. I think that so much Money as will pay half a Years Rent for all the Lands of England, and a Quarters Rent of the Houseing, and a Weeks Expence of all the People, and about a Quarter of the Value of all the exported Commodities, is sufficient for that purpose. Now when the States will cause these things to be computed, and the Quantity of their Coins to be known, which the new Coining of their old Money will best do, then it may also be known whether we have too much or too little Money.

Qu. 26.What Remedy is there if we have too little Money?

Answ. We must erect a Bank, which well computed, doth almost double the Effect of our coined Money: And we have in England Materials for a Bank which shall furnish Stock enough to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World.

Qu. 27.What if we have too much Coin?

Answ. We may melt down the heaviest, and turn it into the Splendor of Plate, in Vessels or Utensils of Gold and Silver; or send it out, as a Commodity, where the same is wanting or desired: or let it out at Interest, where Interest is high.

Qu. 28.What is Interest or Use-Money?

Answ. A Reward for forbearing the use of your own Money for a Term of Time agreed upon, whatsoever need your self may have of it in the mean while.

Qu. 29.What is Exchange?

Answ. Local Interest, or a Reward given for having your Money at such a Place where you most need the use of it.

Qu. 30.What is the Trade of a Banker?

Answ. Buying and selling of Interest and Exchange: Who is honest only upon the Penalty of losing a beneficial Trade, founded upon a good Opinion of the World, which is called Credit.

Qu. 31.You were speaking of base Money and Farthings, which are generally below the intrinsick Value, and therefore ought not to be permitted to increase ad infinitum. Is there any way to know how many were enough?

Answ. I think there is: viz. Allowing about 12d. in Farthings to every Family: So as if there be a Million of Families in England (as I think there be) then about 50,000l. in Farthings would suffice for Change; and if such Farthings were but ?th below the intrinsick Value, the Nation would pay but 10,000l. for this Convenience: But if this way of Families be not Limitation enough, you may help it by considering the smallest Piece of Silver Money current in the Nation; which how much lesser it is, by so much lesser may the Number of Farthings be: The use of Farthings being but to make up Payments in Silver, and to adjust Accompts: To which end of adjusting Accompts let me add, that if your old defective Farthings were cryed down to 5 a Penny, you might keep all Accompts in a way of Decimal Arithmetick, which hath been long desired for the ease and certainty of Accompts.

Qu. 32.What do you think of our Laws for limiting Interest?

Answ. The same as of limiting the Exportation of Money, and there may be as well Laws for limiting Exchange also: For Interest always carrieth with it an Ensurance præmium, which is very causal, besides that of Forbearance: For Instance, in Ireland there was a time when Land (the highest security) was sold for 2 Years Purchase: It was then naturally just to take 20, 30, or 40 per Cent. Interest; whereas there the Law allows but 10. And since that time, Land being risen to 12 Years Purchase, responsible Men will not give above 8. And insolvent Men will offer Cent. per Cent. notwithstanding the Law. Again, suppose a Man hath 100l. of Land worth 20 Years Purchase, and another 100l. in Houses, worth 12 Years Purchase, and an other 100l. in Shipping worth 2 Years Purchase; and another in Horses, worth 6 Months Purchase; Is it not manifest he must have a greater Yearly præmium for lending his House than his Land, his Ship than his House, and his Horse than his Ship? For if his Horse be worth 100l. he cannot hire him out for less than 10s. per diem, whereas the Land will not yield a Groat for the same time; and these Hires are the same with Interest.

FINIS.

a

REPORT

Containing an

ESSAY

for the

AMENDMENT

of the

Silber Coins.

LONDON,

Printed by Charles Bill, and the Executrix of Thomas Newcomb, deceas’d; Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. 1695.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesties Treasury.

May it please your Lordships,

IN Obedience to your Lordships Command, I have endeavoured to inform myself of divers Matters which concern the Gold and Silver Moneys, and of the most Practicable Methods for New Coining the latter, and Supplying, in the mean time, sufficient Coins to pay the Kings Taxes and Revenues, and to carry on the Publick Commerce; and I do humbly represent to your Lordships,

That I have made diligent Search into several Records, Books, and Writings, to see what Acts or Things have been formerly done or practised, which might serve for Precedents, or give any Light for the Re-establishment of the Coins that should now go, and have Course as the Lawful Money of the Kingdom.

It is true (as I find in a Book of great Authority, remaining in the Exchequer, called The Black Book, written by Gervase of Tilbury, in the time of Henry the Second) that there were anciently Falsifiers and Clippers of Money; for when King William the First, for the better pay of his Warriours, caused the Firmes, which till his time, had for the most part been answered in Victuals, to be converted in Pecuniam Numeratam, he directed the whole from every County to be Charged on the Sheriff, to be by him brought into the Exchequer; adding, That the Sheriff should make the Payment, ad Scalam hoc est (as the aforesaid Author expounds it) solveret preter quamlibet numeratam libram sex denarios; and the Money afterwards declining, and becoming worse, it was Ordained, That the Firmes of Manors should not only be paid ad Scalam, but also ad Pensam, which latter was the paying as much Money for a Pound Sterling, as weighed Twelve Ounces Troy; so that Payment of a Pound de Numero imported Twenty Shillings, ad Scalam imported Twenty Shillings Six Pence, and ad Pensam imported so much as weighed Twelve Ounces. And in the time of King Henry the Second, when the Bishop of Salisbury was Treasurer, who considered, that though the Money did Answer Numero et Pondere, it might nevertheless be mixt with Copper or Brass; therefore (Consilio Regis et ut Regiæ simul et Publicæ Provideretur Utilitati) a Constitution was made, called the Trial by Combustion. The whole Progress whereof, as it was practised in the Exchequer in those Days, is exactly set down in the said Book, and differs little or nothing from the present method of Assaying Silver for its Fineness; as plainly appears in that place where the said Gervase treats of the Office of the Miles Argentarius, and that of the Fusor, an Extract whereof is hereunto Annexed.

It appears also that the Crown Rents were many times reserved in Libris Albis or Blanch Firmes; in which case the Payer was holden Dealbare Firmam, that is, His Base Money or Coin worse than Standard was Molten down in the Exchequer, and Reduced to the Fineness of Standard Silver, or (instead thereof) he Paid to the King Twelve Pence to the Pound by way of Addition.

But the most Remarkable Deceipts and Corruptions found in Ancient Records to have been committed upon the Coins of the Kingdom, by Offenders, were in the time of King Edward the First, when there was Imported a sort of Light Money made with a Mitre; another sort of Light Money with Lyons upon it; a Third sort of Copper Blancht, to Resemble the Money of England; a Fourth sort of Light Money Resembling that of King Edward; a Fifth kind that was Plated: And the Crime of Rounding Money (which I take to be the same with Clipping) was then in Fashion, all which was done out of England. And the Merchants to avoid the Search at Dover and Sandwich, concealed the Parcels in Bails of Cloth, and brought them in by other Ports. Les queux choses si elles suissent longent so efforts (says the Book) elles mettere yent la Monye D’englitere a nient: And the Chief Remedies then Applied were,

First, To Cry down all Money that was not of England, Ireland or Scotland:

Secondly, That such as arrived from beyond Seas, should shew the Money they brought with them to the King’s Officers:

Thirdly. And not hide it in Fardels, upon Pain of Forfeiture:

Fourthly, That the Light Money and the Clipt Money might be Bored through without contradiction:

Fifthly, And that the same should be Received and Paid by Weight at a certain Rate; and that the Persons having such Clipt or Light Money, should bring the same to the King’s Changers, who were settled in several great Towns in the Kingdom, to be new Coined. And by what I have read in Libro Rubeo (which is in the upper Exchequer) concerning the Changers (who, as well as the Masters of the Mint, had several Offices Erected in divers Parts of the Kingdom; Namely, at London, Canterbury, Bristol, Kingston upon Hull, Newcastle and Exeter) a Principal Business of these Changers was to Buy in the Silver of the Bad Money; que les Pollards et Crockards et les autres Mauvaises Moneis Contrefaits Soront, abatues: And there was a Writ then directed to the Sheriffs, to Prohibit the Importation of Clipt or Counterfeit Moneys, and the Use thereof in Merchandizing or Negotiating, under severe Penalties, and Commanding those that had such Money to Bore it through, and to bring it to the King’s Change to be new Coined.

And I find by an Indenture in the Third Year of Queen Elizabeth (at which time there was Base Moneys that had been Coined by Publick Authority) That it was Ordained that Fleetwood, Under Treasurer for the Upper Houses of the Mint in the Tower, should take in by Number and Tale, the Base Moneys therein mentioned, at such Rates or Values as were Appointed by a Proclamation in that behalf; giving Bills to the Parties under his Hand for the Receipt thereof. And the Officers of the Mint were to Melt down and Repay the same in Sterling Moneys, to the Parties or their Deputies, shewing and delivering their Bills, having regard to the time when every Man brought in his Money. And the Base Money Received, and the Sterling Money Repaid where to be Entred in Two Legers; one to be kept by the said Under-Treasurer, and the other by the Tellers. And the Comptroller and Assay-Master were to keep several Books of Refining and Melting the Base Money, to the intent they might be Vouchers to the said Under-Treasurer, who was to Account to the Queen for the whole.

These or such like Provisions might serve well enough in those Times, when there was not much Money, and but little Trade or Occasion for it, and when the Species then in being, which one would think consisted Anciently of Pence or Pieces of small Denomination, were not Corrupted or Diminished to that degree as they are at this day.

But considering the present low Condition to which our Moneys are almost generally Reduced, and the necessary Use thereof in daily Occasions, and particularly in the ways of Trade, upon which this Nation depends more at this time than it did formerly; I do not see how the Prudence of our Ancestors (which in many Constitutions relating to the Exchequer and the Mint, appears to have been Transcendent and Admirable, especially in Matters of Charge and Discharge, and preventing Frauds and Abuses upon the Crown) can, without the devising new or additional Means and Methods, be made Applicable to a present Work of new Coining the Silver Moneys, and Supplying Current Coins for the Commerce, and for the Payment of Taxes and Revenues in the mean time.

If therefore the King (to whose Regality the Power of Coining Money, and Determining the Weight, Fineness, Denomination and Extrinsick Value thereof doth Solely and Inherently Appertain) shall Judge it necessary to have the old or present Species of Silver Coins, or so much thereof as hath been Clipt or otherwise Diminished, to be Melted down and Recoined, I humbly conceive new Means and Methods for doing the same must be Devised. And in Regard Money (which some Lawyers have called Firmamentum Belli et Ornamentum Pacis) is most certainly of the greatest Importance to His Majesty, in supplying the Taxes, Revenues and Loans, for Carrying on the War, and Supporting His Royal Estate; as also to His Subjects, with relation not only to their Trade and Commerce, but also to all other ordinary Means of Livelihood: The said Means and Methods for Re-establishing the Coins, and the many weighty things depending thereupon, ought to be well Excogitated, and to be Considered and Adjusted by Persons of the greatest Judgment and Sagacity; and (if I had not been Enjoyned by your Lordships) I should scarce have Adventured upon a Subject so very Difficult and Curious.

I have Imployed my thoughts chiefly upon such Matters as are Reduceable to the following Heads, viz.

First, Concerning the Standard of the Gold and Silver Coins, and the Establishment of a Just and Reasonable Foot for the Course of the same.

Second, Concerning the Present State and Condition of the Gold and Silver Coins.

Third, Whether it be or be not Absolutely necessary at this Time to Re-establish the same.

Fourth, The Proposing of Means that must be Obtained, and the Proper Methods to be used in and for the Amendment of the Silver Monies.

Fifth, To Consider what must Supply the Commerce, Pay Taxes, &c., Whilst the Clipt Money is under its New Fabrication.

As to the Particulars.

First, Of the Standard.

This properly brings under Consideration Two matters relating to the Coins; namely, the Degree of Fineness, and the Weight of the Pieces. In treating upon which I shall humbly take leave to observe this Method.

First, To explain what is meant by Sterling Moneys.

Secondly, To set down Historically the Proportions of Fine Gold, and Fine Silver, with the respective Allays, which the Masters or Workers of the Mints have been holden to Observe in the Fabrication of the Moneys of this Realm, by their respective Indentures which I have found out, Beginning with those in the time of King Edward the Third, (the farthest Extant) and Ending with the Indenture of the Mint now in being.

Thirdly, To propose the Standard of Fineness, which (in my humble Opinion) ought to be continued for the new Coins, which His Majesty may be pleased to direct at this time, with my Reasons for the same, to be deduced from the Experience of former times, and an Impartial regard to present Circumstances.

Fourthly, To set forth how the Value of the Gold and Silver in our English Coins hath been Raised from time to time, which considers the Weight and Number of Pieces in a Pound Troy.

Fifthly, To offer my humble Opinion upon that Subject, in reference as well to the Old Coins now in being and Unclipt, as also to the New Moneys, which may be directed to be made, as aforesaid, together with my Reasons for the same, to be also Grounded upon the Experience of former Times, and a due Consideration of present Circumstances: All or most of which Points being of great Moment, to be well weighed in this Affair, I do humbly pray your Lordships that I may Discuss them severally.

First, It is believed by some Authors, (and not without Reason) that in the most Ancient times, when Money was first Coined within this Island, it was made of * Pure Gold and Silver, like the Moneys now Currant in some other Nations, particularly in Hungary and Barbary, where they have Pieces of Gold called Ducats and Sultanesses; and in the Kingdom of Industan, where they have Pieces of Silver called Rupees, which I have seen, and wherein (as I am inform’d) there is little or no Allay: And that afterwards it being found convenient in the Fabrication of the Moneys, to have a certain Quantity or Proportion of Baser Metal to be mixt with the Pure Gold and Silver, the Word Sterling was introduced, and hath ever since been used, to denote the certain Proportion or Degree of Fineness, which ought to be retained in the respective Coins composed of such mixture, as aforesaid. There are some Authors that fancy this Word Sterling took its Name from a Castle in Scotland, as if it were first Coined there. Some have derived it from a Star or Astracism, which they imagine to have been Impressed thereupon. There are those that fetch it from the Name of an Ancient Indenture or Bond which was taken by the Jews (those old Userers) for Security of their debts, and which was called the Jews Star. But others think it comes from the Name of a People called Easterlings, as the first Workers of it in England. Of which latter Opinion is the Author of a very old Treatise concerning Money, Entred at large in the Red Book abovesaid, in the time of King Edward the Third. For my own Part, I do not believe the Word Sterling (denoting the degree of Fineness or Goodness, as aforesaid) was known in the time of the Conqueror, in regard there is no mention thereof in Libro Judiciario or the Dooms-day Book, which Valueth every Manor (as it was worth in the times of the Confessor and Conqueror respectively) in Money ad Numerum, or ad Pensam or ad Pondus, but not in Sterling Money; and yet the Denomination of Sterling was soon after introduced, because the Statute of the Twenty-fifth of Edward the Third refers to Ancient Sterling, and so do the Old Indentures of the Mint, and the Ancient Entries concerning Money. By reading of which it seems evident to me,

First, That a Sterling or Easterling, in a restrained Sence, signified nothing but a Silver Peny, which at first was about three times as heavy as a Peny is now, and was once called a Lundress, because it was to be Coined only at London, and not at the Countrey Mints.

Secondly, That the Words Sterling and Standard are Synonimous Terms.

Thirdly, That the Ancient Sterling of England, mentioned in the said Statute, and the Standard and Allay of Old Easterling, mentioned in the Indenture, Le 20 jour de May l’an du Regne Edward III. cestassavoir d’ Engletere quarant sisme et de France trent tierce entre le Roy et Bardet de Malepilys de Florence; and the Old right Standard of England, which I find in other Indentures of the Mint, are to be understood thus: A Pound Weight Troy of Gold was divided into Twenty four Carats, and every Carat into Four Grains of Gold; and a Pound Weight of the Old Sterling, or Right Standard Gold of England, consisted of Twenty three Carats and Three Grains and an half of Fine Gold, and half a Grain of Allay. Which Allay (as the Red Book says) might be Silver or Copper. Again, a Pound Weight Troy of Silver, was then (as it has been ever since) divided into Twelve Ounces, every Ounce into Twenty Peny Weight, and every Peny Weight into Twenty four Grains; every Grain of Silver was called a Subtile Grain, Sixty of which were equal to One Grain of Gold, and a Pound Weight of Old Sterling, or Right Standard Silver of England, consisted then, (as it does now) of Eleven Ounces and Two Peny Weight of Fine Silver, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay.

Fourthly, That Sterling Money generally in Judgment of Law, upon the Fines, Covenants, and other Instruments that have had occasion to refer thereunto, hath always imported, and doth still import only such Coins of Gold or Silver, as have been made by successive Masters and Workers of the Mint, in certain Proportions of Fine Metal, mixt with Allays, according to their respective Indentures or Covenants with the Crown, from time to time, and made Currant by the same Indentures, or by Proclamations or Commands of the Sovereign: Which Proportions of Fineness and Allay, have differed from time to time. And (having thus Expounded what is meant by Sterling and Old Sterling) those Differences will come properly to be Considered.

Second, In the next Place therefore, I am to set down Historically the Proportions of Fine Gold and Fine Silver, with the respective Allays, which the Masters or Workers of the Mint have been holden to observe in the Fabrication of the Moneys, by their respective Indentures: Of which there is one mentioned in the Red Book, to bear Date in the Eighteenth Year of King Edward the First, who sent for Workmen from beyond Sea, to inform him of the manner of Making and Forging of Money; but not finding any Indenture by which one can judge certainly of the said Proportions, till the Reign of Edward the Third; from whose time the several Indentures of the Mint, or most of them, are in the Receipt of the Exchequer, in Custody of your Lordships and the Chamberlains there, and where I have had the Opportunity carefully to Inspect and Examine the same. I shall therefore humbly take leave to begin with these, and Proceed in the Order following.

The Standard for the Gold Coins was the Old Standard, or Sterling of Twenty three Carats, Three Grains and Half Fine, and Half a Grain Allay. And the Standard for the Silver Coins was the Old Sterling of Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay.

1 H. 8.Ralph Rowlett and Martin Bowes, Masters and Workers, Covenanted to make Two sorts of Gold Coins; to wit, Sovereigns, Rialls, Angels, George-Nobles, and Half-Angels of the said Old Standard, and Crowns of the Double Rose, and Half-Crowns to be Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; and Silver Moneys, to wit, Groats, Half-Groats, Sterlings, Half-pence and Farthings of the Old Sterling.

23.Another Indenture to the same Effect.

34.The said Ralph Rowlett and Martin Bowes, Masters and Workers, Covenanted to make the Sovereigns, Half-Sovereigns, Angels, Angellets, and Quarter-Angels of Twenty three Carats Fine Gold, and One Carat Allay; And Silver Money, to wit, Testoons to go for Twelve Pence; and Groats, Half-Groats, Pence, Half-Pence, and Farthings, to be Ten Ounces Fine, and Two Ounces Allay.

36.The King was to have out of every Twelve Ounces of Fine Gold Coined Two Carats, which yielded Fifty Shillings: And the Silver to be Coined after the Rate of Six Ounces Fine and Six Ounces Allay; which was a wretched Debasement.

37 H. 8.The Gold Coins, called Sovereigns, Half-Sovereigns, Crowns and Half-Crowns, were to be only Twenty Carats Fine, and Four Carats Allay; and the Silver Coins, to wit, Testoons, Groats, Half-Groats, Pence, Half-Pence and Farthings to be Four Ounces Fine, and Eight Ounces Allay, which was worse.

1 E. 6.The same with the last Preceding.

3.A Commission to make Sovereigns, Half-Sovereigns, Crowns and Half-Crowns of Gold at Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay: And Shillings of Silver of Six Ounces Fine and Six Ounces Allay.

4.Another to make Sovereigns, Half-Sovereigns, Crowns and Half-Crowns of Gold of the Old Standard; Namely, Twenty three Carats Three Grains and an Half Fine, and Half a Grain Allay.

5.Another to make Shillings of Silver, Three Ounces Fine, and Nine Ounces Allay.

6.To Coin Sovereigns, Angels and Half-Angels of the Old Standard, to wit, Twenty three Carats Three Grains and Half Fine, and another sort of Gold to be Twenty two Carats Fine and Two Carats Allay.

6 E. 6.To Coin Silver Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, Six Pences, Three Pences, Pence, Half-Pence and Farthings, Eleven Ounces One Penny Weight Fine, and Nineteen Penny Weight Allay.

1 Mar.To Coin Gold Twenty three Carats, Three Grains and an Half Fine: and Silver Eleven Ounces Fine.

Phil & Mar.The Old Standard for Gold and Silver.

2 Eliz.To Coin one sort of Gold of the Old Standard, and another sort to be only Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; and Silver Moneys of the Old Standard.

3 Eliz.Two Mints were in the Tower, whereof One to convert the Base Money into Sterling, which continued about a Year.Vide Cotton Speech to Cha. I. Ann 1626.And here it may not be improper to Note, that not long after, the Queen in a Publick Edict, told her People, That she had Conquered the Monster which had so long devoured them; meaning the Debasing of the Standard.

The Old Standard perfectly restored both for Gold and Silver Coins.19 Eliz.

The same continued.25.

The same for Gold.26.

A Commission to make Sovereigns, Half-Sovereigns,35. Crowns and Half-Crowns of Gold to be Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay.

To make Angel-Gold Twenty three Carats Three Grains and half Fine,43. the Old Standard; and to make Sovereigns, &c. Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; and to make Crowns, Shillings, &c. of Silver Eleven Ounces and Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay, the Old Standard.

To Coin the Unites, Double Crowns, British Crowns,2 Jac. I. &c. of Gold to be Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, and the Old Standard for Silver continued.

To Coin Rose-Rialls,3 Jac. I. Spur Rialls, and Angels of the Old Standard of Twenty three Carats Three Grains and an half Fine.

To Coin Rialls of the same Standard, and Unites,10. &c. Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay.

To Coin Rialls and Angels of the Old Standard of Twenty three Carats Three Grains and an half Fine,2 Car. I. and half a Grain Allay: and to Coin Unites and Crowns Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; and to Coin the Silver Moneys of the Old Standard of Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay.

To Coin Rialls and Angels of the Old Standard of12 Ca. 2. Twenty three Carats, Three Grains and an half Fine, and half a Grain Allay; and to Coin Unites and Crowns Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; and Silver Moneys of the Old Standard of Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay.

Ca. 2.To Coin the Pieces (since called Guineas) running for Twenty Shillings, Half-Guineas, &c. Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; and Silver Moneys of the Old Standard.

ac. 2.To Coin Ten Shilling Pieces, Twenty Shilling Pieces, Fourty Shilling Pieces, and Five Pound Pieces, of Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; and Silver Moneys of the Old Standard of Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay.

V. & M.The same Standard for Gold and Silver.

Upon duly considering this History or Relation for so many years past, it may not be improper to Observe to your Lordships thereupon,

First, That above Four hundred Years ago, the Standard for the Silver Coins was Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay. And so it is at this day by the present Indenture of the Mint, and the same is that which was called the Old Sterling, or Easterling.

Secondly, That the Standard for the Gold Coins Four hundred Years ago, was Twenty three Carats Three Grains and an half Fine, and half a Grain Allay. And at this day the Standard of Gold by the Indenture of the Mint is Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay; the difference of which is only One Carat Three Grains and an half.

Thirdly, That the Old Standard obtained for the most part of the said Number of Years, and the chief Deviations from the same were in the Reigns of Henry the Eighth, and Edward the Sixth.

The which being premised, the Third thing coming under Consideration concerning such new Coins as His Majesty shall think fit to Direct, is my own poor Opinion, which I humbly offer, and (as I conceive) with some clearness, That the present Standard of Fineness or Purity ought to be continued, namely, of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay for the Gold; and Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay for the Silver, in all the New Coins that shall be now directed. And my Reasons for the same are as follows,

First, Because our Ancestors (whose wisdom we have no cause to distrust) have for many Ages endeavoured to keep up the Old Sterling, or to a Standard very near it; which obtained (as evidently appears by the foregoing Narrative) for the greatest part of Four hundred years.

Secondly, Although the former Debasements of the Coins by Publick Authority, especially those in the Reigns of King Henry the Eighth, and King Edward the Sixth, might be projected for the Profit of the Crown; and the Projectors might measure that Profit by the excessive Quantities of Allay that were mixt with the Silver or the Gold: And although this was Enterprized by a Prince who could stretch his Prerogative very far upon his People; and was done in Times when this Nation had very little Commerce, Inland or Foreign, to be injured or prejudiced thereby: Yet Experience presently shewed that the Projectors were mistaken, and that it was absolutely necessary to have the base Moneys reformed; the doing whereof was begun by King Edward the Sixth himself, carried on by King Philip and Queen Mary, and happily finished (though not without great Charge, Vexation and Trouble, the only Offspring of such Designs) by Queen Elizabeth, who (as is noted above) in the Third Year of her Reign, when Money was not plentiful, Erected a Distinct Mint in the Tower, to convert the Base (not Counterfeit Money) into Sterling.

Thirdly, Because making of Base Moneys will Disgrace this Government in future Generations, the Criticks in every Age being apt to Estimate the Goodness or Badness of Ancient Governments by their Coin, as hath been done, especially in the Case of the Romans; and a Temptation of this kind ought not to be left for future Ages, to the prejudice of the Honour of the present King.

Fourthly, Although it must be acknowledged, That the putting a greater Allay into the Coins, so long as they should still retain so much Purity or Fineness as would render them answerable to the Currant Price of Silver in Bullion, would be no real Injury to the Subject: Yet it must be considered, that when the Causes which at present make Silver Scarce and Dear shall cease, Silver it self will fall in its Price. And if in the mean time the Coins shall have been Debased, then after the Retrieving of the Trade and Wealth of the Nation, and the Bringing down of the Price of Silver thereby, the Damage which the Crown will sustain in its Taxes, Revenues, and Loans, and the Loss which the Nobility, Gentry and Commonalty (especially Ecclesiastical Persons) will find thereby, in the payment of their Debts, Rents and Annuities (many of which are so Fixt and Establisht upon previous Reservations or Grants in Fee, or in Tail, or for Lives, or Years certain, or are so payable by Assurances, already perfected, as that it will not be in their powers to alter the same proportionably to the Debasement of the Coin, and the loss or damage, after such Bringing down the Price of Silver, will be proportionable to the excessive Allay to be put into the Money) will continue and have duration at least till all such Base Money can be abated: The meer Reforming of which would take up a considerable time, and be a new trouble and difficulty after the Ending of the present War, and after the Re-establishment of the Trade and Wealth of the Kingdom.

Fifthly, Our present Standard is well known in the World, the same agreeing with most of the Foreign Mints in Europe, and all Foreigners that deal with us, regard the Intrinsick Value more than the Extrinsick Denomination, and Exchange with us accordingly. If Base Mouey should be made, the Intrinsick Value thereof would be uncertain, or might be disputed; and in Disputes of such a Nature, it is more likely that they will gain upon us, than we upon them, and so the Exchange become more to our prejudice than it is at present.

Sixthly, The Debasing of Money by Publick Authority is needless and frivolous; for whatsoever Advantages (grounded upon necessity) can be propos’d thereby, will arise more easily, and have better Precedents in Raising the Value of the Standard; which is the next Subject to be Discussed: Not doubting but that your Lordships by these, and other Reasons which might be given (if they were not too tedious) will be fully convinc’d, That the present Standard of Fineness is to be continued.

The Fourth thing which I have undertaken, in respect of the Standard, is to set forth how the Value of the Gold and Silver in the English Coins hath been Rais’d from time to time, which considers the Weight and Number of the Pieces in the Pound Troy. And because (in case of new making Silver Moneys) the Adjusting and Establishing the Extrinsick Value or Denomination thereof, at which the same must have Course, is of the greatest Moment and Consideration in this Affair, both to the King and all his People; I could not spare my self the trouble of making the following Deduction from the Indentures of the Mint; which being duly meditated upon, will give a good deal of Light and Precedent for the Rates, to which the Value of Gold and Silver in our Coins are to be Raised and Established at this time.

28 E. I.An Indented Tryal-piece of the goodness of Old Sterling was lodged in the Exchequer, and every Pound Weight Troy, of such Silver was to be shorn at Twenty Shillings Three Pence, according to which, the Value of the Silver in the Coin, was One Shilling Eight Pence Farthing an Ounce.

Memorandum, I find no farther Indentures concerning this Matter from Edward the First, till Edward the Third.

18 E. 3Every Pound Weight of Gold of the Old Standard abovementioned, namely, Twenty three Carats, Three Grains and a Half Fine, and Half a Grain Allay, was to be Coin’d into Fifty Florences, to be Currant at Six Shillings apiece; all which made in Tale Fifteen Pounds, or into a proportionable Number of Half-Florences, or Quarter-Florences: This was by Indenture between the King and Walter de Dunflower, Master and Worker.

Eod. an.A Pound Weight of Gold of the Old Standard abovementioned, was to contain Thirty nine Nobles and an Half, at Six Shillings Eight Pence apiece, amounting in the whole to Thirteen Pounds Three Shillings and Four Pence in Tale, or a proportionable Number of Half-Nobles and Quarter-Nobles: Which was by an Indenture between the King and Percivall de Perche.

Memorandum, By this Indenture the Tryal of the Pix was Established.

20 E. 3.A Pound Weight of Gold of the said Old Standard, was to make by Tale Fourty Two Nobles at Six Shillings Eight Pence apiece, amounting to Fourteen Pounds, or a proportionable Number of Half-Nobles, and Quarter-Nobles: And a Pound Weight of the Old Sterling Silver was to make Twenty-two Shillings Six Pence: And Percival de Perche was Master.

23.The like when John Donative, of the Castle of Florence, and Philip John Denier were Masters and Workers.

Memorandum, By this Indenture were also Coined Half-pence and Farthings of Silver.

27.A Pound Weight of Gold of the Old Standard was to make by Tale Fourty five Nobles, amounting to Fifteen Pounds, or a proportionable Number of Half or Quarter Nobles: And a Pound Weight of Silver of the Old Sterling to make by Tale Seventy five Grosses (i. e. Groats) amounting to Twenty five Shillings, or One hundred and fifty Half-Grosses, going for Two Pence apiece, or Three hundred Sterlings going for Pence apiece: And Henry Brissell was Master and Worker.

30 E. 3.The like, only adding Half Sterlings, of which Six hundred in a Pound Troy.

37.The like.

46.The like: And Bardet de Malepilys was Master and Worker.

18 R. 2.The like: And Nicholas Malakin, a Florentine, was Master and Worker.

3 H. 4.The like: And here Half-pence are called Mailes.

9 H. 5.A Pound Weight of Gold of the said Old Standard was to make by Tale Fifty Nobles, or One hundred Half Nobles, or Two hundred Quarter Nobles, amounting to Sixteen Pounds, Thirteen Shillings, and Four Pence in Tale. And a Pound Weight of Silver of the said Old Standard, was to make by Tale Ninety Grosses or Groats, or One hundred and eighty Half-Groz, or Three hundred and Sixty Sterlings, or Seven hundred and twenty Mailes, or One thousand four hundred and fourty Farthings, amounting to Thirty Shillings: And Bartholomew Goldbeater was Master and Worker.

1 H. 6.A Pound Weight of Gold of the said Old Standard was Coin’d into Fourty five Rialls, going for Ten Shillings apiece, or a proportionable Number of Half-Rialls, going for Five Shillings apiece, or Riall-Farthings, going for Two Shillings and Sixpence apiece, or into Sixty Seven Angels and an Half, going for Six Shillings and Eight Pence apiece, or a proportionable Number of Angelets going for Three Shillings and Four Pence apiece: And consequently the Pound Troy of Gold was Coined into Twenty two Pounds Ten Shillings by Tale, and a Pound Weight of Silver of the Old Sterling was Coined into One hundred and twelve Groats and an half, making in Tale Thirty seven Shillings and Six Pence, or a proportionable Number of Half-Groz, Sterlings or Pence, Half-pence or Farthings: And here Sir Giles Dawbeny was Master and Worker.

4 H. 6.Is the same with that of the Ninth of Henry the Fifth, lowering the Gold to Sixteen Pounds Thirteen Shillings and Four Pence, and the Silver Moneys to Thirty Shillings: and Robert Mansfeild was Master and Worker.

Note, Here the Value of the Silver as well as the Gold in the Coins was brought down again.

49.The same.

24.A Pound Weight of Gold of the said Old Standard was to make by Tale Sixty seven Angels and an Half at Six Shillings Eight Pence apiece, amounting to Twenty two Pounds Ten Shillings, and a Pound Weight of Silver of the said Old Sterling was to make by Tale One hundred and twelve Groats and an Half, amounting to Thirty seven Shillings and Six Pence, or proportionably in the lesser Coins: And Sir Richard Constable was Master and Worker.

A Pound Weight of Gold of the said Old Standard was to make by Tale Twenty Pounds Sixteen Shillings and Eight Pence,4 E. 4. and a Pound Weight of Silver, Old Sterling, was to make Thirty seven Shillings and Six Pence, as in the last Article: And William Lord Hastings was Master and Worker.

A Pound Weight of Gold of the Old Standard was to make Fourty five Nobles going for Ten Shillings apiece,5. or Ninety Half Nobles, or One hundred and Eighty Quarter Nobles, or Sixty seven and an Half of the Pieces impress’d with Angels going for Six Shillings Eight Pence each, and consequently was Coined into Twenty two Pounds Ten Shillings by Tale, and the Silver Moneys were shorn at Thirty seven Shillings and Six Pence the Pound Weight Troy. This Indenture was between the King and the Lord Hastings His Chamberlain, and Master and Worker and Warden of all his Exchanges and Outchanges in England and Calis.

The like.8 E. 4.

The like.11.

The like.16.

The like:22. But Bartholomew Read was Master and Worker.

The like:1 R. 3. And Robert Brackenbury was Master and Worker.

The like:H. 7. And Robert Fenrother and William Read were Masters and Workers.

* 1 H. 8. A Pound Weight of such Gold to be Coined into Twenty seven Pounds by Tale; to wit, into Twenty four Sovereigns, at Twenty two Shillings and Six Pence apiece, or Fourty eight Rialls at Eleven Shillings and Three Pence apiece, or Seventy two Angels at Seven Shillings and Six Pence apiece, or Eighty one George-Nobles at Six Shillings and Eight Pence apiece, or One hundred fourty and four Half Angels at Three Shillings and Nine Pence apiece, or One hundred sixty and two Fourty-peny Pieces, at Three Shillings and Four Pence apiece; and a Pound Weight of Gold of the Fineness of Twenty two Carats only, was to be Coined into One hundred Crowns and an Half of the Double Rose, or Two hundred and one Half-Crowns, making by Tale Twenty five Pounds two Shillings and Six Pence; and a Pound Weight of Silver of the Old Sterling, was Coined into One hundred and thirty five Groats, or Two hundred and seventy Half-Groats, or Five hundred and fourty Sterlings (i.e. Pence) or One thousand and eighty Half-pence, or Two thousand one hundred and sixty Farthings; and so every Pound Weight of Sterling Silver was Coined into Fourty five Shillings by Tale: And Ralph Rowlett and Martin Bowes were Masters and Workers.

23 H. 8.The like.

34 H. 8.A Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty three Carats Fine, and One Carat Allay, was Coined into Twenty eight Pounds Sixteen Shillings by Tale (by which Indenture there were Coined Sovereigns at Twenty Shillings apiece, Half-Sovereigns at Ten Shillings, Angels at Eight Shillings, Angelets at Four Shillings, and Quarter Angelets at Two Shillings apiece) and a Pound Weight of Silver of Ten Ounces Fine, and Two Ounces Allay, was Coined into Fourty eight Shillings by Tale, Namely, into Testoons (going for Twelve Pence apiece) Groats, Half-Groats, Pence, Half-Pence and Farthings.

A Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine,36 H. 8. and Two Carats Allay, was Coined into Thirty Pounds by Tale; to wit, into Thirty Sovereigns at Twenty Shillings apiece, or Sixty Half-Sovereigns at Ten Shillings apiece; or One hundred and twenty Crowns at Five Shillings apiece, or Two hundred and fourty Half-Crowns: And the King had Two Carats of Fine Gold for Coinage, which yielded him Fifty Shillings. And Silver was Coined by the same Indenture of Six Ounces Fine, and Six Ounces Allay, into Fourty eight Shillings by Tale. This Silver was to be Coined into Testoons, Groats, Half-Groats, Pence, Half-Pence, and Farthings; and the Indenture was between the King and Sir Martin Bowes, and others.

A Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty Carats Fine,37 H. 8. and Four Carats Allay, was Coined into Thirty Pounds by Tale, as in the last; and the King had Four Carats, which yielded him Five Pounds Two Shillings: And a Pound Weight of Silver of Four Ounces Fine, and Eight Ounces Allay was Coined into Fourty eight Shillings by Tale, which raised the Pound Weight of Fine Gold to Thirty six Pounds; and the Pound Weight of Fine Silver to Seven Pounds Four Shillings.

A Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty Carats Fine,1 E. 6. and Four Carats Allay, was Coined into Thirty Pounds by Tale, out of which the King had a great Profit; and a Pound of Silver of Four Ounces Fine, and Eight Ounces Allay, was Coined into Fourty eight Shillings; after which Rate every Pound of Fine Silver made in Currant Money Seven Pounds Four Shillings, and the King’s Profit on every Pound Weight was Four Pounds Four Shillings: John York and others were Masters and Workers of the Mint in Southwark.

Eod. an.Another Indenture to the same Effect with William Tilsworth at Canterbury.

Eod. an.Another Indenture to the same Effect with Sir Martin Bowes for the Tower.

2. E. 6.Another Indenture to the same Effect with George Gale for the Mint at York.

Eod. an.Another Indenture to the same Effect with John York for Southwark, differing only in the Charge of Coinage.

Eod. an.Another Indenture to the same Effect with William Tilsworth, differing only in the Charge of Coinage.

3 E. 6.A Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, was to be coined into Thirty four Pounds by Tale, into Sovereigns at Twenty Shillings apiece, Half-Sovereigns at Ten Shillings apiece, Crowns at Five Shillings, and Half-Crowns at Two Shillings Six Pence apiece: And a Pound Weight of Silver of Six Ounces Fine, and Six Ounces Allay, was to be Coined into Seventy two Shillings; which Shillings were to go for Twelve Pence apiece by Tale, of which the Merchant, for every Pound Weight of Fine Silver, Received Three Pounds Four Shillings, and the King above Four Pounds Gain, by a Commission to Sir Edmund Peckham and others.

4 E. 6.A Pound Weight of Gold of the Old Standard, of Twenty three Carats, and Three Grains and a Half Fine, was Coin’d into Twenty eight Pounds Sixteen Shillings by Tale, to wit, into Sovereigns at Twenty four Shillings a piece, Half-Sovereigns at Twelve Shillings a piece, Angels at Eight Shillings apiece, and Half-Angels at Four Shillings apiece, by a Commission to Sir Edmund Peckham and others.

A Pound Weight of Silver of Three Ounces Fine,5 E. 6. and Nine Ounces Allay, was Coined into Seventy two Shillings at Twelve Pence apiece; And the Merchant Received for every Ounce of Fine Silver which he should bring to the Mint, Ten Shillings of such Money, by which means Twelve Ounces of Fine Silver was exorbitantly Raised to Fourteen Pounds eight Shillings, by a Commission to Sir Edmund Peckham and others.

A Pound Weight of Gold,6 E. 6. of the Old Standard aforesaid, was Coined into Thirty six Pounds by Tale, to wit, Twenty four Sovereigns at Thirty Shillings apiece, Seventy two Angels at Ten Shillings apiece, or One hundred fourty four Half-Angels: And a Pound Weight of Crown Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, was Coined into Thirty three Pounds by Tale, viz. Thirty three Sovereigns at Twenty Shillings apiece, or Sixty six Half-Sovereigns at Ten Shillings apiece, or One hundred thirty two Crowns, or Two hundred sixty four Half-Crowns: And a Pound Weight of Silver, consisting of Eleven Ounces, One Penny Weight Fine, and Nineteen Peny Weight Allay, was Coined into Three Pounds by Tale, viz. Twelve Crowns, or Twenty four Half-Crowns, or Sixty Shillings, or One hundred twenty Six-pences, or Two hundred fourty Three-pences, or Seven hundred twenty Pence, or One thousand four hundred and fourty Half-Pence, or Two thousand eight hundred and eighty Farthings.

A Pound Weight of Gold,1 M. of the Old Standard, was Coined into Thirty six Pounds; and a Pound Weight of Silver Eleven Ounces Fine, was Coined into Three Pounds by Tale: And Thomas Egerton was Master and Worker.

A Pound Weight of Gold,2 Eliz. of the Old Standard, of Twenty three Carats three Grains and an Half Fine, was Coined into Thirty six Pounds by Tale; to wit, into Twenty four Sovereigns at Thirty Shillings apiece, or Forty eight Rialls at Fifteen Shillings apiece, or Seventy two Angels at Ten Shillings apiece, or One hundred fourty and four Half-Angels at Five Shillings apiece: And a Pound Weight of Crown Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, was Coined into Thirty three Pounds by Tale (to wit, Thirty three Sovereigns at Twenty Shillings apiece, or Sixty six Half-Sovereigns at Ten Shillings apiece, or One hundred thirty two Crowns at Five Shillings apiece, or Two hundred sixty four Half-Crowns). And a Pound Weight of the Old Sterling Silver, to wit, Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay, was Coined into Three Pounds by Tale, of Half-Shillings, Groats, Quarter-Shillings, Half-Groats, Three-half-peny Pieces, Pence and Farthings, by Indenture between the Queen, Sir Thomas Standly and others.

19 Eliz.John Lonison, Master and Worker, Covenanted to Coin a Pound of Gold of the Old Standard into Seventy two Angels at Ten Shillings apiece, One hundred fourty four Half-Angels at Five Shillings apiece, or Two hundred eighty eight Quarter-Angels, amounting in Tale to Thirty six Pounds; and a Pound Weight of Old Sterling Silver into Half-Shillings, Three-pences, Three-half-peny Pieces, or Three-farthing Pieces, to make Three Pounds by Tale.

25 Eliz.Richard Martin Covenanted to Coin Gold, as in the last; and a Pound of Silver into Sixty Shillings, or into Three Pounds by Tale, in any of the Denominations mentioned in the last Indenture.

26.A Commission to him to Coin the Pound Troy of Old Standard Gold into Fourty eight Nobles at Fifteen Shillings apiece, or Twenty four Double Nobles at Thirty Shillings apiece, making Thirty six Pounds.

35.The same to Coin the Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay into Thirty three Sovereigns, at Twenty Shillings apiece, or Sixty six Half-Sovereigns, or One hundred thirty two Crowns, or Two hundred sixty four Half-Crowns, making Thirty three Pounds by Tale.

The same to Coin the Pound Weight of Old Standard Gold into Seventy three Angels at Ten Shillings apiece,43 Eliz. or One hundred fourty and six Half-Angels, or Two hundred ninety two Quarter Angels, making Thirty six Pounds Ten Shillings in Tale; and the Pound Weight of Gold, of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, into Thirty three Sovereigns and an Half, at Twenty Shillings apiece, or Sixty seven Half-Sovereigns, or One hundred thirty four Crowns, or Two hundred sixty eight Half-Crowns, making Thirty three Pounds Ten Shillings in Tale; and the Pound Weight of Old Standard Silver into Three Pounds two Shillings by Tale; Namely, into Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, Six-pences, Two-pences, Pence and Half-pence.

Sir Richard Martyn Knight, and Richard Martyn his Son,2 Jac. 1. Masters and Workers, Covenanted to Coin a Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, into Thirty seven Pounds four Shillings by Tale, viz., into Unites going for Twenty Shillings, Double-Crowns at Ten Shillings, Britain-Crowns at Five Shillings, Thistle-Crowns at Four Shillings, and Half-Crowns at Two Shillings Six-pence apiece; And a Pound Weight of Silver of the said Old Standard, into Sixty two Shillings by Tale; Namely, into Shillings, Six-pences, Two-pences, Pence, Half-pence, Crowns and Half-Crowns.

A Pound Weight of Gold of the Old Standard of Twenty three Carats,3 Jac. 1. Three Grains and an Half Fine, was Coined into Fourty Pound Ten Shillings by Tale; to wit, into Rose-Rialls at Thirty Shillings apiece, Spur-Rialls at Fifteen Shillings, and Angels at Ten Shillings apiece.

9 Jac. 1.There was a Proclamation for Raising Gold Two Shillings in every Twenty Shillings.

10.A Pound Weight of the Old Standard Gold was to be Coined into Fourty four Pounds by Tale; to wit, Rose-Rialls, Spur-Rialls, and Angels; and a Pound Weight of Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, was Coined into Fourty Pounds Eighteen Shillings and Four Pence; to wit, into Unites at Twenty two Shillings, Double-Crowns at Eleven Shillings, British-Crowns at Five Shillings and Six-pence, Thistle-Crowns at Four Shillings and Four Pence Three Farthings, or Half-British Crowns at Two Shillings and Nine Pence apiece.

2 Car. 1.A Pound Weight of Gold, of the Old Standard of Twenty three Carats Three Grains and an Half Fine, and Half a Grain Allay, was Coined into Fourty four Pounds Ten Shillings by Tale, to wit, into Rose-Rialls at Thirty Shillings apiece, Spur-Rialls at Fifteen Shillings apiece, or Angels at Ten Shillings apiece; and a Pound Weight of Crown Gold of Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, into Fourty one Pounds by Tale, to wit, into Unites at Twenty Shillings, Double Crowns at Ten Shillings, or British-Crowns at Five Shillings apiece; and a Pound of Silver of the Old Standard of Eleven Ounces, Two Peny Weight Fine, into Sixty two Shillings by Tale; Namely, into Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, Half-shillings, Two-pences, Pence, and Half-pence, by Indenture between the King and Sir Robert Harleigh.

12 C. 2.The like both for Gold and Silver Moneys, by Indenture between the King and Sir Ralph Freeman.

22.An Indenture between the King and Henry Slingsby Master and Worker, to Coin Crown Gold Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay into Fourty four Pounds Ten Shillings by Tale; to wit, into Pieces to run for Ten Shillings, Twenty Shillings, Fourty Shillings, or Five Pounds apiece; and a Pound of Silver of the Old Standard into Three Pounds Two Shillings by Tale, to wit, into Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, Half-shillings, Groats, Half-sixpences, Half-Groats and Pence.

A Pound Weight of Gold,1 Jac. 2. Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, to be Coined into Fourty four Pounds Ten Shillings by Tale; and a Pound Weight of Silver of the Old Standard into Sixty two Shillings by Tale, just as the preceding Indenture: And Thomas Neale, Esq.; was Master and Worker.

The like.1 W. & M.

By the careful observing of which Deduction here made, from the Indentures of the Mint for above Four hundred years past (many of which are yet extant, and have been seen and examined by me) it doth evidently appear, That it has been a policy constantly Practised in the Mints of England (the like having indeed been done in all Foreign Mints belonging to other Governments) to Raise the Value of the Coin in its Extrinsick Denomination, from time to time, as any Exigence or Occasion required; and more especially to Encourage the bringing of Bullion into the Realm to be Coined (though sometimes, when the desired End was obtained, the Value has been suffered to fall again.) So that in the whole Number of Years, from the Twenty eighth of Edward the First, until this time, by such Variations the Extrinsick Value or Denomination of the Silver is Raised in about a Triple Proportion; that is to say, In the Reign of the said King Edward the First (as is plain by this Narrative) a Pound Weight Troy of Sterling Silver was shorn at Twenty Shillings and Three Pence, and consequently Two hundred fourty three Pence, or Twenty Shillings and One Fourth of a Shilling, or One Pound and One Eightieth Part of a Pound by Tale, were then Coin’d, out of the said Pound Weight Troy: Whereas at this day, and for about Ninety years past, a Pound Weight Troy of like Silver, is and hath been Coin’d into Seven hundred fourty four Pence, or Sixty two Shillings, or Three Pounds, and One tenth of a Pound by Tale, the Pound Weight Troy having then and now the same Weight and Fineness. And as to the Gold, I need only to observe from the foregoing Deduction, That in the Eighteenth of Edward the First, a Pound Weight Fine, Twenty three Carats, Three Grains and one Half, was Coin’d into Fifteen Pounds by Tale: Whereas at this day a Pound Weight of Gold, of the Fineness only of Twenty two Carats, is Coin’d into Fourty four Pounds Ten Shillings. And this Method of Raising the Extrinsick Value of the Gold and Silver, in the Denominations of the Coins, as it hath been constant almost in the Reign of every King, so no Inconvenience, Disgrace or Mischief (as can be observed) has ever accrued by the doing thereof at any time, when a Just, Necessary or Reasonable Cause gave Occasion thereunto,

The which being Premised, and every Project for Debasing the Money (by the Reason before given) being Rejected as Dangerous, Dishonourable and Needless: It remains that our Nation in its present Exigence, may avail it self, by Raising the Value of its Coins, and this may be effected, either by making the respective Pieces called Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, &c., to be lesser in Weight, or by continuing the same Weight or Bigness, which is at present in the Unclipt Moneys, and Ordaining at the same time, that every such Piece shall be Currant at a higher Price in Tale.

But before I proceed to give my Opinion upon this Subject, it seems necessary for me to assert and prove an Hypothesis, which is this, namely, That making thePieces less, or ordaining the respective Pieces (of the present Weight) to be Currant at a higher Rate, may equally raise the Value of the Silver in our Coins. The former of these finds many Precedents in the Indentures above recited, but the latter seems more suitable to our present Circumstances, as will afterwards be shewed more at large.

This Hypothesis or Theorem is easily demonstrated thus, Let it be granted, That a Crown Piece by the present Standard contains in Sterling Silver (as it really doth) Nineteen Penny Weight, and parts of a Peny Weight: Or (which is the same thing) Nineteen Peny Weight Eight Grains and an Half, and a very small fractional part more, going at this time for Five Shillings, or Sixty Pence. And let it be supposed (which is practicable, and the thing aimed at) that this very Crown Piece be ordained to pass for Six Shillings and Three Pence, or (which is equal) Seventy five Pence. Then I say by Inverse Proportion, as Seventy five Pence are to Sixty Pence, so Sixty will be to Fourty eight Pence, which are equal to Four Shillings. From whence I infer, That if the Extrinsick Value of the Silver now in a Crown were to be Rais’d to Six Shillings and Three Pence (by diminishing the Weight of the Piece according to former Precedents) then such Diminitive Crown must weigh only Four fifths of the said 19. Peny Weight, that is to say, it must weigh Fifteen Peny Weight, and parts of a Peny Weight, and in this case Five Three Pences to be Coin’d in the same Proportion, to compleat the Rais’d Value of Six Shillings and Three Pence, must weigh One fourth part of the Diminitive Crown, as in the Margin.15.4838704 3.8709676 Again (by direct Proportion) if 15.4838704 Peny Weight of Sterling Silver is to go or be Currant for Five Shillings, or Sixty Pence, then 19,354838 Peny Weight of Sterling Silver (which is the Quantity in an Unclipt Crown by the present Standard,19.3548380 and equal to the Sum or Aggregate of the other Two Quantities) ought to go and be Currant for Six Shillings and Three Pence, or Seventy five Pence, and consequently will Raise the Extrinsick Value of the Silver, as much as diminishing the Pieces would do; which was to be demonstrated.

And now (having cleared my way) I humbly take leave to offer my Opinion, That all such Silver Moneys as are after Enumerated of the Lawful Coins of this Realm of England,* Memorandum, Moneys Clipt or Unclipt, are afterwards Described by certain Weights.which are now in being, and are not at all diminished by Clipping, Rounding, Filing, Washing, or any other Artifice, be Raised by Publick Authority to the foot of Six shillings and Three pence for the Crown, and proportionably for the other Species, namely, the Crown to go for Seventy five pence, the Half-Crown to go for Thirty seven pence and an half-peny, the Shilling for Fifteen pence, and the Half-shilling for Seven pence half-peny, leaving all the other old Unclipt Pieces as the Thirteen pence half-peny, the Nine pence, the Groat, Two pence, &c. which are very few in Number, and much worn, to go upon their present Foot, and to find their Values in pence, and parts of a peny, as they do at this day. And that the New Coins to be made, either of the Clipt Money, as it shall be brought in, or of any other Sterling Silver, be made, in their respective Weights or Bigness, by the present Indenture of the Mint, that is to say, One Piece which may be called the Sceptre, or the Silver-Unite, or by such other Name as His Majesty shall Appoint, and to be exactly of the Weight and Fineness of the present Unclipt Crown Piece, but to run for Seventy five Pence Sterling; of which Pieces so made, there shall be Twelve, and Two fifths of such piece in a Pound Weight Troy; and Three of the said Pieces called Sceptres or Unites, or by such other Name, as aforesaid, together with a Fifteen Peny Piece,after mentioned, shall make by Tale One Pound Sterling, or One Pound of Lawful Money of England, in all Accounts and Lawful Payments whatsoever. Another Piece which may be called the Half-Sceptre or Half-Unite, or by such other Name as His Majesty shall Appoint, which shall be equal in Weight and Fineness to a present Unclipt Half-Crown, but to run for Thirty seven Pence and an Half-peny Sterling; of which Pieces last mentioned, there shall be Twenty four, and Four Fifths of such a Piece in a Pound Weight Troy; and Six of the said Pieces called Half-Sceptres or Half-Unite, or by such other Name as His Majesty shall Appoint, together with One Fifteen Peny Piece after-mentioned, shall make by Tale One Pound Sterling, or One Pound of Lawful English Money, in all Accounts and Legal Payments whatsoever. One other Piece which may be called the Testoon, or Fifteen Peny Piece, which shall be equal in Weight and Fineness to a present Unclipt Shilling, but to run for Fifteen Pence Sterling, of which there shall be Sixty two in a Pound Weight Troy, and Sixteen of the said Pieces called Testoons, or Fifteen Peny Pieces, shall make in Tale One Pound Sterling, or One Pound of Lawful English Money; or Ten of these Testoons, together with Two such Grosses or Groats, as are after mentioned, will make a Mark Sterling, or Five of them, and One such Gross or Groat, will make a Noble, which the Law used to call the Hauf Merk, or Eight of them will make the Angel, or Four of them will make the Crown, or Two of them will make the Half-Crown: And they may be proportionably varied, many other ways in all Accounts, Reckonings and Legal Payments whatsoever. One other Piece, which may be called the Half-Testoon, which shall be equal in Weight and Fineness to the Half-shilling by the present Standard, but to run for Seven Pence Half-peny Sterling, of which there shall be One hundredtwenty four in the Pound Weight Troy; and Thirty two of the said Pieces to be called Half-Testoons, shall make in Tale One Pound Sterling; or Twenty of these, with Two of the Grosses or Groats, will make a Mark in Tale; or Ten of these Half-Testoons, with one Gross, will make a Noble: or Eight of the said Half-Testoons will make a Crown by Tale; or Five of them with a Half-Groat, will make the Half-Noble, or Three Shillings and Four pence by Tale; or Four of the said Half-Testoons, will make an Half-Crown; or Thirty two of them will make Twenty Shillings by Tale; or Sixteen of them will make Ten Shilling by Tale; or Eight of them will make Five Shillings by Tale; and they may many other ways be proportionably varied in all Accounts, Reckonings and Legal Payments whatsoever. One other piece which may be called the Gross or Five-peny piece, to be equal in Weight and Fineness to a Groat by the present Standard, but to run for Five pence Sterling, of which there shall be One hundred eighty six in the pound Weight Troy; and Fourty eight of the said Grosses or Five-peny pieces, will make in Tale One Pound Sterling; or a proportionable Number of them in many Cases (too tedious here to enumerate) will answer to the said Denominations of Pounds, Marks, Half-Marks, Quarter-Marks, Angels, Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, and Pence used in Accounts, or in Acts of Parliament, Records, or other Legal Instruments, which are absolutely necessary to be continued. One other piece which may be called the Quarter-Testoon, which shall be equal in Weight and Fineness to a Three peny piece by the present Standard, but to run for Three pence three farthings Sterling, of which there shall be Two hundred fourty eight in a Pound Weight Troy, and Sixty four of these Quarter-Testoons will make in Tale One Pound Sterling, or a proportionable Number of them will answer in a greater Number of Cases to the said Denominationsused in Accounts, or in the Laws of England. One other Piece which may be called the Half-Groat or Half-Gross, which shall be equal in Weight and Fineness to a Two peny piece by the present Standard, but to run for Two pence half-peny Sterling, of which there shall be Three hundred seventy two in a Pound Weight Troy, and Ninety six of the said Half-Groats will make in Tale One pound Sterling, or a proportionable Number of them will answer, in most Cases, to the said Denominations used in Accounts, or in the Laws of England. And one other Piece which may be called the Prime, which shall be equal in Weight and Fineness to a present Standard peny, but to run for Five farthings, or for One peny, and the fourth part of a peny Sterling, of which there shall be Seven hundred fourty and four in a Pound Weight Troy, and One hundred ninety and two of the said Primes will make in Tale One pound Sterling, or a proportionable Number of them (the Combinations whereof are almost infinite) will answer almost in all Cases to the said Denominations used in Accounts, or in the Laws of England. And because it may be convenient to have the Denomination of Shillings continued, let there be added One Piece to be called the Shilling, or Twelve peny Piece, to be equal in Fineness, though not in Weight, to any Standard Money now in being, to run for Twelve pence Sterling, (which will be a Fifth part less in Weight then the present Shilling) of these there shall be Seventy seven and an Half in a Pound Weight Troy, and Twenty of them will make a Pound by Tale, whereby every Pound Weight Troy of the Silver Moneys aforesaid, will be and hold in Number and Tale, and in the Value will be Rais’d from Three pounds Two shillings, to Three pounds Seventeen shillings and Six pence Sterling, by the Pound Troy: And my Reasons for this Opinion are as follows:

First, The Value of the Silver in the Coin ought to be Raised to the Foot of Six Shillings Three Pence in every Crown, because the Price of Standard Silver in Bullion is Risen (from divers necessary and unnecessary Causes, producing at length a great scarcity thereof in England) to Six Shillings Five Pence an Ounce: This Reason (which I humbly conceive will appear irrefragable) is grounded chiefly upon a Truth so Apparent, that it may well be compared to an Axiom even in Mathematical Reasoning, to wit, That whensoever the Extrinsick Value of Silver in the Coin hath been, or shall be less than the price of Silver in Bullion, the Coin hath been, and will be Melted down. Although the melting down of Coin, for private Lucre, be done in secret (because ’tis Punishable by * Law) yet no man can doubt but that it has been Practised for a long time past, to such a Degree, upon the Weighty Money, as that in particular, the Crowns and Half-Crowns of Edward the Sixth and Queen Elizabeth are quite vanished: Those of King James the First are become very rare: Those of King Charles the First (though the most numerous of all that remain) are in a great measure Reduced, and will appear to be so the more plainly, when they come to be distinguished from the Counterfeits, which are mostly contrived to Resemble these: The Crowns, Half-Crowns, and indeed the lesser Coins of King Charles the Second (the far greatest part whereof were Milled Money) in all Payments at the Exchequer, and other Publick Offices, do not, by Estimation, exceed the Proportion of Ten Shillings per Cent. or a Two hundreth Part. And if this Wicked Fact of Melting down has been notoriously Committed, at times when there was no great difference between the Value of the Silver in the Coin and that in the Bullion; or when the Goldsmiths and other Artificers could make no other Profit thereby, than the small Overweight, which (by Weighing and Culling the Pieces Coin’d at the Tower) they found to be in some of them, which being Molten, might be carried back to the Mint, and there Re-coin’d at the King’s Charge into a greater Number by Tale for their own Use: Then one may easily conclude, That the temptation of Melting down, is grown of late much more prevalent; since, at this day, Standard Silver in Bullion is commonly sold at the said Price of Six Shillings and Five Pence, or for Seventy seven Pence an Ounce. And in regard Twenty Peny Weight (equal to an Ounce) bears the same Proportion to Seventy seven Pence as Nineteen Peny Weight, and of One Peny Weight (equal to the Standard Silver contained in a Crown Piece) doth to Six Shillings and Two Pence Half-peny; it is most plain, that he that now Melts down (for instance) a Crown Piece, which whilst it retains the Image and Superscription of His Majesty, or either of the late King’s runs only for Five Shillings, can immediately sell the Silver of it here for Six Shillings and Two Pence Half-peny, and gain the Sum of Fourteen Pence Half-peny upon every such Melted Piece, by such Sale of the Silver here, or (by reason of the great Loss which this Nation at present suffers in its Foreign Exchange or Remittances) he may make a greater Profit of the same Silver, by Exporting it into Foreign Parts, if he can effect the same, either by Stealth, or by Eluding the late Act of Parliament, Prohibiting such Exportation. One may also foresee, that continuing the Silver Moneys (either Old or New Coins) upon the present Foot, whilst Bullion is so much dearer, will inevitably produce Consequences pernicious to the whole; in effect it will be nothing else but the furnishing Offenders with a Species to Melt down at an extravagant Profit, and encouraging not a necessary, but a violent and exorbitant Exportation of our Silver to the Foreign Parts, for the sake of the Gain only, till we shall have little or none left in the Kingdom. And upon an Impartial Consideration of these Matters, we may be able to make a more mature Judgment upon the Suggestion that has been raised by some Men; Namely, That Raising the Value of our Coin, or Continuing it on the present Foot will be the same thing. If these Gentlemen mean, that Silver in Bullion will always, during this War, be dearer than Silver in Coin, because of the necessity to Export it for the Foreign Expence of the War, and to answer the Ballance of Trade, occasioned by the Interruption of our Navigation, I answer,

First, That this Necessity may be diminished; but it cannot in any Sence be Augmented, by Raising the Value of our Coin.

Secondly, That supposing the worst, to wit, a further Advance of the Silver in Bullion, yet even in that case, the Offenders before mentioned will not find so much Incouragement or Temptation, when their Profit, whatsoever it be, upon every Raised Crown, must evidently be less by Fourteen Pence Half-peny than it is at present, upon a Crown running in Payment for Five Shillings only.

Thirdly, It is hoped that the Exchange to Holland, (which by the way has risen a little of late) may by the Success of some good Designs now on Foot (though the War should continue) be kept at a stand, at least from falling much lower. In which Case I think the Arguments of these Gentlemen will have little or no Weight.

Fourthly, There must be a great difference with regard to the Service and Disservice of the Publick, between a necessary Exportation of Bullion or Coin, (perhaps the One may be as well Dispensed with as the other, by Publick Authority, and to a Limited Sum only for the Service of the War) and such an Exportation thereof, as proceeds Originally from the said exorbitant Profit of the Melters, who being Goldsmiths, Refiners, or other Traders, and by this Means, and by the Clippings, getting great Quantities of Molten Silver into their Hands, know well enough (though by Unlawful or Indirect Means) to convey the same beyond Sea, either to buy Gold there, which is afterwards brought hither and Coin’d into Guineas, passing at Thirty Shillings apiece; or to buy Prohibited Goods, as Lace, Lustrings, Muslins, divers East-India Goods, or other enumerated Commodities, or for other Purposes, which, though unlawful or needless, do all help or combine, at this time, to Augment and Inhance that Ballance of Trade between us and our Neighbours, very much to our Detriment, as will be shew’d hereafter.

Fifthly, These Gentlemen consider only the use of our Coin in England, as it hath Relation to Foreign Exchanges or Remittances, whereas it serves principally the Inland Commerce, and supplies many other occasions, which will be advantaged by the Rise and Plenty thereof. And whereas it is apprehended that the proposed Advance of the Silver in the Coin, will produce a proportionable loss in all Rents and Revenues, Publick or Private, settled or ascertained by Antecedent Reservations, Grants or Agreements, and in all Debts now standing out upon Specialty, or without Specialty: I humbly conceive these Apprehensions must entirely vanish, when it shall be impartially considered, That this Nation is, and hath been for some time past, ingaged in a necessary War, which hath not only caused a great Expence of our Wealth in Foreign Parts of Europe, but hath Interrupted the Navigation, which used to Supply us from East and West Indies, and from other Parts of Asia, Africa and America, with much greater Quantities of Goods than served our own Consumption, and consequently afforded us a large Overplus, which, together with our own Native Product or Manufacture, were Exported to our Neighbour Nations, in Barter or Exchange for the Goods we received of them. That reckoning on the one side the Value of the Naval Stores, Linens, Silks, Salt-Petre, and many other Enumerated Commodities, which we receive from our Neighbours, and adding thereunto our Foreign Expence for the War: And on the other side the Value of so much of our Native Manufactures, or Produce, and the small Overplus of Goods brought from the East and West Indies, &c. as we have lately Exported, or can Export into our Neighbour Nations of Europe, there would appear a great Difference or Excess between the one side and the other of such Account or Reckoning; which Difference or Excess is or may be called the Ballance of Trade. That it cannot be conceived how this Ballance, Difference, or Excess hath been or can be answered by us in any thing other than our Coin or Bullion. That to answer this Ballance of Trade, there hath been already Exported a great part of our Coins and Bullion, namely, Clippings, which I think must have been equal in Value to at least a Fourth part of our whole Species of Silver Moneys, the Molten Silver of a good part of our heavy Coins, part of our heavy Coins themselves, our whole Stock of Foreign Silver; for I am told there is little or none of that to be bought in England at this time, and the Molten Silver of a great deal of our English Plate and Vessels, which People have been induced to part with at a good Price. That by this means Silver in Coin or in Mass is actually grown very Scarce in England. That every thing having any Value or Worth whatsoever, when it becomes Scarce grows Dear, or (which is the same thing) it Riseth in Price, and consequently it will serve to pay more Debt, or it will buy greater Quantities of other Goods of Value, or in any thing else it will go further than it did before. That Silver in England being grown Scarce, as aforesaid, is consequently grown Dearer. That it is Risen in Price from Five Shillings and Two Pence, to Six Shillings and Five Pence an Ounce: And by Daily Experience Nineteen Peny Weight and Three Tenths of a Peny Weight in Sterling Silver (equal to the Weight of a Crown Piece) in England, doth, and will Purchase more Coined Money than Five Shillings by Tale, (though the latter be delivered bonâ fide in Unclipt Shillings, or in a good Bill) and consequently doth and will Purchase and Acquire more Goods or necessaries, or pay more Debts in England, or (being delivered here) it fetches more Money in any Foreign Parts by way of Exchange, than Five Shillings by Tale, or the Sixth Part of a Guinea by Tale, or Goods to the Value of Five Shillings in Tale only, do or can Fetch, Purchase or Acquire. That this Advanced Price of the Silver has been growing for some time, and is Originally caused by the Ballance, Excess or Difference abovementioned, which Naturally and Rationally produces such an effect. And there is no reason to expect that Silver will decline in its Price or Value here, till it be made more plentiful, by turning the Ballance of Trade to our Advantage, which seems to be a Work that can be accomplished with Success in times of Peace, or by such a Protection of our Trade, as will render our Exportations as large as they used to be in times of Peace. That the Raising the Value of the Silver in our Coins to make it equal to Silver in Mass, can in no Sence be understood to be a cause of making Silver Scarce. That there can never be propos’d any just or reasonable Foot upon which the Coins should be Currant, save only the very Price of the Silver thereof, in case it be Molten in the same Place where the Coins are made Currant, or an Extrinsick Denomination very near that Price: It being most evident, That if the Value of the Silver in the Coins should (by any Extrinsick Denomination) be Raised above the Value, or Market Price of the same Silver, reduced to Bullion, the Subject would be proportionably Injured and Defrauded, as they were formerly in the case of the Base Moneys Coin’d by Publick Authority; but if the Value of the Silver in the Coins be less than the Value or Market Price of the same Silver reduced to Bullion, then the Coins are always Melted down for Lucre, as they have been, and are at this day in the Case of the Unclipt Moneys, and as they will certainly be, in Case of any New Coins that shall be made, to be Currant upon the Old Foot of Sixty Pence for the Silver of a Crown Piece; which sufficiently proves, That the Medium propos’d is the true Foundation for the Course of our Moneys. That for this purpose we need only to consider the very Price that Silver bears in England, where these Coins are to be Currant, although if we will have Relation to Neighbouring Countreys, particularly to Holland, we shall find that the Currant Price of an Ounce of Silver there, adding thereunto the Difference of Exchange from London to Amsterdam or Roterdam (which Difference in the Exchange, is but another Effect of the Ballance of Trade beforementioned) will still make up the Price of Six Shillings and Five Pence for the Ounce of Silver at London. And if this were not so, your Lordships might be sure that no body would buy Silver at London for Six Shillings and Five Pence an Ounce, carry it to Holland, and sell it there perhaps for Five Shillings and Five Pence an Ounce, or for so much in their Coins, the Silver whereof is not equal to Five Shillings and Five Pence by our Standard. That it ought not to be Alledged that Silver has no Price; for every Indenture of the Mint (having first Ascertain’d the Extrinsick Denomination of the Currant Coins) has taken care also to Determine the Price or Value of the Silver to the Merchant or Importer, which was to be Answered in those Extrinsick Denominations; and daily Experience shews every Man, in Buying or Selling of Silver, that it has a Price or Value still Reckoned in those Extrinsick Denominations, although at present it much exceeds, as aforesaid, the said Rate of Sixty two Shillings for a Pound Troy. That Five Shillings Coin’d upon the Foot hereby proposed, will actually contain more real and Intrinsick Value of Silver by a great deal, than is in the Currant Moneys now commonly Applied to the Payment of the said Rents, Revenues and Debts, upon which the imaginary Loss is Apprehended, and in Reason will and ought to go further to all Intents and Purposes, than Five Shillings in Clipt Moneys, or in the Sixth Part of a Guinea, doth or can go; which will be better understood, when the Mischiefs of these Clipt Moneys and Guineas come to be Explain’d in the Third Chapter. And lastly, That as the Foot or Foundation hereby Proposed, for the Course of the Moneys, will be Just and Reasonable, with regard to the Price of Silver, and more Advantagious to the Receivers thereof, than Payment in Clipt Moneys or Gold at the present Price; so every Person that shall Receive any Money Coin’d or made Currant upon this New Foot, will have the Payment, Issuing and Expenditure thereof at the same Rate. And it is freely submitted to Impartial Judgments, whether the propos’d Advance of Silver in the Coins can infer a Real Loss upon any Persons, other than such as can propose to themselves particularly the Receipt of Moneys in Weighty or Unclipt Pieces only, and the Conversion thereof to an Advantage, which Law or Reason would not allow them.

Secondly, The Value of the Silver in the Coin ought to be Raised, to encourage the bringing of Bullion to the Mint to be Coin’d. It is a Matter of Fact well known to your Lordships, and (by the small Number of the Pieces of the present King, or of His Majesty and the Deceas’d Queen) it is perceivable by every body else, that since Bullion hath born a greater Price than Silver in the Coin, there has been none brought to the Mint to be Coin’d, either by Importers or others, unless some small Parcels, that were Seiz’d or sent thither by Publick Authority. And it is utterly against Reason for any Man to think, that any Bullion of Silver will be carried thither voluntarily to be Coin’d, till the Value of Silver Coin’d be Raised, at least as high as the Value of Silver in Bullion. By the propos’d Advance to Six Shillings and Three Pence, the Sterling Silver in the Coins will be set at Six Shillings and Five Pence Half-peny per Ounce, which will exceed the present Price of Sterling in Bullion by One Half-peny per Ounce, and give (though by a small Profit) an encouragement to those that have English Silver or Plate, and particularly to the Retailers of Wine, Beer, Ale and other Liquors, (whose Tankards and other Vessels are herein after propos’d to be brought in) and generally to all those that have or can have Silver Imported, to carry the same to the Mint to be Coin’d. And this will be agreeable to the Policy that in past Ages (as hath been observed upon the aforesaid Deduction) hath been Practised not only in our Mint, but in the Mints of all Politick Governments, namely, to Raise the Value of Silver in the Coin, to Promote the Work of the Mint.

Thirdly, The Raising the Value of the Silver in the Coin, will increase the whole Species in Tale, and thereby make it more commensurate to the general need thereof, for carrying on the Common Traffick and Commerce of the Nation, and to answer the Payments on the numerous Contracts, Securities, and other daily Occasions, requiring a larger Supply of Money for that purpose. This Reason may be further Illustrated, by considering that the want of a sufficient Stock of Money, hath been the chief Cause of Introducing so much Paper Credit (which is at best hazardous, and may be carried too far) and the Setting up of Offices, both in City and Country, for Bartering of Goods or Permutations.

Fourthly, The Silver in the Old Unclipt Moneys, and in the New Coins now Propos’d to be made, ought to be Raised (as I have offered) Equally, to avoid Confusion and Uncertainty in Payments: For if Pieces, having the same Bigness, should have different Values, it might be difficult for the Common People (especially those not skilled in Arithmetick) to Compute how many of one kind will be equal to the Sum of another; and there might be some Dispute about the Lawful Money of England, to be Paid upon Mortgages, Bonds, Contracts, or other Legal Securities referring thereunto.

Fifthly, The Foot of Six Shillings and Three Pence for the Crown, here Propos’d, will not only be suitable to the present Rate of Bullion, but it happens to be such a Sum as is Deviseable into a great Number of Aliquot or other Integral Parts, to serve for the lesser Coins before Propos’d, so that none of them will come forth in any Fractional Part of a Farthing, which will obviate much Perplexity amongst the Common People: And I think there is scarce any other Sum near it that is Deviseable in like manner.

Sixthly, By this Project, all Computations in Pounds, Shillings, and Pence, used in Accounts; and the Reckonings by Pounds, Marks, Half-Marks, Shillings, and Pence, practised in the Law of England, and in the Records, Contracts and other Instruments, relating thereunto, will be Preserved as they ought to be.

Seventhly, By this Method, the bringing in of the present Unclipt Coins, to be cut into lesser Pieces, are rendered needless; which Species being at present (for the most part) Hoarded, will, upon Raising their Value, come forth, and go a great way towards Supplying the Commerce and other Occasions, whilst the New Money is making. And I think it will be Granted to be utterly impossible, in this time of War, to Re-Coin the Clipt Moneys, if at the same time the Unclipt shall be brought in to be new Cut; or if the Unclipt Pieces should not (by such an Encouragement) be brought forth to Supply the Commerce, Pay Taxes, and serve other Occasions in the mean time.

Eighthly, It is difficult to Conceive, how any Design of Amending the Clipt Moneys can be compassed, without Raising the Value of the Silver remaining in them, because of the great Deficiency of the Silver Clipt away; which (upon Re-Coining) must necessarily be Defrayed or Born one way or other.

Ninthly, As our Unclipt Moneys, and the New Coins here Propos’d to be made, will, by the former Proposition, retain the Ancient Sterling, or Old Right Standard of the Mint for Fineness and Purity (the Alteration of which could never be Justified by any Necessity;) so by this Proposition they will both Continue the Present Standard of the Mint in the Weight or Bigness of the respective Pieces, without being cut into Less, as they have formerly been (the New Shilling only excepted:) These Propositions indeed, dealing with nothing but the very Value of the Silver in the Coins, to make it equal to the Currant Price of our own Bullion or Silver in Mass, with a very little Excess, to wit, of an Halfpeny in an Ounce, to encourage the Coinage, and to make it bear the like Reason or Proportion to the Price of Foreign Moneys now Currant amongst us: Namely, the Pillar Dollars, which go at Seven Shillings and a Peny per Ounce, and Sevil and Mexico Dollars at Seven Shillings per Ounce, and to effect an equality in all Pieces, having the same Extrinsick Denomination, and thereby to cure such Mischiefs relating to our Coin, as are not to be Parallel’d in the Records of former Ages: Which Raised Values may be Lowered again by the Wisdom and Authority of Parliament, when the Wealth of the Nation shall (by God’s Blessing) be Re-establisht without Trouble or Charge of Re-coining or Cutting the Silver Pieces into other Sizes.

As to the Gold Coins which are now almost wholly Reduced or Converted into the Pieces called Guineas and Half-Guineas, they were first Coin’d by King Charles the Second, not long after the Restauration; and were ordained to go at the Rates of Twenty Shillings for the Guinea, and Ten Shillings for the Half-Guinea; but I do not remember that they ever passed at so little, as the Prices which were then set upon them, because our Nation has been always too apt to overvalue its Gold. And at this time the Guinea runs for Thirty Shillings, although the Gold of it (if it were carried to Spain, Italy, Barbary, and some other Places of the World) would not Purchase so much Silver there, as is equal to the Standard of four of our Crowns, or Twenty Shillings. And here it is necessary for me to Observe, That if the Gold had Advanced proportionably with the Silver, then because as Five Shillings (the Standard Value of the Silver in a Crown) is to Six Shillings and Two Pence Halfpeny, the present Value of the same Silver in Mass, so Twenty Shillings (the Standard Value of the Gold in Guinea) is to Twenty four Shillings and Ten Pence; It should follow by Reason that a Guinea at this day should go for about Twenty four Shillings and Ten Pence, but it apparently runs for about Five Shillings more, so that in the time that the Silver in a Crown is Risen about a Fifth part, the Gold in a Guinea is Risen in a much greater proportion, namely, a compleat Third part. Which Advance of Five Shillings in a Guinea (over and above the proportionable Rise which it should have had to make it keep pace with the Silver) is exceedingly detrimental to our Nation at this Day (as will be hereafter shewed more at large.) And seeing it can be attributed to nothing but the present Badness of our Silver Coins, which are so exceedingly Counterfeited, and Clipt, that the Common People will take Guineas almost at any Rate, rather than stand the hazard and vexation of such Silver Moneys as are now Currant amongst them: I am therefore humbly of Opinion, That altering the present Standard of our Gold Coins (which prescribes Twenty two Carats Fine, and Two Carats Allay, and that Fourty four Guineas and an Half shall be cut from a Pound Weight of such Gold) would avail nothing. And that the only remedy to fix these Gold Coins upon a right Foot, will be the Re-establishment of the Silver Coins, which (as soon as Atchieved according to these Propositions) will in all likelihood and probability, presently reduce the Guineas to about Twenty five Shillings apiece by the most Natural and Easie way, without fixing any limited Price thereupon by Publick Authority, which (if one were to judge by past Experience) would never be observed, at least for any time.

A Corollary: The abovementioned Ballance of Trade being (as is before observed) the Original Cause of the scarcity of Silver in England, and of the Loss by the Foreign Exchange or Remittances, he that can propose any proper Expedients, either to lessen that Ballance, or convert it to our Advantage, ought to be well heard. But any Proposal which supposes the Ballance of Trade must be Rectified before our Coins be Amended, or a Reasonable Foundation can be fixed for the Course of the same, does but postpone the Cure of a Disease which may destroy us before such a Remedy can take effect.

The True and Reasonable Adjustment of that which is called by the French, Pied de Monoye, and by others Anciently Pes Monetæ, was and is of principal consideration in this whole Affair: And therefore I hope your Lordships will excuse me for having been so prolix in the subject of the Standards.

The Second General Head concerning the present State and Condition of the Gold and Silver Conis.

IT cannot be thought improper before the Enterprizing of a Work of so great importance as the Re-establishment of the Moneys, and Determining a New Foot for the Course of the same, to be instructed (with as much certainty as is possible in things of this Nature) in the present State, Plight, or Condition of the Coins of this Realm; wherein one must necessarily consider several Matters of Fact, whereof some can be known or found out, and others can only be estimated or guessed at. I have endeavoured, as much as I could in a little time, to Inform and Satisfie my self in the Particulars following:

First, The several Forms or Fashions which have been used in the Fabrication of the Moneys, and which of them have been and are most likely to be most Secure against Clipping and Counterfeiting.

Secondly, The Quantities of Silver Coins Clipt and Unclipt, that may be reasonably thought or imagined to remain in the Kingdom at this day.

Thirdly, How far the Clipt Pieces now in being may be Conjectured to have been diminished in their Weight. And upon Consideration of these Articles, I have endeavoured to Compute the Loss, which (upon Re-coining the Clipt Moneys) must be born either by a Publick Aid, or by Particular Persons, or by both; and to make such other Remarks and Inferences as may be suitable to the present Occasion: In all which, my Sence and Opinion are humbly presented to your Lordships in the manner following.

As to the Particulars; All the Moneys we have now in England, both Gold and Silver, are reducible to Two Sorts; the one Stampt with the Hammer, and the other Prest with an Engine, called the Mill. The Gold or Silver of the Hammer’d Money is first Cast from the Melting Pot into long Bars, those Bars are cut with Sheers into several square Pieces of exact Weights, for Sovereigns, Angels, Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, &c. Then with the Tongs and Hammer they are forged into a round shape; after which they are Blanched (that is, made White, or refulgent by Nealing or Boiling) and afterwards Stampt or Impressed with an Hammer to make them perfect Money. This Method of making Money with the Hammer (as appears in the said Red Book) was practised in the Reign of King Edward the First; who (amongst other great Atchievements of his most Prudent Government) left that of Restoring and Establishing good Moneys for the Use of his People, to recommend his Name to subsequent Generations. He sent for Mr. William de Turnemire, and his Brother Peter, and others from Marseilles, and one Friscobald, and his companions from Florence, and Employed them in the Working this kind of Money, and the Buying and Exchanging of Silver for that purpose, for which he had Thirty Furnaces at London, Eight at Canterbury (besides Three the Arch-Bishop had there) Twelve at Bristol, Twelve at York, and more in other great Towns, in all which Places they made the said Hammer’d Money of Silver, supply’d by the Kings Changers Established at the same Places, who (according to certain Rates or Prices prescribed to them) took in the Clipt, Rounded and Counterfeit Moneys to be Recoined, and Bought Gold and Silver of the Merchants, and others, to be Fabricated into New Money; at the same time Ordaining, Quod Proclametur per totum Regnum quod nulla fiat tonsura de Nova Moneta subpericulo Vitæ et Membrorum et amissionis omnium Terrarum et Tenementorum, &c. And this kind of Hammer’d Money continued through all the Reigns of Succeeding Kings and Queens, till about the Year of our Lord 1663. when by several Warrants, and Command of King Charles the Second, to wit, by One Warrant Dated the Fifth of November, 1662. One Warrant Dated the Eighth of April, 1663. And a Third Warrant Dated the Twenty fourth of December, 1663. The other sort called Milled Money was first Fabricated to be Currant in England in this manner: First, The Gold or Silver is cast out of the Melting Pot into long flat Bars, which Bars are drawn through a Mill (wrought by a Horse) to produce the just Thickness of Guineas, Half-Guineas, Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, &c. Then with forcible Engines, called Cutters, which answer exactly to the respective Sizes or Dimensions of the Money to be made, the Round Pieces are cut out from the Flat Bar, shaped as aforesaid (the Residue whereof, called Sizel, is Melted again) and then every Piece is Weighed, and made to agree exactly with the intended Weight, and afterwards carried to other Engines (wrought secretly) which put the Letters upon the Edges of the larger Silver Pieces, and Mark the Edges of the rest with a Graining. The next thing is the Blanching perform’d, as above; and at last, every Piece is brought to the Press, which is called the Mill (wrought by the Strength of Men) and there Receives the Impression, which makes it perfect Milled Money.

By duly reflecting upon these different Kinds, and Considering that the Principal Offences against the Coins of the Realm, have been, and are either Clipping, Counterfeiting or Melting down, It may be proper to Remark,

First, That the Crime of Clipping has been Practised upon the Hammer’d Money in all Ages more or less, but most exorbitantly of late Years; notwithstanding the many Examples of Justice: For that the Offenders make an excessive Profit by doing a thing so easie in it self, that even Women and Children (as well as Men) are capable of the Act of Clipping or Rounding. But this Practice of Clipping has never been Exercis’d upon the Mill’d Money, and I think never can be, because of its Thickness and Edging, although no further Provision against the same should be made by Law.

Secondly, That as to Counterfeiting, the Hammer’d Money is liable thereunto, because the Tools for Resembling the same, are cheap, and easily made and procured, and the Fabrication thereof may be performed in a little Room, and with less Art; so that Smiths and other Artificers can readily attain thereunto. But the Engines for the Mill’d Money are many and very costly, not easie to be procured. The Makers or Users of such Engines cannot be conceal’d without great difficulty, and the Mill’d Money it self, being of a much Finer Print than the other, requires more Solemnity, Skill, and curious Workmanship in its Fabrication; and when it’s finished, shews better the true Colour of the Silver, to distinguish its Genuine from its Counterfeit Pieces: Which latter could never be brought to Perfection. So that Reckoning only since the said Year 1663 (without any regard to the Precedent time) I verily believe for every single Piece of Mill’d Money, that has been Counterfeited, or rather been attempted to be Resembled, there have been more than One thousand of the Hammer’d Moneys not only Counterfeited, but actually Impos’d upon the People, who have been defrauded therewith, and are now likely to suffer greatly thereby.

Thirdly, That as to the Crime of Melting down, it has plainly affected both the Hammer’d and Mill’d Moneys in their respective turns very fatally; insomuch that the Hammer’d Gold Coins which were made in the Reigns of the several Kings and Queens, from Edward the First inclusively, till the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Second (which would amount to an incredible sum, if they were all in being) are almost totally vanished, having been Molten (as I suppose) from time to time, either to make Vessels or Utensils, or to Export for Lucre, or to Convert into Gold Coins of more Modern Stamps (in which last Case the same Metal came to be Coin’d over and over again) it being evident that we have now in England only the Pieces called Guineas, and Half-Guineas, or few other of Gold Coins, as is before observed. And I think the like must have been done with all the Hammer’d Silver Moneys that were made before the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, a very few only excepted; although the latter would amount to many Millions, if they were all now in being. As to the coins of that Queen, and her Two immediate Successors (though they make the Bulk of our present Cash) the Number of them must needs have been extreamly diminished by Melting, especially whilst they were weighty, and not much worn. But since the Mill’d Money came into Play, because of its Intrinsick Weight and Worth, I believe the Crime of Melting hath been chiefly practis’d upon that kind, which has apparently reduced it to a small Quantity. Nevertheless, when both kinds come to have the same Weight and Fineness, and to be currant at the same Price, I think the one will not be more liable to this Mischief than the other; and I hope both will be Secured against the same, when the Silver in the Coin will fetch as much as the Silver in the Bullion.

Secondly, The Quantities of Silver Coins Clipt and Unclipt that may be reasonably thought or imagined toRemain in the Kingdom at this day, cannot with any certainty be Computed. I know several conjectures have been made thereof, very different, and (as I think) without any Grounds at all, and I confess my self to have none but such as follow.

First, To Compute all the Silver Moneys Coin’d in the Three Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, James the First, and Charles the First.

Secondly, To Guess how much thereof may have been Molten or Lost.

Thirdly, To Substract the Latter from the Whole. And,

Fourthly, To the Difference to add something for the small Remainder, as well of Moneys Coined before the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, as of those Coined since the Reign of Charles the First.

Now considering how far this Sum is to be abated.

First, By the want of the Crowns, Half-Crowns, Groats, Quarter-Shillings, Half-Groats, Three-half-peny Pieces, Three-farthing Pieces, and Half-pence of Queen Elizabeth, which are wholly sunk.

Secondly, By the Diminution of the Number of the Shillings, and Six-pences of the same Queen, many of which may be supposed to be Melted down, Re-coined, or Lost.

Thirdly, By the Loss of the Crowns, Groats, Two-Pences, Pence, and Half-Pence of James the First, and Charles the First, which seem to be quite gone, and by the Melting, Re-coining, or Loss of many (if not most) of the Half-Crowns, Shillings, and Six-Pences of those Two Kings, one can hardly believe there is now in being, of the Coins of the said Three Reigns, above One Third Part, which Amounts to Five Millions Thirty six thousand Four hundred ninety two Pounds: to which if there be added Five hundred Sixty three thousand Five hundred and eight Pounds more, for the Unmelted Silver Coins of Charles the Second, James the Second, King William and Queen Mary, and for the small Quantities which remain of those which were made before the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; then the whole of the Silver Sterling Coins Clipt and Unclipt, Hoarded and Currant now in England, will be Computed at Five Millions and Six hundred thousand Pounds. And if it be Granted that Four Millions of this Sum consists of Pieces that are Diminished, some more, some less, by Clipping, then it will follow, that there remains in the Kingdom about One Million, and Six hundred thousand Pounds of Heavy Money, a great part of which is supposed to lie in Hoards, and the rest Currant chiefly in the Counties most remote from London.

Thirdly, I am to Compute, as well as I can, How farthe Clipt Pieces, now in being, may have been Diminished in their Weight. In reference to which, your Lordships may be pleased to be Reminded, That when the Earl of Rochester was Lord Treasurer, several Good Orders were Established by him for the Exchequer; One of which was, to have all the Bags of Money there Received to be Weighed. And I have Extracted from the Books of One of the Tellers, the Weight of Five hundred seventy two Bags of One hundred Pound each, which were brought to the Receipt promiscuously, in the Months of May, June and July last. Now, whereas the Weight of One hundred Pounds Sterling in Silver Moneys, according to the Standard of the Mint, ought to be Thirty two Pounds, Three Ounces, One Peny Weight, and Twenty two Grains Troy, and consequently the said Bags,See the Annext Account for this. containing Fifty seven thousand Two hundred Pounds by Tale, ought to have Weighed Two hundred twenty one thousand Four hundred and Eighteen Ounces, Sixteen Peny Weight, and Eight Grains Troy: It was found that the said Fifty seven thousand and Two hundred Pounds by Tale (comprizing some Weighty Pieces, though few) Weighed only One hundred and thirteen thousand Seven hundred and Seventy one Ounces and Five Peny Weight Troy. So that if all the said sum of Fifty seven thousand and Two hundred Pounds by Tale were good Silver, yet it was Deficient in Weight, One hundred and seven thousand six hundred fourty seven Ounces, Eleven Peny Weight and Eight Grains Troy; from whence I infer,

First, That the Moneys commonly Currant are Diminished near one Half, to wit, in a Proportion something greater than that of Ten to Twenty two.

Secondly, That going by the Medium of the said Number of Bags, and making but a very small Allowance for the Unclipt Pieces in the said Bags, and for the Difference of Money brought to the Exchequer, and that which passes amongst the Common People (the former being in most Payments the best of the Clipt Moneys) every one must be convinced, That if all the Clipt Pieces of Silver Moneys in England could be weighed together, they would be found Deficient a full Half of their Standard Weight. Again,

Thirdly, If all the Pieces in England that are more or less Clipt, do Amount by Tale to Four Millions (as is before supposed) then I infer, That by Re-Coining the same upon the Old Foot, it will make but Two Millions, and the Loss would be as much: But by Re-Coining the same upon the Foot of Six Shillings and Three Pence for the present Crown Piece, as is above proposed, the same Quantity of Clipt Money will make Two Millions, and Five hundred Thousand Pounds, and the Loss will be Fifteen hundred thousand Pounds, to be born either by Publick Aid, or by the Particulars interested in the Clipt Moneys, or by both.

The Third General Head Discusses this Question, Whether it be or be not absolutely Necessary at this time to Re-establish the Coins.

IT will readily be Granted, That the Melting and New Fabricating the much greater Part of all the Silver Moneys of the Realm (as the Clipt Pieces are) would be a Work very improper to be Enterprized in the heat of an Important and Expensive War; if the doing thereof were not indispensibly necessary, to render effectual the very Ways and Means, which in Parliament may be Resolved upon, in reference to Aids or Supplies for Carrying on of the same War, and to produce a Species of Money that may be Useful and Serviceable for the Upholding of the Commerce, and for answering not only of the Publick, but also of all Private Revenues, Rents, Debts, and other Occasions, which concern the very Existence of the great Political Body.

It were enough for me upon this Occasion, to say, That the House of Commons judg’d it necessary to have the Clipt Moneys Re-Coin’d, having Resolved thereupon, after many long and mature Deliberations, in the last Session of Parliament. But the Evils which for some time past have been growing upon us, in respect of the Coins, being at length actually Arrived, and more sensibly Felt, I shall take leave humbly to State the same according to the best of my Understanding, and submit the Judgment thereof to Publick Authority.

First, Because such of the Silver Coins as are usually Currant, or offer’d in Payments, are very Bad and Defective; the Common People (without any visible Reason, other than to avoid the Danger and Vexation of such Moneys) by almost an Unanimous Consent and Agreement, do take Guineas at Thirty Shillings apiece, little more or less, which Raises the Gold here (as hath been observed) to a much higher Price in Proportion than Silver in Bullion now goes at, or than Silver in Coin will go for, when it shall be Raised to the Foot of Six Shillings and Three Pence for the Crown Piece according to this Projection. And this exorbitant Price of Gold here, hath encouraged Foreign Merchants to Import it upon us in great Quantities: And in Return for the same,

They either Export our Silver in Coin or Molten; which lying in a little Room, the Exportation thereof cannot easily be Prevented. Or,

Secondly, They Buy our Native Commodities (the Interruption of the Navigation, not allowing us such an Overplus of Goods, brought from our Colonies in America, and other Foreign Parts, wherewith England in times of Peace could at least Ballance its Trade with its Neighbours.) Or,

Thirdly, They draw back the aforesaid Value of their Gold, by Bills of Exchange or Remittances. In every one of these Cases, they make an unreasonable Profit by their Gold, which must needs, in a little time, Exhaust a great part of the Real Stock and Wealth of our Nation; But particularly in the first Case, the Bullion or Coin in Silver that is Exported, is really worth much more than the Gold Imported for it; and the Difference becomes a Dead Loss to England, which Labours too much already under the Scarcity of Silver, and will inevitably find it much Scarcer and Dearer than it is, if this Golden Trade continues. In the Second Case, they can Furnish Foreign Markets with our Native Commodities, which would be carried thither by our own Merchants, who want the aforesaid Profit of the Gold, to enable them to Buy those Goods as Dear, and Sell them as Cheap as the Foreigners can. And in the Third Case, by the great occasion they have for Bills to draw back the Value of their Gold to the Places from whence it came, they have Contributed in a great measure towards Lowering the Exchange to Low Countries: which from divers causes (whereof the Importing of Guineas is none of the least) is sunk so very Low, that the Publick loses about Four Shillings in the Pound upon all the Moneys Remitted thither; which Loss Amounts to a great deal in the Charge of the Army. And the Exchange to Hamburgh and the East Countreys for all Naval Stores, and other Goods, is Lower, and to all Places in the Mediterranean (where our Fleet is at present) the Exchange is yet more to our Prejudice. And in regard the aforesaid excessive Advance of the Guinea Pieces, at least a great part thereof, can be Attributed (as has been before observed) to nothing else but the Baseness and Defects of the White Moneys, there is no Prospect of Reducing the Gold to a more moderate or reasonable Price, by any means consistent with the Interest of the Nation, other than the Amendment, and Restoring of the Silver Coins.

Secondly, In the present Condition and Circumstances of our Silver Money, this Nation and the Trade and Dealings thereof, are in a great measure Deprived of the Use and Benefit of the whole Species now in being, as well the Heavy Pieces as the Light; the former of which (especially since the Parliament in the last Session appear’d desirous of making a Reformation or Amendment) have been for the most part Hoarded by the particular Persons Possessed thereof, in Prospect that the Silver contained in those Weighty Pieces will be Raised to a Value suitable to the Bullion thereof if Melted, which they may think will turn more to their Profit than Lending at Interest, Purchasing or Trading therewith in the mean time; or at least they may think these Hoarded Moneys (when the Mischiefs of Corrupting and Diminishing their Coins, come to their last Extremity) will particularly stand those Men in stead that have them; however it be, its certain the Weighty Moneys at present do very little appear Abroad, and it is not likely they will soon be brought to Light, without Raising their Value, and Re-Coining the Clipt Moneys; and as for the latter, a great Part thereof, when offered in Payments, is utterly Refused, and will not Pass, and consequently doth not serve to the end or Purpose for which it was made: so that both the one and the other (for the greatest part) are become as it were a Dead Cash in the Kingdom.

Thirdly, In Consequence of the Vitiating, Diminishing and Counterfeiting of the Currant Moneys, it is come to pass, That great Contentions do daily arise amongst the King’s Subjects, in Fairs, Markets, Shops, and other Places throughout the Kingdom, about the Passing or Refusing of the same, to the disturbance of the Publick Peace; many Bargains, Doings and Dealings are totally prevented and laid aside, which lessens Trade in general; Persons before they conclude in any Bargains, are necessitated first to settle the Price or Value of the very Money they are to Receive for their Goods; and if it be in Guineas at a High Rate, or in Clipt or Bad Moneys, they set the Price of their Goods accordingly, which I think has been One great cause of Raising the Price not only of Merchandizes, but even of Edibles, and other Necessaries for the sustenance of the Common People, to their great Grievance. The Receipt and Collection of the Publick Taxes, Revenues, and Debts (as well as of Private Mens Incomes) are extreamly retarded, to the Damage of His Majesty, and to the Prejudice of a Vigorous Prosecution of the War; so that there were never (at least since I had the Honour to serve the Crown) so many Bonds Given, and lying Unsatisfied at the Custom-Houses, or so vast an Arrear of Excises. And as for the Land Tax, your Lordships know how far ’tis affected with the Bad Moneys, by the many Complaints transmitted daily from the Commissioners, Receivers, and Collectors thereof, and by Comparing the Sum brought into the Exchequer this Year, with the timely Payments of the like Tax in preceding Years. In fine, the Mischiefs of the Bad Money (too many to enumerate) are so sensibly Felt, that (I humbly conceive) they are sufficient to Confute all the Arguments against the Re-Coining the same in this time of War, and even the Objections against Raising the Silver in our Coin to the Propos’d Value. Which Arguments and Objections (how Plausible or Weighty soever they have been heretofore) have not at this time sufficient Ground or Reason to Support them, especially when the doing of these things is not Projected for the particular Gain or Profit of the Crown (which formerly Received a Duty of Seigniorage upon Coining or Re-coining of Moneys) but for the Common Good and Utility of the King and his People. But whether all the Evils and Mischiefs before mentioned, and the Increase thereof, which the Nation must undergo, till a Remedy be Applied, do infer, or are tantamount to an absolute Necessity for the present Enterprising the Work aforesaid, must be and is with all Humility submitted to a better Judgment than my own.

The Fourth General Head is to propose the Means that must be Obtained, and the proper Methods to be used in and for the Re-establishment of the Silver Coins.

IN Case his Majesty (taking into His Princely Consideration the great Inconveniencies which the Nation Labours under by the badness of the Moneys) shall be pleased to Direct, That all such Silver Coins called Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings or Testers, as have been formerly Coin’d in the Royal Mint, or Mints of England with the Hammer, and are more or less Diminished by Clipping, Rounding, Filing, or any other Artifice, shall be Melted and Re-Coin’d, my humble Opinion is, That the General Cautions following are to be Observed;

First, That the Work ought to be Performed and Finished in as little time as may be, not only to Obviate a further Damage by Clipping in the interim, but also that the needful Advantages of the New Money may be the sooner Obtained for the Service of the Nation.

Secondly, That the loss, or the greatest part of it ought to be born by the Publick, and not by Particulars, who being very Numerous will be prejudiced against a Reformation for the Publick Benefit, if it is to be Effected at the Cost of particular Men, and who have great hopes of being Indemnified by the Votes Passed in their favour in the last Session of Parliament.

Thirdly, This whole Affair must be rendered Easie, and very Intelligible to the Common People, so that they must not be compelled to Travel very far when they part with their Clipt Money, or when they receive back the Value of it in the New Coins; and in the mean time they must be furnished with a Useful and Transferrable Credit that must take Place in Course of Repayment, as fast as the New Coins can be made.

Fourthly, That no room must be left for Jealousie. And therefore all the Clipt Moneys in the several Counties, far or near, are not to be brought entirely to London, to be Minted there; which would leave all the Countries very bare, and create great Suspicions till its Return.

Fifthly, That as soon as the King’s Officers begin to take in the Clipt Moneys, or presently after, the Course for Repaying the Stated Value thereof in New Moneys ought to begin also, and to be Carried on by the New Moneys, which shall be Coin’d from the Silver of the Old, so far as it will Extend; And that an Aid be given in Parliament to Supply the residue, in such time and manner, as that there be no Interruption or Intervals in the Course of Repayment, till such times as the Registers for the Clipt Moneys to be brought in shall be fully satisfied.

According to these General Propositions, and some other Requisites which have Occurred to me, I have imployed my Thoughts to Reduce this whole Affair into Practice, and do humbly Offer to your Lordships Consideration the Particulars following, as the Scope and Design of my Report: That is to say,

First, That an Aid be granted in Parliament, and strictly Appropriated for or towards the making good of the Loss by the said Clipt Moneys, or so much thereof as shall be thought Reasonable to be Defrayed by the Publick, and the incident Charges which shall be necessary in the Performance of this Service. Which Aid, if it be Commensurate to the whole Loss, will, by Estimation, as above, Amount to Fifteen hundred thousand Pounds; and if it be Resolved that the Publick shall bear but half the Loss, or any other part of it, then the Aid (in the grant thereof) may be proportioned accordingly. And the said Aid is humbly proposed to be either by a Land Tax of Twelve Pence in the Pound, or by a yearly Sum to be Answered out of the continued Impositions upon Goods imported, or some other certain Fund, to take Effect within a year to come at the farthest.

Secondly, That all the New Moneys, whether they be Gold or Silver, shall in the Coining thereof be made in Fineness or Purity, according to the present Standard, that is to say, the Gold to be Twenty two Carats Fine and Two Carats Allay: And the Silver Coins to be Eleven Ounces Two Peny Weight Fine, and Eighteen Peny Weight Allay, for the Reasons above given.

Thirdly, That every Pound Weight Troy of such Gold, shall be cut into Eighty nine Half Guineas, or Fourty four Guineas and an Half, or proportionably for greater Pieces, as the same ought to be by the present Indenture of the Mint; with a Remedy for the Master, of the Sixth Part of a Carat, in Case the Gold be found too strong or too feeble in Weight, or in Fineness, or in both. And that every Pound Weight Troy, of the New Silver Moneys, to be made as aforesaid, be cut into such Numbers of Pieces as will correspond in Weight with the Undiminished Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, Six-pences, Groats, Three-pences, Two-pences and Pence, Coin’d by the late Indentures, except the Twelve Peny Pieces, all which may be performed, as is above offered. And that the Master be allowed a Remedy of Two Peny Weight in every Pound Weight Troy, of the Silver Moneys, in case they be found too strong or too feeble in Weight, or in Fineness, or in both.

Fourthly, That by Authority of Parliament, or by a Royal Proclamation to be Grounded on an Act of Parliament, the Silver Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings and Six-pences of the Lawful Coins of this Realm now in being, and not Diminished by Clipping, Rounding, Filing, Washing, or other Artifice, be Publicly Cried up, and Raised to the Foot of Seventy five Pence for the Crown, and proportionably for the rest, as I have also proposed; and that the other small Pieces of the Old Coins (which are few in number) go as they do at present. And that the New Coins to be called the Sceptre, or Unite, the Half-Sceptre, or Half-Unite, the Testoon or Fifteen Peny Piece, the Shilling or Twelve Peny Piece, the Half-Testoon, the Gross or Five Peny Piece, Quarter-Testoon, the Half-Gross and Prime be made Currant upon the same Foot, as I have also proposed, Pag. 61, &c.

Fifthly, That Coin, as well as English Bullion, not exceeding a limited Sum yearly, may be Exported for the Service of the present War by His Majesty’s Warrant and Command, and not otherwise; which will help to keep down the Price of Silver.

Sixthly, That all the New Moneys be made by the Mill and the Press, and not by the Hammer.

Seventhly, That all the present Silver Pieces called Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings and Six-pences of the Hammer’d kind, which are Diminished by Clipping, Rounding, Filing, Washing, or other Artifice, be Cried down, so as not to be Currant after a Day to be prefix’d. And that no Person whatsoever shall hereafter be obliged to accept in Legal Payment any Money whatsoever that is already Clipt, or may hereafter be Clipt or Diminished; and that no Person shall Tender or Receive any such Money in Payment under some small Penalty, to be made easily Recoverable; the Passing, Selling, or Changing of such Clipt or Diminished Moneys, in Order to the Re-Coining thereof, as is herein after mentioned, only Excepted.

Eighthly, That no Crown Piece (of Old Hammer’d Money) shall be said or alledged to be Clipt or Diminished, or be Refused as such in any Payments whatsoever if it hold Eighteen Peny Weight; and proportionable Weight shall render the Half-Crowns, Shillings and Six-pences of the said Hammer’d kind to be Currant in all Payments; which seems necessary, because of the wearing of the Old Pieces, though they are not Clipt.

Ninthly, That besides the Principal Mint within the Tower of London (where Six Presses can be wrought at the same time) there be Settled and Established Nine other Mints within England and Wales, to Work with Two Presses in each, Namely, One at Newcastle upon Tyne, to serve principally for the Counties of Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland: One at York to serve for the Counties of York and Lancaster: One at Nottingham to serve for the Counties of Nottingham, Lincoln, Derby and Leicester: One at Chester to serve for Cheshire, Staffordshire, Salop, and North Wales: One at Hereford to serve for the Counties of Hereford, Gloucester, Worcester, and South Wales: One at Exeter to serve for Cornwall, Devon, and Somerset: One at Salisbury to serve for the Counties of Wilts, Dorset, and Hantshire: One at Oxon, to serve for the Counties of Oxon, Bucks, Warwick, and Berks; And One at Cambridge to serve for Norfolk, Suffolk, Huntingdon, Cambridge, and Bedfordshire: and that at London will serve for the rest. Nevertheless these several Mints are not intended to be so Restrained but that a Man may carry his Money to any of them that lies most in his way; whereby there may be Coined Weekly (as I am inform’d) about Fifty or Sixty thousand Pounds easily, which will finish the whole Work in much less than a Years time. And that the Dyes, Presses and other Implements may be providing with as much haste as is possible, so as to be all fit for Use by or before Christmas next.

Tenthly, That the Warden, Master Worker, Comptroller, and Assay-Master of the Mint do continue at the Tower, and take the immediate Care of the Work there: And that they Substitute Fit and Skilful Persons as their Deputies (such as the King, or the Lord Treasurer, or Commissioners of the Treasury for the time being, shall approve of, and such as must be Answer’d for by their respective Superiors) to Carry on the Works of the said Nine Mints in the Countrey; which Substitutes shall be all Sworn, for the faithful Discharge of their respective Trust; and that the Members of the Corporation of the Moneyers, and other Ministers, Officers, and Servants, be distributed accordingly, and small Private Marks (if thought fit) may be made to distinguish the Money that shall be Coin’d at the respective Mints.

Eleventhly, That the Charge of making every Pound Weight Troy of Silver Moneys, which at present is One Shilling and Four Pence Half-peny, be made more Reasonable, now so much is to be Coin’d and Re-Coin’d.

Twelfthly, That at or near every Town or Place where there shall be a Distinct Mint Established, as aforesaid, there shall be also Settled and Fixt an Office, which shall be, and be called An Office of the Kings Change; and the Chief Officer therein (to be Named by His Majesty, or the Lord Treasurer, or Commissioners of the Treasury for the time being) shall be called The Kings Changer; and that these Changers shall have Tellers or Substitutes under them. And they, as well as their Substitutes, shall be Sworn for the Due and Just Execution of their respective Trusts, with regard not only to the King, but also to every Person that shall have to do with them in respect of their places.

Thirteenthly, The said Officer called The Changer, with such Tellers or Substitutes as shall be necessary, shall daily and every Day (Sundays only excepted) attend at the Publick Office whereunto he or they shall be Assigned, or at some other Market Town within the Counties of his District; and when he is to attend at such other Market Town, he shall cause the same to be Publickly Notified there, by Affixing a Paper in some open Place in the Market next preceding; and at the said Publick Office, or at such other Market Towns, as aforesaid, the said Changer by himself, or by his Tellers or Substitutes, shall Receive and Take in all such Clipt or Diminished Money as are beforementioned, as any Person or Persons shall bring to him in order to be Re-coin’d; and in Performance of his Office or Duty, he or they shall be holden to Observe the Rules following.

RULE I.

“HE or they shall carefully View and Examine by the Sight every Piece or Parcel of the said Moneys as shall be so brought in; and if he or they shall Observe any Piece or Pieces, which shall seem to be so Weighty, as that by the Eighth Proposition, the same ought to be Currant upon the New Foot (of Six Shillings and Three Pence for the Crown) abovementioned, he or they shall forthwith cause the Weight thereof to be Tried in the Scale; and if he or they do thereby find, that such respective Piece or Pieces are of such Weight, as that the same ought to be Currant upon the said New Foot, without being Melted down, the same shall be immediately Marked (with some Impression) by a Hammer, and Redelivered to the Bringer thereof to be Currant at the Raised Value, intended as aforesaid. The Marking is Design’d chiefly to prevent his being troubled with it again at the Office.

RULE II.

“IF the Changer, or his Teller or Substitute, shall suspect any Piece or Pieces of Money, brought in as aforesaid (either Alone or in a Sum) to be Counterfeit, or to be such money as was not Originally Coin’d in the Royal Mint of England, that then, and in every such Case, he or they shall and may cause such Suspicious Piece or Pieces (in the Presence of the Bringers) to be Divided by Shears for that Purpose to be kept and used in the Office. And if upon Dividing the same, it shall Appear by the Grain or the Touch, that such Piece or Pieces are of the goodness of Sterling Silver, that then and in every such Case, he or they shall retain such Silver (as if it were not divided) in order to be Re-coin’d. But if upon such Division, the Silver shall appear to be worse than the Goodness of Sterling, every Piece so divided shall be delivered back to the Bringer thereof, who in that case must be contented with his own again, in such a Condition that it will not serve to Defraud any Body else.

RULE III.

“AS to all the said Clipt or Diminished Moneys, which shall consist of the Old Crown, holding any Weight less than Eighteen Peny Weight; the Half Crown holding any Weight less than Nine Peny Weight; the Old Shilling holding any Weight less than Three Peny Weight, and Six Tenth Parts of a Peny Weight; and the Old Tester or Six-pence holding any Weight less than One Peny Weight, and Eight Tenth Parts of a Peny Weight, which shall be so brought in to be Melted down and Re-Coined; whereupon the loss above-mentioned is to be Born either by the State or by particular Persons, or Both; It is not certain at present, how much of the said Loss, by the Resolution of the Parliament, shall fall upon the one or the other. Nevertheless, for the Explanation of this Project, and to shew how far it is practicable, one may (as I humbly Conceive) Assume any certain Part of this Loss, to be born by the Public, as if it were Resolved. And Considering that One hundred Pounds by Tale of all these Clipt or Diminished Moneys, if they were in One Heap, would not (by the Estimation which I have made thereof under the Second General Head) hold above Sixteen Pound Weight Troy, or thereabouts, one with another (which the King’s Subjects dealing therein, do also find by daily Experience) I do from thence infer, that if the said Sixteen Pounds Weight Troy (which now Runs for One hundred Pounds by Tale) be brought to the Changer, to be by him Received at Eight Shillings per Ounce; then the said Eight Shillings per Ounce, when it comes to be Paid in the New Money, will Amount to Seventy six Pounds and Sixteen Shillings, which will plainly cast about Half the Loss upon the State and the rest upon the Owner of the Money (who will also find some Recompence in the Raised Value of his Unclipt Moneys, if he has any such.) Therefore let Eight Shillings per Ounce in the New Money be the Assumed or Stated Price, to be Computed by the Changer, for all the real Silver which he shall find to be remaining in these Clipt Moneys; which Method of making good part of the Loss to the Subject by Allowing him a large Price for every Ounce of the real Silver remaining in his Clipt Money, seems to me to be much more secure, and to be (in all respects) a better way, than by Allowing him a Market Price only for the said Silver remaining, and Contributing to his Loss in Proportion to the Deficiency or Silver Clipt off; because in the latter Case it will be in his Power before he brings in his Money to Clip it over again, and Reduce it so low, as that the deficient Weight (if it were to be made good at the Charge of the Publick) might be Twice, Thrice, Four times, Five times, &c. as much as the real Silver brought in by him would amount to. Whereas by this Third Rule, the danger of farther Clipping is perfectly obviated, for no Man will Clip off Silver to Sell at Six Shillings Five Pence an Ounce by the Market Price, when he may carry it to the King’s Change, and there Receive Eight Shillings per Ounce for it.

RULE IV.

“WHEREAS the said Clipt Moneys, so to be brought in, do retain very different and uncertain Weights and Sizes, as they are more or less Clipt; and it is evident that a Clipt Crown, holding more than Twelve Peny Weight and Twelve Grains, will produce more than Five Shillings in New Money if it should be Changed by it self at Eight Shillings an Ounce; and an Half-Crown holding more than Six Peny Weight and Six Grains, will (if it were Changed by it self for Eight Shillings an Ounce) produce more than Two Shillings and an Half in the New Money; and the like may be said of the Old Shillings and Six-pences not Clipt to a lower Degree in Proportion. I have Considered (although the Government would not suffer in this Case) that Goldsmiths and other Subtil Dealers in Money, will be very apt (if an effectual Remedy be not Provided against their Artifices) to Cull out the Heaviest of their Clipt Pieces, and to get such into their Hands from their Neighbours, to Change them at Eight Shillings an Ounce, and thereby Gain for them more New Moneys in Tale than ever they Amounted to in their old Denominations. And in regard One hundred Pounds by Tale of the said Clipt Moneys, holding in Weight Two hundred and fifty Ounces Troy, when it is Changed at the said Rate of Eight Shillings an Ounce, will produce One hundred Pounds in Tale of the said New Moneys; therefore it is Proposed, That every Person who brings any Clipt or Diminished Moneys to be Changed, as aforesaid, shall be obliged to mingle so many of his lighter Pieces with his heavier Pieces, as that upon the Draught or Weighing of them together, they may not at the said Rate of Eight Shillings an Ounce fetch more of the New Moneys in Tale than the said Clipt Money was Coined for in its Old Denominations, that is to say, One hundred Pounds by Tale of such Clipt Moneys, shall be so mingled with heavier and lighter Pieces as that it shall not exceed Two hundred and fifty Ounces in Weight; and every other Sum of Clipt Money shall be restrained to the same proportion: This will effectually prevent the said trick of Culling, and create little or no Difficulty in Practice, because amongst all the Clipt Moneys, those which might be converted to the Advantage above-mentioned are few in comparison of the rest, and a Sum consisting only of such Weighty Pieces will not in probability ever be brought to the Changers by any, but by Crafty or Designing Men. And by this device your Lordships may be pleased to take notice that there will be no need of Weighing every individual Piece, which (as I think) would render the Work endless and impossible. The Changer, or his Substitute, when he shall have carefully Counted and Weighed the said Clipt Money (observing the Caution aforesaid) shall compute the Value to be paid for the same, at the said Rate of Eight Shillings an Ounce, and enter into a Leger Book to be kept for this purpose, the Day, Month and Year of his Receipt thereof, the Name of the Person that brings it, the Sum of the Clipt Money told, the exact Weight thereof, and the said Value which is to be paid for the same in New Moneys in several Columes to be made for that purpose, for which Value a Bill or Ticket is to be given, as is after-mentioned.

RULE V.

“THE Changer, or his Substitute, shall from time to time deliver over the Clipt or Diminished Moneys, by him or them received or taken in, as aforesaid, to the proper Officer of the respective Mint for that District where it was Received, in Order to be Re-Coined, taking Receipts for the same, by the Weight and Tale of every Quantity so delivered over; which Receipts are to be the Vouchers for the Account of the Changer, and the same, together with his Leger, will serve to Charge the Accounting Officer of the Mint.

RULE VI.

“THAT there shall be provided for every Changer a Book or Books, in which every Leaf shall be divided into Two Columes by a Figure or Cypher to be Printed therein, and shall be so drawn with Lines cutting the Cypher at Right Angles, as that Six Pair of Bills may be contained in every Leaf, and so that every Counter part may be separated from its Principal Indent-wise, by cutting through the Cypher or Flourish, all which Bills shall be numbred in Pairs Arithmetically (1, 2, 3, &c.) as far as there shall be occasion, and there shall be Printed thereupon the Name of the Place (where it is at last to be satisfied) and other Words to this Effect:

No. 1. Nottingham. This Bill Intitles the Bearer to the Sum of to be paid with Interest, after the Rate of Five Pounds per Centum per Annum out of the Fund Settled by Parliament for Satisfaction of the Register for Clipt or Diminished Money kept at the Place aforesaid.

“And the said Changer, or his Substitute, upon Adjusting (by the Third and Fourth Rules aforesaid) the Value of which is to be paid in New Money for any Parcel of Clipt or Diminished Moneys brought in, as aforesaid, shall deliver to the Party bringing the same, an Indented Note (to wit, one of those of the Extream Colume) cut out from the said Book, and Signed by himself for the said Value, to be paid in Course as is hereafter mentioned, taking Care that the Sum Expressed in the Note so delivered be also Written in Words at length in the Counterpart remaining in the Book, which Book by this means will not only be useful and ready in the City or Countrey to Cheque the Principal Bill, if there should be occasion for so doing, but will also well serve for an Exact Register (without making any other) to Guide and Govern the Payment of the Principal in the due Course intended, and the just Computation and Payment of the Interest upon every such Bill.

RULE VII.

“THAT no such Bill shall be given, or asked for any Sum less then Twenty Shillings in Tale of the New Money; and if several Pieces be brought to the Change for any Sum or Sums smaller than Twenty Shillings, several of them may be joyned in One Bill, which may be taken in such Name as the Owners of the Money shall desire; and if they cannot agree, it may be in the Name of the Mayor, Bailiff, or other Chief Magistrate of the Place or (if there be no Magistrate) in the Name of the Minister of the Parish, in Trust for the several Owners of such small Sums.

The Seven Rules before going concern the Duty and Office of the Changer only.

Fourteenthly, That all the Silver which will arise from the said Clipt or Diminished Moneys, or from the Plate of the Vintners and Victuallers, or that shall be brought to be Coined by the Merchants, or by any other means, shall be Coined into Moneys, according to these Propositions. In the doing whereof the Chief Officers of the Mint, and all their Substitutes, Officers and Servants shall be subject to the same, or the like Constitutions and Orders touching Assaying, Melting, Refining, Trying, Charging, Discharging, or any Matters or Things relating to the Fabrication of these Moneys as are already Established for Moneys made at the Tower of London: And that the respective Substitutes shall be Accountable to their respective Superiours, and that the Superiour Officers shall be answerable to the King, as now they are.

Fifteenthly, That the aforesaid Bills for the Values of the Clipt or Diminished Moneys shall be payable to the respective Bearers, who shall shew forth, and bring in the same Bills, whereby the Property thereof will be easily Transferrable without writing; and the Voluntary Acceptance thereof in payment shall be a good Discharge, as if the Payment were made in Money. And the better to Encourage the Currancy of these Bills, it is Proposed, That they bear an Interest after the Rate of Five Pounds per Centum per Annum from the Date thereof (which will plainly appear not only in the Bill it self, but in its Counter-part, remaining in the Register Book) until its full Satisfaction. So that it cannot be doubted, but these Bills being Charged upon so good a Fund, in so near a Course, and made Profitable by the Interest, will be preferrable to the Bills of any Banks, or Goldsmiths, or private Persons whatsoever, and serve as well (to all intents) as so much Cash, whilst the Clipt Money is Converting into Sterling Money; and for the sake of the Interest those that have the Clipt Moneys will bring them in the more speedily.

Memorandum, As soon as the Bill becomes payable in Course, although the Owner do not fetch his Money, it must be reserved for him, only the Interest must cease from that time.

Sixteenthly, That the time for taking in of the Clipt Moneys be limited to Six Months.

Seventeenthly, For Settling and Establishing an ample and Sufficient Fund and Security for the Payment and Satisfaction of the Principal and Interest, to be contained in the aforesaid Bills, in such due Course and Order, as that every Person who parts with his Clipt or Diminished Moneys, may plainly see and be satisfied, That he or his Assigns shall certainly receive the Value thereof; and that the Course of the Payments will Commence in a very little time, and be continued without any Interruption till the whole be compleated (which will very much influence this whole Affair) It is humbly propos’d that it may be Enacted as follows,

1st, “That all the New Moneys which shall be Coin’d in every distinct Mint of the Silver of the Old Clipt or Diminish’d Moneys brought into the Office of Change, to be particularly Assigned to or for the same Mint, shall be Appropriated to the Payment of the Bill standing in the Register belonging to that Office, and shall be applied thereunto de die in diem, as fast as the said old Moneys can be Re-Coin’d. And as the Kings Changer shall be obliged in the giving out his Numbred Bills, to observe and have regard to the Day or Time upon which the Party brings his Clipt or Diminish’d Money; so in the paying off the said Bills he shall keep a due course, as they shall be Numbred and Stand in the Book of the said Register, without giving an undue Preference, under pain of Forfeiting double the Value to the Party grieved.

2ndly, “That it shall and may be lawful to or for any Person or Persons, Bodies Politick or Corporate to Advance or Lend at the Exchequer, in such Unclipt Moneys as will be Currant by this Project, any Sum or Sums of Money not exceeding, Eight hundred thousand Pounds (which by Estimation will make good so much of the loss as is to be born by the State, or Publick, if the Clipt Moneys are taken in at the said assumed Rate of Eight Shillings an Ounce) and such Loans will consequently be accepted in Money at the Raised Value abovementioned. And the same, together with Interest after the Rate of Seven Pounds per Centum per Annum, may be Charged upon the aforesaid Aid, in the same manner as Loans at the Exchequer have usually been Charged upon other Aids. And that the Weighty Moneys that shall be so Lent, be also Appropriated, and be made Auxiliary to the Paying off the said Bills in the several Registers thereof, and be Applied, Distributed and Transmitted to and amongst the same, by the Commissioners of the Treasury, and the Lord Treasurer for the time being, in such Proportions as they shall find to agree with the Sum, that shall be Due and Owing from time to time upon those Registers respectively.

3rdly, “That any Merchant, or other Person whatsoever, having, or that shall have any Silver Bullion whatsoever, whether it be Foreign Silver, Plate in Vessels, the Silver of Counterfeit Moneys, or any other kind of Bullion whatsoever, shall have liberty to carry the same to any of the said Mints, and have it in his own Election, either to have it Coined into New Money, upon the New Foot to his own use; in which case he must receive his Coin’d Money according to the present Course of the Mint; or else to declare that he will Lend the Value of it at the Exchequer, as part of the said Sum, not exceeding Eight hundred thousand Pounds. In which Case last mentioned, the Officers of the Mint shall Certifie to the Officers of the Exchequer the Quantity of Sterling Silver, or Silver reduced to Sterling, that shall be so delivered to them, and the Value thereof, after the Rate of Six Shillings and Five Pence Halfpeny an Ounce, and the Officers of the Exchequer, upon producing these Certificates shall give to the Party Tallies and Orders, Charged upon the said Aid, for the Values so Certified, as if it were Lent in the said Currant Money at the Receipt, in part of the said Sum not exceeding Eight hundred thousand Pounds, and for the Interest thereof. And in this Case the New Moneys which shall proceed from the Bullion so Lent, shall be Appropriated, and be Transmitted, and Distributed to and for the satisfaction of the said Registers, in the like manner as the other Moneys which shall be lent, as aforesaid.

4thly, “In Case the Silver of the Clipt Moneys, and such Loans, as aforesaid, shall not suffice to clear all the Registers, then the Remainder must be paid by the Overplus Moneys, to be Collected for the Aid it self; and in Default thereof (which is not very likely) the last Deficiency ought to be paid out of the then next Moneys to be Raised by Parliament.

Eighteenthly, That the present Coinage Duty may be Applied towards the Charge of the said Mints in general.

Nineteenthly, That the Commissioners of the Treasury, or Lord Treasurer for the time being, and such Person as the King shall Appoint to be the Under Treasurer, or Supervisor for this purpose, shall have the Oversight, Rule, Order and Government of this Affair, according to the Laws that shall be Enacted for the same, and shall have power to administer the Oaths, and take sufficient Securities in the Kings Name, from all the Officers belonging to the Change, and such of the Officers of the Mint as ought to give Security, and to require Weekly, or other Accounts from the several Offices, and particularly to cause the general Accounts of the said Changers, and of the Accompting Officers of the Mint, to be Passed in the Exchequer, in such due Form as they ought to be, and to allow such Salaries, and Incident Charges as shall be reasonable for the performance of this Service, and also to allow the reasonable wast in the Coinage.

Twentieth, That all Persons Concerned may have free Access to the several Legers and Registers beforementioned; and no Fee or Charge shall be asked or taken of them, for any Matter or Thing which is to be done by any Officer in Execution of this Project.

Twentyfirst, That at the first Session of Parliament after Michaelmas, 1696, the said Commissioners of the Treasury, or Lord Treasurer for the time being, and the said Under-Treasurer or Supervisor General for this Affair, shall deliver fairly Written to each of the Two Houses of Parliament, a True and Exact Account of all the Clipt or Diminish’d Moneys which shall have been brought in to be Re-coin’d, by the Tale and Weight thereof, appearing in the respective Offices of the Changers; and of all the New Moneys which shall have been Coin’d in the said several Mints, distinguishing those proceeding from the Silver of the Old Moneys from the Coins made of any other Bullion, and shewing particularly the Plate of the Retailers of Wine, Beer, and other Liquors, and the Quantities of Money made thereof; also the Totals of the said Registers for the Values of the Clipt Money, and the Discharging of the same, and how much (if any part) shall then remain Unsatisfied, and the like Account shall be Presented to His Majesty.

The Fifth General Head Considers what must Supply the Commerce, Pay Taxes, &c. whilst the Clipt Money is under its New Fabrication.

THIS Question is to be Answered, by Reminding your Lordships of several Particulars which have already occurred in this Report, with a small Addition, as follows.

First, The Weighty Money (both Mill’d and Hammer’d) now Hoarded, will come forth at a Raised Value, which (according to the above Estimation) may make One Million and Six hundred thousand Pounds more or less; besides the Guineas and Half-Guineas, which are but too numerous at their present Rate.

Secondly, The Bills for the Clipt Money will be so Profitable and Certain, and have such a quick Course of Payment, as aforesaid, that they will serve as so much Running Cash: and in the coming forth, the Number of them will encrease from day to day; that from First to Last, they will by Estimation amount to above Three Millions.

Thirdly, As those Bills are Paid off, the New Moneys Coin’d, with the Silver of the Clipt, will come in their stead, the Fabrication whereof will begin presently, and the Work will be Carried on with as much Expedition as can be made by Ten Mints.

Fourthly, Importers of Bullion, and all others that have or can have any Foreign or English Silver (even the Silver of Counterfeit Moneys) in their Hands, will have a visible Encouragement to carry the same forthwith to the Mint to be Coin’d.

Fifthly, It may be Enacted, That all Persons that Sell Wine, Strong-waters, Bear, Ale or other Liquors by Retail, shall by a Prefixt Day, bring their Tankards, Cups, Dishes and other Plate to some or one of the Mints, to be Coin’d into New Money, at the Rate of Six Shillings and Five Pence Half-peny an Ounce, under Pain of Forfeiture thereof, and that the New Money proceeding from the same shall be Delivered to them according to the present Course of the Mint.

I have (my Lords) in this difficult Matter Considered and Digested as many things as were possible for me in so short a time; and I cannot forbear (before I end) to Alledge, that if the Coins are to be Amended and Established according to these Propositions (which may be Rectified and Improved by Men of greater Judgment and Skill) I cannot foresee that even whilst the Work is Carrying on, there will Accrue such Publick Disorder, Damage or Distress, as the Nation Labours under before the Work is put in hand.

All which is most humbly submitted to Your Lordships great Wisdom and Judgment.

WILLIAM LOWNDES.

12 Septemb. 1695.

In quodam libro vocato nigro scripto tempore Regis Henrici Secundi, per Gervasium Tilburiensem, de Necessariis Scaccarii, remanente in Curia Receptæ Scaccarii, inter alia sic continetur.

Cap. 21.

Officium Militis Argentarii & Fusoris.

PORRO Miles Argentarius ab inferiore Scaccario ad superius differt Loculum examinandi Argenti, cujus supra meminimus, quem cum intulerit Signatum Sigillo Vicecomitis, sub omnium oculis effundit in Scaccario xxiiii. Solidos quos de Acervo Sumptos prius Signaverit, factaque Commixtione eosdem, ut ponderi respondeant, mittit in unum Vasculum trutinæ libram ponderis, in alterum vero de Denariis quod Oportuit, Quo facto, numerat eosdem ut ex numero constare possit, si legitimi ponderis sint, cujuscunque vero ponderis inventi fuerint, seorsum mittit in Ciffum libram unam, hoc est xx. Solidos, ex quibus examen fiat, reliquos vero xxiiii. Solidos mittit in Loculum. Item duo Denarii præter libram examinandam dantur Fusori, non de Fisco, sed de parte Vicecomitis, quia in præmium sui laboris.

Tunc eliguntur a Præsidente vel a Thesaurario, si ille absens fuerit, alii duo Vic. ut simul cum Argentario, Necnon et Vicecomite, cujus examen faciendum est, procedant ad Ignem, ubi Fusor ante præmonitus, præparatis Necessariis, eorum præstolatur adventum. Ibi iterum præsente Fusore et hiis qui a Baronibus missi sunt, diligenter computantur, et Fusori traduntur. Quos ille Suspiciens manu propria numerat, et sic disponit eos in Vasculum ignitorum Cinerum quod in Fornace est.Tunc igitur Artis Fusoriæ lege servata, redigit eos in Massam, conflans et emundans Argentum: Cæterum cavendum est ei, ne citra perfectionem subsistat, vel importunis æstuationibus vexet illud atque consumat. Illud propter Regis, hoc propter Vicecomitis Jacturam, set Modis omnibus provideat et quanta procuret industria ut non vexetur, set ad purum tantum excoquatur, hoc autem ipsum providere dicunt hii qui ad idem missi sunt a Majoribus. Facto igitur examine defert illud Argentarius ad Barones, Comitantibus illis, et tunc in omnium Oculis ponderat illud cum libra prædicta ponderis, supplet autem mox quod ignis consumpsit, appositis denariis ejusdem loculi, donec æquilibriter se habeat examen cum pondere. Tunc inscribitur idem examen desuper ducta Creta hiis verbis, Everwicscir, libra arsit tot vel tot denarios, et tunc illud Essaium dicitur. Non enim inscribitur nisi præconcessio quod sic stare debeat. Quod si Vicecomes, cujus est, Calumpniatus fuerit, illud quasi plus justo consumptum fuerit ignis scilicet exæstuatione vel plumbi infusione, vel et Fusor ipse, qualibet Occasione defecisse fateatur examen, iterum numerentur xx. Solidos, qui residui sunt in loculo prædicto, coram Baronibus sicut demonstratum est, et eadem ratione Servata, fiat examen. Hinc igitur constare potest, qua consideratione de acervo magno propositæ pecuniæ xliiii. Solidos seorsum ab initio mittantur in Loculum, apposito Vicecomitis Sigillo. Notandum vero est, quod Fusor duos percipit denarios pro Examine, sicut diximus. Quod si quovis Casu aliud faceret, et si tertio examinaverit, non percipiet quicquam, set contentus erit semel susceptis duobus.

Discipulus. Miror a tantis tantam adhiberi diligentiam in unius libræ examinatione, cum nec magnus ex ea quæstus nec multa jactura proveniat.

Magist. Non propter hanc tantum fiunt hæc, set propter omnes illas quæ ab eodem Vicecomite sub eodemnomine firme simul cum hac persolvuntur. Quantam enim ab hac libra per ignem purgatorium decidit, tantundem ex singulis aliis libris Noverit Vicecomes de summa sua substrahendum, ut si centum libras numeratas solverit, et libra examinis iii. denarii exciderint, Non computentur ei nisi nonaginta quinque.

A Computation of the Common Weight of a Hundred Pounds by Tale, in Ordinary Silver Money at this Day, taken from a Medium of the Bags, Weighed at the Receipt of Exchequer, in May, June, and July last.

Memorandum, The Weight of One hundred Pounds by Tale in Silver Moneys, according to the Standard of the Mint, ought to be Thirty two Pounds Three Ounces, One Peny Weight and Twenty two Grains Troy.

NOTE ON THE RE-COINAGE OF 1696-99.

THE proposal of Mr. Lowndes for degrading the Standard of the Currency by Raising the Nominal Value of the Crown, or 5s. piece, to 6s. 3d. (25 per cent.) and so in proportion with other Coins, was chiefly defeated through the vigorous resistance of Mr. Locke. To oppose it that great philosopher published his celebrated tracts on “Raising the Value of Money,”* in which he examined and refuted the various arguments by which Mr. Lowndes and others had endeavoured to vindicate the policy of such a proceeding. But, though the Old Standard was happily preserved in its integrity, some of the principles that should have been kept in view in settling the basis on which the Currency was henceforth to be placed appear to have been all but wholly overlooked.

The regulations under which Gold and Silver Coins were circulated in England previously to 1663 differed at different periods. In that year the Guinea* was first coined, and its value (though fixed by the Mint regulations at the low rate of 20s. in silver) and the values of the other Gold Coins then in circulation, varied according to the fluctuations in the market values of Gold and Silver, the latter being in effect the only legal tender. Gold, however, had, for a lengthened period, been coming more and more into circulation; and, owing to a variety of causes, the principal perhaps being its greater aptitude to serve as Currency, combined with the worn, clipped, and extremely unsatisfactory state of the Silver Coins, it was used in the reign of Charles II. in preference to Silver in all large payments. Previously to the great Re-Coinage of 1696-99, Silver Coins were so much degraded that the Guinea passed current for 28s. and 30s.

When, therefore, the subject of the Re-Coinage came to be considered, the first questions to be examined were, whether Gold or Silver should be selected as the Standard of the Currency? or whether both metals should be used as Standards?

Both Lowndes and Locke agree in considering Silver as having hitherto been in fact the only Standard of the Currency; and the latter was impressed with a strong (though we believe ill-founded† ) conviction of its great superiority in that respect to gold. Such being their opinion, it is plain that the proposal of Lowndes was neither more nor less than a proposal to degrade the Standard to the extent of 25 per cent. And we are under the greatest obligations to Locke and his supporters in Parliament by whom so nefarious a project was successfully opposed.

But Parliament, wholly engrossed by the Re-Coinage of Silver, does not appear to have ever considered what was to be done with Gold. And yet it is plain that if it was intended that Gold Coins should continue in circulation, and be legal tender indifferently with Silver, the future state of the Currency would depend on the Mint valuation of Gold and Silver, or on the rate at which the one was to be received for the other. If this valuation had been made so as to correspond pretty exactly with the real values of the metals then, as little or nothing would have been gained by using the one rather than the other, Coins of both might have continued to circulate together. But it is difficult at any time to make such an accurate adjustment of the values of the two metals; while, supposing it were made, it could not, owing to changes in their real values, be maintained for any considerable period. And whenever a change takes place in their comparative values, it becomes the obvious interest of everybody to use that metal in preference which is over-valued, the other being employed in the arts, or exported to places where it passes at its fair value.

But though sufficiently obvious, and set in a clear light by Mr. Locke, these considerations were completely lost sight of in 1696-99. After the Re-Coinage had been effected, the rates at which Gold and Silver Coins were to be interchanged were not fixed by authority—that is, the rule laid down in the Proclamation of 1663 was not interfered with. But this rule had fallen into desuetude, and after the Re-Coinage the value of the Guinea was estimated by the Public at 21s. 6d., and it was readily received at that rate in all payments.*

It appears, however, from the best attainable information, that this valuation of 21s. 6d. was really equivalent to a premium of 10d. in favour of the Guinea, it being worth only about 20s. 8d. of the new Coins. And in consequence of this marked, though unintentional preference of Gold, it was used, to the exclusion of silver, in all considerable payments; while the new Coins of the latter, being not only under-valued but in excess, immediately began to be exported.

The growing scarcity of Silver consequent on this exportation being in the end productive of considerable inconvenience, an attempt was made to stop it in 1717, by reducing by Proclamation the value of the Guinea from 21s. 6d. to 21s., Gold and Silver being respectively made legal tender in that proportion, or in the ratio of 1 lb. of Gold to 15 lb. of Silver. But notwithstanding this reduction, which was made pursuant to the advice of Sir Isaac Newton (see post), the Guinea was still over-valued as compared with Silver. This over-valuation was estimated at the time at about 4d. in the Guinea, or 1 per cent.* And as the value of Silver compared with Gold continued to increase for most part of last century, it afterwards became considerably greater; a circumstance which rendered it more and more the interest of all parties to pay in Gold rather than in Silver. Hence Gold became in practice, what Silver had formerly been, the sole legal tender; and during the lengthened period from 1717 down to 1816, no Silver Coins of the legal weight and purity would remain in circulation, but were either melted down or exported, the Silver Currency consisting entirely of light worn Coins.

It is evident from these statements that Locke and those who effected the Re-Coinage of 1696-99 should, to be consistent, and prevent the immediate exportation of the new Coins, have reduced the Mint value of the Guinea to 20s. 8d. or 20s. 6d., or have made it optional merely to take Gold at its market price.* But it is probably better that they did not. The over-valuation of Gold gave us a Gold Currency which, besides being incomparably more commodious, is, despite the dictum of Locke, in most respects preferable, especially in a country like this, to a Silver Currency.†

Had Lowndes, instead of an excessive reduction of 25 per cent. in the value of the Silver Coins, contented himself with proposing a reduction of 3 or 4 per cent., and his proposal been agreed to, it is probable that Gold would, notwithstanding, have continued to be preferred by the Public, and Silver been used only in small payments; and if so, the system of 1816 would have been to some extent anticipated. But the degradation which he proposed was so very great that, unless the ratio of Gold to Silver had been at the same time very largely raised, or the Gold Coins been called in and their weight proportionally reduced, they would have been entirely banished from circulation. It is quite impracticable, where two sets of Coins are equally legal tender, to degrade the one without at the same time degrading the other, or forcing it abroad.

In the system established in 1816, Silver is received at the Mint at the rate of 5s. 2d. per oz. and issued at the rate of 5s. 6d. per do. the 4d. being retained as a seignorage to defray the expense of Coinage. Silver was then, also, made legal tender to the extent of 40s. only in any one payment. In consequence, it has become a merely subsidiary currency. This system, which was suggested by the first Earl of Liverpool, has answered extremely well.

REPRESENTATIONS OF SIR ISAAC NEWTON ON THE SUBJECT of MONEY. 1712-1717.

REPRESENTATION FIRST

to the Right Honourable the Earl of Oxford and Earl of Mortimer, Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain.

May it please Your Lordship,

ACCORDING to your Lordship’s Order, signified to me by Mr. Secretary Harley, in his Letter of February 26th last, I have considered the Letter of his Grace the Duke of Ormond, Her Majesty’s Lieutenant General and General Governor of Ireland, sent to your Lordship, together with the Representation sent to his Grace from the Lords of Her Majesty’s Most Honourable Privy Council of that Kingdom, mentioning a late Proclamation for making current in that Kingdom some Pieces of Foreign Gold and proposing to make current there, by further Proclamation, several other Pieces of Foreign Gold therein named, to prevent the Counterfeiting thereof: and as to the Value of the Pieces, I humbly represent, that the Spanish Pistoles, one with another, as they are brought hither by the Merchant, weigh 103 Grains each at a Medium, and are in Fineness half a Grain worse than Standard, and after the Rate that a Guinea is valued in England at 1l. 1s. 6d. are here worth 17s. 1d. and in Ireland, where the Silver Money is raised a Penny in the Shilling, if the Gold be raised in the same Proportion, become worth 18s. 6d. And in Proportion to the Quadruple Pistole weighs 412 Grains, the Double Pistole 206 Grains, and the Quarter Pistole 25¾ Grains: But in the Representation the Quadruple Pistoles are said to weigh 408 Grains, the Double Pistole 204 Grains, and the Quarter Pistoles 25 and an half Grains, whence I gather, that in the former Proclamation the Weight of the Pistole was but 102 Grains, which is a Grain lighter than the just Weight, this Grain, as I conceive, being abated to give a legal Currency to such lighter Pieces as want not above a Grain of their just Weight; and upon this Consideration the Quadruple, Double, and Quarter Pistoles may be put in Weight and Value as is expressed in the Representation; and so may the Double and Quarter Luidores, they being of the same weight, Fineness and Value with the Double and Quarter Pistoles.

The Moydores of Portugal, one with another, as they are brought hither by the Merchant, weigh 165¾ Grains at a Medium, and a Quarter of a Grain better than Standard, and in England are worth 27s. 8d. Half-penny, and being raised a Penny in the Shilling, become worth 30s. in Ireland: In the Representation their Weight is put 168 Grains, which is certainly too much; and thence it comes to pass, that they are therein valued at 1l. 10s. 6d. which is 6d. too much. I have examined the Weight of 30 Parcels of Moydores, containing a Thousand Moydores in each Parcel, and thereby found, that the Moydore, at a Medium, weighs only 165¾ Grains; if in Favour of the lighter Pieces the Fraction be abated, their Weight and Value, in a new Proclamation, may be put as follows. The Portugal Piece of Gold, called a Moydore, and weighing 165 Grains, to pass at 1l. 10s. the Half Moydore weighing 82 Grains and an half, at 15s. and the Quarter Moydore, weighing 41 Grains and a Quarter, at 7s. 6d.

Gold is over-valued in England in Proportion to Silver, by at least 9d. or 10d. in a Guinea, and this Excess of Value tends to increase the Gold Coins, and diminish the Silver Coins of this Kingdom; and the same will happen in Ireland by the like over-valuing of Gold in that Kingdom. But it’s convenient that the Coins should bear the same Proportion to one another in both Kingdoms, to prevent all fraudulent Practices in those that Trade between them, and that the Proportion be ascertained by Proclamation.

All which is most humbly submitted to your Lordship’s great Wisdom.

Is. Newton.

Mint-Office, 3rd March, 1711-12.

REPRESENTATION SECOND.

to the
Right Honourable the Earl of Oxford and Earl of Mortimer, Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain.
May it please Your Lordship.

IN Obedience to Your Lordship’s Order of Reference signified to me by Mr. Taylor in his Letter of June 16 inst. I have perused the Representation from the Lords of the Privy Council of Ireland, touching a late Order of Council here for giving Currency in that Kingdom by Proclamation to some Foreign Coins, which were omitted in a former Proclamation, a printed Copy of which they have sent, desiring a Clause to be added to the said Order, for making such Allowance for light Pieces as was made in the said Proclamation; and that the Order may comprehend also the foreign Coins mentioned in that Proclamation, because the Original thereof under the Great Seal was destroyed by the late Fire that happened there at the Council-Chamber, so that the Clark of the Council cannot now certify that the printed Copy agrees with the Original verbatim as the late Act of Parliament requires for the Conviction of Counterfeitors of those Coins. And upon comparing the said Representation with the said late Order of Council and printed Proclamation, I humbly represent, that the Weight of the single Pistole and Luidore, being in the said Proclamation put 4 Penny-weight 8 Grains; the Weight of the Double Pistole and Double Luidore ought in Proportion to be put in a new Proclamation 8 Penny-weight 16 Grains, and that of the Quadruple Pistole, or Double Doubloon, 17 Penny-weight 8 Grains. And that the Moydore of Portugal (which as the Merchants bring them hither a little worn, weigh one with another 6 Penny-weight 21¾ Grains, and before wearing may be a Quarter of a Grain heavier or above) may be put in Weight 6 Penny-weight 22 Grains in the same Proclamation, and valued at 30s. For in Ireland, where an English Shilling passes for 13d. the Moydore of this Weight is worth 29s. 11½d. reckoning Gold 22 Carats fine at 4l. per Ounce, as is usually done, and 30s. is a Medium, and the nearest round Number. And a Grain being allowed for Wearing, this Piece will be current till it weighs but 6 Penny-weight 21 Grains, as was stated in the late Order of Council, and after that it will be still current by abating 2d. per Grain in its Value for what it wants of the Weight of 6 Penny-weight 22 Grains. For the latter Part of the printed Proclamation, concerning the Allowance for light Pieces, and concerning the Scales and Weights for weighing them, I am humbly of Opinion, should be continued in the next Proclamation.

I humbly beg leave to represent further to your Lordship, that the Weights and Values of the Silver Coins in the printed Proclamation would answer better to one another, and to the Coins themselves, if 2d. were taken from the Value of the Crusado of Portugal, and 18 or 20 Grains added to the Weight of the Dollars, for the Crusado is reckoned in Portugal to be the 10th part of the Moydore in Value, and the Moydore is worth 30s. in Ireland as above, and yet the Crusado is valued in the Proclamation at 3s. 2d. It’s Weight before Wearing is 11 Penny-weight 4 Grains, and a Crusado of this Weight is worth but 3s.

Rix-Dollars, Cross-Dollars, and other Dollars, are in the Proclamation put of the same Weight and Value of the Pieces of Eight and Lewises, and ought to be 18 or 20 Grains heavier to be of the same Value. Rix-Dollars are of several sorts, and before Wearing Weighed about 18 Penny-weight and 6, 8, or 10 Grains, and Cross-Dollars 18 Penny-weight 1 Grain. That they may be worth 4s. 9d. which is the Value in the Proclamation, they should weigh at least 17 Penny-weight 18 Grains.

I am humbly of Opinion therefore, that the Gold Coins should be of the Weight and Fineness expressed in the Paper hereunto annexed,* and the Silver ones, as in the printed Proclamation, unless for the Reasons above mentioned, it should be thought fit to take 2d. from the Value of the Crusadoes, and add 18 Grains to the Weight of the Dollars.

All which is humbly submitted to your Lordship’s great wisdom.

Is. Newton.

Mint-Office, 23 June, 1712.

REPRESENTATION THIRD.

to the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Revenue.

May it please your Lordships.

IN Obedience to your Lordships Order of Reference of August 12th, that I should lay before your Lordships a State of the Gold and Silver Coins of this Kingdom in Weight and Fineness, and the Value of Gold in Proportion to Silver, with my Observations and Opinion, and what Method may be best for preventing the Melting down of the Silver Coin; I humbly Represent, That a Pound Weight Troy of Gold, 11 Ounces fine, and 1 Ounce Allay, is cut into 44 Guineas and Half, and a Pound Weight of Silver, 11 Ounces, 2 Penny Weight fine, and 18 Penny Weight Allay, is cut into 62 Shillings; and according to this Rate, a Pound Weight of fine Gold is worth 15 Pounds Weight 6 Ounces, 17 Penny Weight and 5 Grains of fine Silver, reckoning a Guinea at 1l. 1s. 6d. in Silver Money. But Silver in Bullion exportable is usually worth 2d. or 3d. per Ounce more than in Coin. And if at a Medium, such Bullion of Standard Allay be valued at 5s. 4d. Half-penny per Ounce, a Pound Weight of fine Gold will be worth but 14 Pound Weight 11 Ounces, 12 Penny Weight 9 Grains of fine Silver in Bullion. And at this Rate, a Guinea is worth but so much Silver as would make 20s. 8d. When Ships are lading for the East-Indies, the Demand of Silver for Exportation raises the Price to 5s. 6d. or 5s. 8d. per Ounce, or above: but I consider not those extraordinary Cases.

A Spanish Pistole was coined for 32 Reas, or 4 Pieces of Eight Reas, usually called Pieces of Eight, and is of equal Allay, and the 16th Part of the Weight thereof. And a Doppio Moeda of Portugal was coined for 10 Crusadoes of Silver, and is of equal Allay, and the 16th Part of the Weight thereof; Gold is therefore in Spain and Portugal of 16 times more Value than Silver of equal Weight and Allay, according to the Standard of those Kingdoms; at which Rate, a Guinea is worth 22s. 1d. But this high Price keeps their Gold at Home in good Plenty, and carries away the Spanish Silver into all Europe, so that at Home they make their Payments in Gold, and will not pay in Silver without a Premium. Upon the coming in of a Plate-Fleet, the Premium ceases, or is but small; but as their Silver goes away and becomes scarce, the Premium encreases, and is most commonly about 6 per Cent. which being abated, a Guinea becomes worth about 20s. 9d. in Spain and Portugal.

In France a Pound Weight of fine Gold is reckoned worth 15 Pound Weight of fine Silver; in raising or falling their Money, their King’s Edicts have sometimes varied a little from this Proportion, in Excess or Defect; but the Variations have been so little that I do not here consider them. By the Edict of May 1709, a new Pistole was coined for 4 new Lewises, and is of equal Allay, and the 15th Part of the Weight thereof, except the Errors of their Mints. And by the same Edict, fine Gold is valued at 15 times its Weight of fine Silver, and at this Rate a Guinea is worth 20s. 8d. Half-penny. I consider not here the Confusion made in the Monies in France, by frequent Edicts to send them to the Mint, and give the King a Tax out of Them; I consider the Value only of Gold and Silver in Proportion to one another.

The Ducats of Holland and Hungary, and the Empire, were lately currant in Holland among the common People in their Markets and ordinary Affairs, at 5 Guilders in Specie, and 5 Stivers, and commonly changed for so much Silver Monies in three Guilder-Pieces, and Guilder Pieces as Guineas are with us for 21s. 6d. Sterling; at which Rate a Guinea is worth 20s. 7d. Half-penny.

According to the Rates of Gold to Silver in Italy, Germany, Poland, Denmark, and Sweden, a Guinea is worth about 20s. and 7d. 6d. 5d. or 4d. for the Proportion varies a little within the several Governments in those Countries. In Sweden, Gold is lowest in Proportion to Silver, and this hath made that Kingdom, which formerly was content with Copper Money, abound of late with Silver, sent thither (I suspect) for Naval Stores.

In the End of King William’s Reign, and the first Year of the late Queen, when Foreign Coins abounded in England, I caused a great many of them to be assayed in the Mint, and found by the Assays, that fine Gold was to fine Silver in Spain, Portugal, France, Holland, Italy, Germany, and the Northern Kingdoms, in the Proportion above mentioned, Errors of the Mints excepted.

In China and Japan, one Pound Weight of fine Gold is worth but 9 or 10 Pounds Weight of fine Silver, and in East-India it may be worth 12. And this low Price of Gold in Proportion to Silver, carries away the Silver from all Europe.

So then, by the Course of Trade and Exchange, between Nation and Nation in all Europe, fine Gold is to fine Silver as 14?, or 15 to one; and a Guinea at the same Rate is worth between 20s. 5d. and 20s. 8d. Half-penny, except in extraordinary Cases, as when a Plate-Fleet is just arriv’d in Spain, or Ships are lading here for the East-Indies, which Cases I do not here consider. And it appears by Experience as well as by Reason, that Silver flows from those Places where its Value is lowest in Proportion to Gold, as from Spain to all Europe, and from all Europe to the East-Indies, China and Japan; and that Gold is most plentiful in those Places, in which its Value is highest in Proportion to Silver, as in Spain and England.

It is the Demand for Exportation which hath raised the Price of exportable Silver about 2d. or 3d. in the Ounce above that of Silver in Coin, and hath thereby created a Temptation to export or Melt down the Silver Coin, rather than give 2d. or 3d. more for Foreign Silver; and the Demand for Exportation arises from the higher Price of Silver in other Places than in England, in Proportion to Gold, that is, from the higher Price of Gold in England than in other Places, in Proportion to Silver, and therefore may be diminish’d by lowering the Value of Gold in Proportion to Silver. If Gold in England, or Silver in East-India, could be brought down so low as to bear the same Proportion to one another in both Places, there wou’d be here no greater Demand for Silver than for Gold to be exported to India; And if Gold were lowered only so as to have the same Proportion to the Silver Money in England, which it hath to Silver in the rest of Europe, there would be no Temptation to export Silver rather than Gold to any other Part of Europe. And to compass this last, there seems nothing more requisite, than to take off about 10d. or 12d. from the Guinea, so that Gold may bear the same Proportion to the Silver Money in England, which it ought to do by the Course of Trade and Exchange in Europe; but if only 6d. were taken off at present, it would diminish the Temptation to export or melt down the Silver Coin, and by the Effects, would shew hereafter better than can appear at present, what further Reduction would be most convenient for the Publick.

In the last Year of King William, the Dollars of Scotland, worth about 4s. 6d. Half-penny were put away in the North of England for 5s. and at this Price began to flow in upon us: I gave Notice thereof to the Lords Commissionersof the Treasury, and they Ordered the Collectors of Taxes to forbear taking them, and thereby put a Stop to the Mischief.

At the same time the Lewidors of France, which were worth but 17s. and 3 Farthings a Piece, passed in England for 17s. 6d. I gave Notice thereof to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, and his late Majesty put out a Proclamation, that they should go but at 17s. and thereupon they came to the Mint, and 1400000l. were coined out of them; and if the Advantage of 5d. 1 Farthing a Lewidor sufficed at that Time to bring into England so great a Quantity of French Money, and the Advantage of 3 Farthings in a Lewidor to bring it to the Mint, the Advantage of 9d. Half-penny in a Guinea, or above, may have been sufficient to bring the great Quantity of Gold which hath been coined in these last 15 Years without any Foreign Silver.

Some years ago the Portugal Moydores were received in the West of England at 28s. a Piece; upon Notice from the Mint, that they were worth only about 27s. 7d. the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury ordered their Receivers of Taxes to take them at no more than 27s. 6d. Afterwards many Gentlemen in the West sent up to the Treasury a Petition, that the Receivers might take them again at 28s. and promised to get Returns for this Money at that Rate, alledging, that when they went at 28s. their Country was full of Gold, which they wanted very much. But the Commissioners of the Treasury considering that at 28s. the Nation would lose 5d. a Piece, rejected the Petition. And if an Advantage to the Merchant of 5d. in 28s. did pour that Money in upon us, much more hath an Advantage to the Merchant of 9d. Half-penny in a Guinea or above, been able to bring into the Mint great Quantities of Gold without any Foreign Silver, and may be able to do still, ’till the Cause be removed.

If Things be let alone ’till Silver Money be a little scarcer, the Gold will fall of it self; for People are already backward to give Silver for Gold, and will in a little Time, refuse to make Payments in Silver without a Premium, as they do in Spain; and this Premium will be an Abatement in the Value of the Gold: And so the Question is, Whether Gold shall be lowered by the Government, or let alone ’till it falls of it self, by the Want of Silver Money?

It may be said, That there are great Quantities of Silver in Plate, and if the Plate were coined, there would be no Want of Silver Money: But I reckon that Silver is safer from Exportation in the Form of Plate than in the Form of Money, because of the greater Value of the Silver and Fashion together; and therefore I am not for coining the Plate till the Temptation to export the Silver Money (which is a Profit of 2d. or 3d. an Ounce) be diminished: For as often as Men are necessitated to send away Money for answering Debts Abroad, there will be a Temptation to send away Silver rather than Gold, because of the Profit, which is almost 4 per Cent. And for the same Reason Foreigners will choose to send hither their Gold rather than their Silver.

All which is most humbly submitted to Your Lordships great Wisdom.

Isaac Newton.

Mint-Office,Sept. 21, 1717.

FINIS.

TABLES ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE Successive Changes in the Standard, IN THE WEIGHT OF THE COINS, AND IN THE Relative Values of Gold and Silver IN ENGLAND, From the Conquest down to 1717.

A Table showing the successive Nominal Values of One Pound Weight of Fine Silver and Fine Gold; and the Proportion, true Value, or Number of Pounds Weight of Fine Silver in One Pound Weight of Fine Gold, from 1344 to 1717. N.B. The Pound Weight till 18 Henry VIII. is that of the Tower (11 oz. 5 dwt. Troy), and since that time the Pound Troy. (Snelling’s Gold Coins, p. 34.)

A table showing the number of Pounds Sterling contained in One Pound Weight, both Tower and Troy, the Quantity of Standard Silver contained in One Pound Sterling, and the Proportion the former Pounds Sterling bear to the present. (Snelling’s Silver Coins, p. 51.)

N.B. The two last columns are the same, the last having the value of the Fraction reduc’d into Shillings and Pence.

NOTE ON SCOTCH MONEY, WITH TABLES Showing the Successive Changes in the Standard IN THE WEIGHT OF THE COINS, AND IN THE Relative Values of Gold and Silver, From 1107 to 1707, WHEN SCOTLAND CEASED TO HAVE A PECULIAR COINAGE.

The English derived their system of coinage from the French, and the Scotch theirs from the English. From 1107 to 1355, the coins of both divisions of the island were of the same size and purity. But, at the last mentioned period, it was attempted to fill up the void occasioned by the remittance of the ransom of David II. to England, by degrading the coins. Till then the money of Scotland had been current in England, upon the same footing as the money of the latter; and the preservation of this equality is assigned by Edward III. as a reason for his degrading the English coins. But this equilibrium was soon afterwards destroyed. In the first year of Robert III. (1390), Scotch coin passed only for half its nominal value in England; and, in 1393, Richard II. of England ordered that its currency as money should entirely cease, and that its value should thenceforth depend on the weight of the genuine metal contained in it. “To close this point at once,” says Pinkerton, “the Scottish money, equal in value to the English till 1355, sunk by degrees, reign after reign, owing to succeeding public calamities, and the consequent impoverishment of the kingdom, till, in 1600, it was only a twelfth part of the value of English money of the same denomination, and remained at that point till the union of the kingdoms cancelled the Scottish coinage.”*

The annexed tables exhibit the successive degradations of the Scotch Silver and gold coins.

At the Union, in 1707, it was ordered that all the silver coins current in Scotland, foreign as well as domestic, except English coins of full weight, should be brought to the Bank of Scotland, to be taken to the mint to be recoined. In compliance with this order, there were brought in,

Ruddiman conjectures,* apparently with considerable probability, that the value of the gold and silver coins not brought in, amounted to about as much more. Much suspicion was entertained of the recoinage. And that large portion of the people who were hostile to the Union, and did not believe in its permanence, brought very little money to the Bank. A few only of the hoarded coins have been preserved, the far greater part having either been melted by the goldsmiths, or exported to other countries.

Account of the number of pounds, shillings, and pennies Scotch, which have been coined out of one pound weight of silver at different times; with the degree of purity of such silver or its fineness, from the year 1107 to the year 1601. (From Ruddiman’s Introduction to Anderson’s “Diplomata.”)

Account of the number of pounds, shillings, and pennies Scotch, which have been coined out of one pound weight of gold, with the degree of their purity, and the proportion that the gold bore to the silver. (From Ruddiman’s Introduction to Anderson’s “Diplomata.”)

OBSERVATIONS

ON

COIN

IN

GENERAL.

WITH SOME

PROPOSALS

For regulating the

Value of Coin

IN

IRELAND.

By the Author of the List of theAbsentees of

IRELAND.

DUBLIN:

Printed by A. Rhames, for R. Gunne, in Caplestreet. M DCCXXIX.

OBSERVATIONS ON COIN in General, WITH Some Proposals for Regulating the Value of Coin in IRELAND.

HAVING in a Treatise lately published, taken Notice of the great and constant Drains of Money out of this Kingdom, for the Support of our Gentlemen abroad, and of the Scarcity of Money among us occasioned thereby: I shall now beg Leave to take into Consideration the Inconveniences we labour under, for want of a due Regulation of our Coin. For ’tis our Misfortune not only to have little Money current among us, but even that Little to consist of such Sorts, as are the most unfit for the Management of our Domestick Dealings. This Evil arises from the Want of a due Proportion in the Values of our several Species: For not only the Value of our Gold in Proportion to Silver, is different from the Proportion observed by all other Countries we deal with, but also the Value of Gold is different in the several Species current among us, no just Regard being had to the intrinsick Value thereof; Gold in a Moydore is valued higher than Gold in a Luidore or Pistole, and Gold in a Luidore or Pistole higher than in a Guinea, and all of them higher in Proportion than Silver in other Countries. The Consequence of these Disproportions has been, that the greatest Part of all our Silver Species, and of those Gold Species, which are under-rated, have been carried out of the Kingdom, and little left among us but Moydores, which are highest valued.

This Disproportion in our Coin has given all those, who traffick in Money, a Temptation to carry out one Species, in Order to bring in another, to their own Advantage indeed, but to the Prejudice of the Kingdom: And as the Demands of our Absentees upon us have of late over-ballanced all our Profit by Trade, there was a Necessity of sending away that Ballance in Specie; which our Remitters and Exchangers did not fail to do in those Sorts of Coin, which they could get or save most by: on this Account it was that our Silver was carried off first, as being the lowest valued, then our Guineas and Luidores, so that at length we are reduced to Moydores, the most inconvenient Coin of all others in our present Circumstances: For since we are in great Want of Half-pence and Farthings, are almost stripped of all Sorts of Silver Coin, and have very little of the small Gold Species left among us, it is become very difficult to change Moydores, in Order to buy or sell any Commodity: This Want of Change greatly embarrasses the Dealings of poor People, and is a great Obstruction to all Sorts of Business; so that at present we not only labour under a great Scarcity of Money, but even the little we have, is not of half that Use to us, as it would be, if it was divided into small Pieces, which could easily be changed.

The Affair of our Coin is now grown of great Importance to us, and as we every Day are more sensible of the Inconveniencies we suffer for want of a Regulation thereof, it is high Time to think of some Measures which may remove them. Very few Gentlemen have made it their Business, or have had Opportunities of being rightly informed of the Nature of Coin and Exchange, and generally reckon it to be an intricate and abstruse Affair: And they who make dealing in Money their Profession, are either unable or unwilling to give such Light therein, as may be of Use to those, whose Desire and Intention it is to make just Regulations of our Coin, which are so much wanted for the Ease of the People, and Benefit of Trade.

Having for my own Amusement, and Information, spent some leisure Hours on this Subject, I shall presume to offer my Thoughts to the Publick: judging it may be of some Use to give any Light, how small soever, in a Matter of this Consequence, wherein so many are in the Dark: And as a Subject of this Nature, ought to be treated with all possible Clearness to be of any Service, I shall endeavour to trace it from its first Principles, and put it in as clear a Light as so intricate an Affair will allow of.

In Order to this I shall throw my Thoughts into the following Method. 1st, I shall lay down certain Principles, Rules and Observations, which as they will be easily understood and assented to, will serve as a Foundation to form a right Judgment in these Matters.

2dly, I shall particularly set forth the Inconveniencies we suffer for want of a due Regulation in our Copper, Silver, and Gold Species, and the Causes from whence such Inconveniencies arise.

And 3dly, I shall mention several Schemes for the Regulation of our Coin, taking Notice of the Advantages and Disadvantages of each, and shall leave it to others to make Choice of such, as they shall judge to be most expedient for us in our present Circumstances.

In treating on the first Head I shall explain the Nature of Coin, and Exchange, shew the Consequences of raising or lowering Money, give several Rules for ascertaining the Values of Coins, with a Table of the Values of foreign Coins in England, and Ireland, and exhibit some Reports of Sir Isaac Newton relating to Coin, with such other Observations as I shall judge necessary for the right understanding this Matter.*

Of COIN.

FIRST then I am to Observe, that Men in Order to relieve one anothers Wants with Ease and Justice, found it necessary to fix on one or two Things, and agree, by giving them Values, to make them universal Commodities, which all trading Nations may take as Equivalents, in Exchange for all other Commodities they have to part with.

The Things agreed upon, by the Consent of all Nations, for this Purpose are Gold and Silver, two Metals which are well fitted for this End, by their being beautiful, durable, scarce, not easily counterfeited, of equal Goodness in all Places when free from the Mixture of other Metals, and by their being easily divided into small Pieces of different Sizes and Weights.

All which Qualities taken together, make small Quantities of these Metals of great Value, when compared with other Things; and therefore fit to be chosen as Equivalents to pass in Exchange for them: By this Means Gold and Silver are the Measures of the Value of all other Commodities, which are dear or cheap, as they can be exchanged for greater or lesser Weights of these Metals.

As these Metals are naturally soft, it was found convenient to mix certain Proportions of some baser Metal with them, to give them such a Hardness as may hinder their wearing too fast. And to prevent their being adulterated with too great a Mixture of baser Metals, every Nation took Care to ascertain the Proportion which the baser Metals should bear to the Gold or Silver in their Coins; and to avoid the Trouble of proving every Piece, affixed certain Stamps thereon, as publick Vouchers of their Fineness and Weight; and this obtained the Name of Money or Coin.

The Values of these Metals, as of all other Commodities, are proportional to their Scarcity and Demands for them, or rather to their Scarcity alone, for since they are made Equivalents for all other Commodities, we may suppose the Demands for them to be everywhere much the same.

All the Uses and Conveniences of Money could not so conveniently be answered by any one Metal alone: But required several Metals of very different Values to make all Payments easy, and without Trouble. For the great Scarcity of Gold, as it made it of great Value, and fit for the Payment of large Sums, so at the same Time rendered it unfit to be divided into Pieces small enough for the Conveniencies of low Commerce: and though Silver by Reason of its Plenty, may be parcelled out into Pieces of small Value, yet too great a Weight and Bulk thereof would be required to make large Payments with any tolerable Conveniency. It was therefore found necessary to introduce both those Metals into Coin, especially when Trade increased; the first to answer large, and the second small Payments; and also to bring Copper into Coin, for making Payments for Commodities under the Value of the lowest Silver Pieces, and for the more convenient Change of the Coins of the finer Metals.

Gold and Silver being agreed upon, as Equivalents for all things which Men want from one another: they very well answer this Intention without occasioning any Confusion or Disturbance in Commerce; nay will be much more convenient than either Metal alone; provided a just Proportion be preserved in their respective Values. For in Order to constitute a Measure in Commerce, ’tis not necessary to confine that Measure to one Thing, or to make that one Thing invariable in its Value; since several Things may at the same Time, by general Consent, be equally Measures of the Value of all Commodities, and it may be altogether indifferent which of them are used for that Purpose. And in Fact we find that Gold and Silver, and even Copper in some Places, are equally Measures of the Value of Things, for as much as all Things can be exchanged for them. And there is no other Difference in these Metals considered as Measures, but that a greater Weight of Copper, than of Silver, of Silver than of Gold, is required to equal the Value of one and the same Thing. In like Manner an Inch, Foot and Yard are all Measures of Length, with this Difference only, that more Inches than Feet, and more Feet than Yards, are required to measure the same Length.

Herein I differ from Mr. Lock, who in his Further Considerations concerning the raising the Value of Money, pag. 20. of the Octavo Edition, says, Silver therefore, and Silver alone, is the Measure of Commerce. Two Metals, as Gold and Silver, cannot be the Measure of Commerce both together in any Country; because the Measure of Commerce must be perpetually the same, invariable, and keeping the same Proportion of Value in all its Parts. But so only one Metal does or can do to it self: So Silver is to Silver, and Gold to Gold, an Ounce of Silver is always of equal Value to an Ounce of Silver, and an Ounce of Gold to an Ounce of Gold. But Gold and Silver change their Value one to another. This Assertion, if I understood him right, carries this Sense with it, that one Metal only, and that Silver, can be the Measure of Commerce, and the same must be perpetually of the same Value.

With Submission to so great an Authority, I think it to be quite otherwise in Fact; for unless we should suppose an extraordinary Interposition of Providence to prevent the Silver current among us from being diminished, or increased, I do not see how it is possible that Silver should continue always of the same Value, since its Value must vary as its Quantity, and Demands for it vary. ’Tis Certain that by the vast Importation of Silver into Europe, since the Discovery of the West-Indies, the Value thereof has greatly lessened among us: In the Reign of Henry the VII. a Bushel of Wheat was sold in England for Sixpence, which then had as much Silver in it, as Nine Pence of our present Money, and the said Bushel now sells for about 4s. ’tis very probable that the Quantity of Corn, raised yearly in those Days, bore the same Proportion to the Number of People then in England, that the Quantity of Corn now raised, bears to our present Number; and if so, it follows, since one Ounce of Silver could purchase five times as much Wheat in that Reign as it can at present, that therefore Silver was five times more valuable then, than it is now.

If two Metals cannot be the Measure of Commerce both together, because they may at different Times change their Value one to another; the same Argument will hold good against one Metal, which at different Times may also vary in its Value; for though one Ounce of Silver will always be equal in Weight to another Ounce of Silver, yet it may differ in its Value at different Times, if compared with the Value of other Commodities, for which it is Exchanged.

There is a Change in the Values of these two Metals, as often as there is a Change in their Quantities, and yet this does not hinder them from being Measures of the Values of Things. If there be five or six times as much of these Metals in Europe now, as there was 200 Years ago, this Increase of Quantity will lessen their Value, and by Consequence cause more of them to be given for other Commodities, than when they were scarcer. For they are not Measures by their Weights alone, but by their Weights and Scarcities taken together, to which their true Values are proportional. And the not attending to this, was the Cause of Mr. Lock’s Mistake in his Reasonings on this Subject; which however did not affect his Argument against Mr. Lowndes, which he maintained with great Strength and Clearness.

Gold and Silver, which are pure and without any Mixture of baser Metals, are called Fine Gold, and Fine Silver.

The Gold and Silver, out of which the Coins of Nations are made, are Mixtures of Fine Gold and Fine Silver with certain Proportions of baser Metals, called Allays; which Mixtures, appointed by Law in each Nation, make the Standard Gold and Standard Silver of it.

A Pound Weight of the Standard Gold of England contains 22 Carrats of fine Gold, and two Carrats of Allay, or 11 Parts of fine Gold and one Part of Allay, and is cut into 44 Guineas and an half: And a Pound Weight of Standard Silver contains 11 Ounces 2 Penny-weight of fine Silver, and 18 Penny-weight of Allay, and is coined into 62 Shillings.

In estimating the Weight of Gold and Silver Pieces, we make use of the Troy-Pound, and divide it into 12 Ounces, each Ounce into 20 Penny-weight, and each Penny-weight into 24 Grains: And in Assaying Silver, we use the same Division of this Pound: But in Assaying Gold we divide the same Pound into 24 equal Parts, called Carrats, and each Carrat into 4 equal Parts called Carrat Grains, so that a Carrat is half an Ounce, or Ten Penny-weight, and a Carrat-Grain is Two Penny-weight and a half, or 60 ordinary Grains.

Any one that desires to know the Standards of the Coins of other Countries, may satisfy himself by looking into the Tables of the Assays, Weights and Values of foreign Coins herein published; where in the Column of Assays, he will see the Fineness of several Gold Coins, expressed in Carrats and Carrat-Grains, either Worse or Better than the English Standard: For Instance, if he would know the Standard of the Old Luidore, he will find in the Table that it is half a Grain in a Pound Weight worse than our Standard, and to express the same in Numbers, he may make Use of the small Table of Carrats and Carrat-Grains inserted here; for by substracting .125 (which is half a Carrat-Grain in Decimals) from 22 Carrats (the English Standard) there will remain 21.875 Carrats, the Standard of the Old Luidore.

It would be a great Advantage to Commerce, if Gold and Silver bore the same Proportion in Value to one another in all Parts of the World; for where this Proportion fails, there will be a Want of a sufficient Quantity of one or other of these Metals to carry on Trade in an easy and convenient Manner: For ’tis observed that these Metals constantly follow the best Market, and consequently every Country will lose all those Coins that are undervalued with Respect to other Countries, and abound with such as are over-rated, which in Time will become the only current Species.

We have a remarkable Instance of this in Spain, where Gold is higher valued in Proportion to Silver than it is in other Parts of Europe; hence it follows, that Spain pays all its Ballances of Trade to other Nations in Silver, rather than Gold; and other Nations make their Payments to Spain in Gold, rather than in Silver; nay, will send their Gold thither to purchase Silver. By this Means Spain, which furnishes Europe with most of its Silver, is frequently overstocked with Gold, and wants a sufficient Quantity of Silver to carry on its Trade with Ease, and when this Scarcity happens, a Præmium of near 6 per Cent is given for Payments in Silver, which Præmium continues till a new Plate-Fleet comes in, and then it ceases, till the flowing away and Scarcity of Silver make it necessary again.

This may in some Measure account for the sending of great Quantities of Gold at this Time from all Parts of Europe to Spain; for the great Treasure brought from the West-Indies being lately distributed among the Proprietors, Silver may now be had there for Gold without a Præmium, or rather a Præmium may be expected for Payments in Gold; this Silver being carried to other Countries, will give a Profit of above 6 per Cent; for since Gold in Spain is of 16 Times more Value than Silver, and but of 15 Times more Value in other Countries, Traffickers in Money will get above 6 per Cent by sending Gold to Spain, to purchase Silver, and carrying it thence to other Countries where ’tis of more Value: And there may be a farther Profit of about 4 per Cent, which may be got from the East-India Companies for Silver in Bullion; and therefore ’tis no Wonder that Gold now flows in great Quantities to Spain, and that the Value of it has risen of late very considerably among us.

As long as Gold in Proportion to Silver is produced in greater Plenty in Asia, Africa, and Brazil, than in the Spanish West-Indies it will follow, that the Value of Gold in Proportion to Silver will be different in those Countries. And farther, these Metals being scarcer in the East-Indies than in Europe, the Prices of Labour and Manufactures will consequently be lower there than with us, and for this Reason we export very few Manufactures to that Part of the World; but to purchase their Commodities are obliged to send Specie thither: And Silver in Proportion to Gold being higher valued there by above 40 per Cent than with us, we yearly export thither Silver in great Quantities: And the Demands of the East-India Company’s for this Exportation being at certain Times very great, the Price of Silver in Bullion at those Times rises considerably above the Value of Silver in Coin. But when the usual Supplies of Silver from the West-Indies are yearly imported into Europe without Interruption, we then find little Difference in the Value of Bullion and coined Silver. Whenever there is a Stop put to the coming Home of the Plate-Fleet, the price of Silver in Bullion rises 2, 3, or 4 Pence in an Ounce above Silver in Coin, and the Price of Gold Bullion to 8, 10, or 14 Pence an Ounce above coined Gold; so that the Exportation of Silver to the East-Indies never failing yearly, and the Supply from the West-Indies having been of late Years frequently interrupted; ’tis no Wonder that the Value of Bullion is much raised above that of Coin. And when this happens to be the Case we find that no Laws, how severe soever, are sufficient to prevent the melting down our new or heavy Coin, and turning it into Bullion; for where there is a strong Temptation to violate a Law, and the Violation of it can be performed with great Secrecy and Safety, no Penalty can be sufficient to secure the Observation of it.

The Values of Gold and Silver being, as I have observed, proportional to their Weight and Scarcity, it plainly follows, that at one and the same Time, in which we can suppose no Change to be made in the Scarcity, the Value of each will be proportional to its Weight; or to its Quantities of fine Metal, in Case any baser Metal be mixt with it. But as, at different Times, there happens to be a considerable Difference in the Scarcity of these Metals, their Values will become different on this Account, and the same Weight of each, will in Proportion as its Scarcity is increased or lessened, become more or less valuable than it was before, and this is the Market Value, which is the Price that a given Weight can sell for.

The Legal, Nominal, or Mint-Value of Gold and Silver, is the Value put upon it by the Laws of each Country.

It is very probable that when the legal Values were first established, they were the same with the Market Values. The legal Values of the English Coins are such, that Silver is worth 5s. 2d. an Ounce in England, and something more than 5s. 7d. in Ireland; and the Market Values of Silver in Bullion in England and Ireland are at present about 5s. 5d. and 5s. 10d. an Ounce.

In former Ages, the Eastern Parts of the World supplied the rest with most of their Gold and Silver: And during the Time of the Roman Empire, and before, Gold was generally ten or eleven times more valuable, than the same Weight of Silver; and in the Eastern Countries the same Proportion very nearly still continues; but the Discovery of the West-Indies about 240 Years ago, and the Importation from thence of vast Quantities of Silver, altered that Proportion in these Parts of the World; and made Gold to be about 15 Times the Value of Silver. And the late Discovery of Gold Mines in Brazil, and Importations from thence of about a Million of Gold yearly has a little lowered that Proportion; and in Time, in all Probability, will reduce it much lower; especially when we consider that about one Million in Silver is yearly exported from Europe to the East-Indies, which is much more than we formerly used to do; so that Silver becomes scarcer, and consequently of more Value among us. From hence ’tis evident that no certain Standard or Proportion between Gold and Silver can be settled, or continue long, since it must fluctuate and vary by the Increase or Decrease of either of those Metals.

It is observed, that near equal Values of Gold and Silver are brought yearly from the West-Indies to Europe, when Trade is free and open; and by Consequence since Gold at a Medium in Europe is worth about 15 Times its Weight of Silver, 15 Pounds Weight of Silver are brought from thence for every Pound Weight of Gold: Hence arises the Foundation in Nature for this Proportion; for since all Things are valuable in Proportion to their Scarcities, and the Demands for them; Gold from its being 15 Times as scarce as Silver, in the Mines from whence we have it, ought to be 15 Times as dear, if we suppose the Demands for these Metals to be equal.

This Proportion of Gold to Silver has of late Years been considerably altered by the Trade to the East-Indies, which carries thither near a Million yearly in Silver, and thereby creates a Scarcity of it in Europe. And if so much Treasure shall flow for any considerable Time in the same Channel, it may put an End to that Trade: For such large Remittances in Silver, must in Time make this Metal plenty in those Parts, and as its Quantity increases, its Value will lessen: so that by Degrees Silver may come to bear the same Proportion to Gold in the East-Indies, as it does in Europe, and their Commodities will rise in Proportion.

In England the Proportion of the Value of a Pound Weight of Gold to a Pound Weight of Silver at the Mint, is 15.072 to 1. but at present a Pound of Silver in Bullion sells for 66s. which Pound in Coin is worth but 62s. and by Consequence, the Proportion of Gold in Coin to Silver in Bullion is only 14.159 to 1. This Difference in the Value of Bullion and coined Silver, creates a Temptation to melt down the weighty Coin, prevents Bullion from being coined, and occasions a Scarcity of Silver Money.

This Scarcity will be farther increased by the Wear of Silver Coins, which has lessened their Weights considerably. It has been found here by Trials, that 100l. in Six-pences has lost 10l. 17s. 5d. in Shillings 8l. 10s. in Half Crowns 3l. 7s. 7d. and in Crowns 2l. 17s. 1d. and consequently, that 100l. in 25l. of each Species has lost 6l. 7s. Now if we suppose all the Silver Money in England, concerned in Trade, to have lost so much of its Weight by wearing, as to be 6 per Cent. worse now, than when it was first coined, then if the whole Quantity be five Million, as ’tis reasonable to suppose, the Loss will be 300000l. and if we suppose farther the Silver of England to be 25 Years old at a Medium, it then has lost about 5s. per Cent. in a Year; and by Consequence, if it was to wear equally every Year the Silver Coin of England would be worn out quite in 400 Years, half worn out in 200 Years, and quarter worn out in 100 Years.

Coins are according to the real Value, when the legal or nominal Values thereof are equal to the Values of pure Metal in them at Market, or only differ from them by the small Charge of Coinage.

The real or natural Values of Gold and Silver cannot be raised or lowered by the Authority of a Prince, being always governed by their Weights, Scarcities, and Demands for them.

Money may be raised by Law two Ways, either by giving higher Denominations to Coins, without altering their Weights of Gold or Silver; or the same Denominations to less Weights of those Metals. And on the contrary may be lowered, either by giving lower Denominations to the same Pieces, without altering their Weights; or the same Denominations to Pieces containing greater Weights of those Metals.

Nations which Trade with one another, regard only the Quantity of Gold and Silver, they give or take for their respective Commodities: If one Nation should raise or lower its Money, it cannot be imagined, that another Country will on that Account give more Gold or Silver for their Commodities, or take less for their own.

A Change made in the legal Value of Money will cause a proportional Change in the Values of Commodities; for Money is really and truly the Measure of the Values of Commodities, and Equivalent to them by its true and not its legal Value, and by Consequence the Value put upon it by Law will not affect it, considered as an Equivalent or a Measure.

Suppose, for Instance, all the Coins of Ireland raised 20 per Cent. so that 100 Moydores which now make 150l. will make 180l. the Irish Merchant who pays 100 Moydores for a Parcel of Foreign Goods, must after such Raising still pay the same Number of Moydores for the same Goods, which Moydores now make 180l. whereas before they made only 150l. and consequently the Price of Foreign Goods must rise in the same Proportion that the Coin is raised.

The Value of Goods at home must likewise rise in the same Proportion, because our Merchant who got at a Foreign Market one hundred Moydores for 100 Pieces of Linnen-Cloath, will after such raising of our Coin, still get the same Number of Moydores at the same Market for the same Quantity of Cloath, and consequently can afford the Farmer or Manufacturer the same Number of Moydores which he gave him formerly, which now after the supposed Change are worth 180l. and consequently the Price of those Goods will rise at home: For if our Goods did not rise in Proportion with our Coin, Foreigners would not fail to carry them off at 20 per Cent. less than their Value, and tho’ on such raising of the Coin, our Commodities may not immediately rise in the same Proportion, yet in a very little Time they will not fail to do it.

On the contrary, suppose our Coin lowered 20 per Cent. in which Case 100 Moydores will make only 120l. The Prices of all Goods in which we Trade with other Nations will fall; for all Goods carry’d to Foreign Markets or bought up there, will still sell for the same Number of Gold and Silver Pieces, as before, and by Consequence their nominal Values will be 20 per Cent. less than they were before.

The Irish Merchant who pays 100 Moydores for a Parcel of Foreign Goods must still pay the same Number of Moydores for the same Goods, which Moydores after the Reduction make but 120l. whereas before they made 150l. and therefore the Price of Foreign Goods will be less in the reduced Coin, tho’ they cost abroad as much Gold and Silver as before: The Price of all Goods must also fall at home, for a Foreigner, who gives 100 Moydores for 100 Pieces of our Cloath, will still give the same Number of Moydores and no more for the same Goods, and those Moydores after such Reduction being worth but 120l. which before were worth 150l. it is evident, the Price of those Goods must fall at home, in Proportion to the lowering of the Money.

Another general Effect of raising the Coin of any Nation is this: all Landlords, Creditors, and others, who by Contract are to receive any certain legal Sums, will by such raising lose in Proportion to the Alteration made. For suppose Money rais’d 20 per Cent. so that a Moydore shall pass for 36s. ’tis manifest that a Tenant who pays 120l. yearly Rent, can after such raising pay the said Rent with 66 Moydores and two thirds of a Moydore, whereas before, it required 80 Moydores to do it; by which, the Landlord who receives it, loses above 13 Moydores or Twenty per Cent. and the Tenant gets 20 per Cent. because his Goods will advance in Price as the Money is raised, and the Landlord must pay 20l. per Cent. dearer for all Commodities he has occasion for.

On the contrary, if we suppose the legal Value of Coins to be lowered 20 per Cent. so that a Moydore shall pass for 24s. we shall find the Effects to be the direct contrary, for the Tenant who now pays his yearly Rent of 120l. with 80 Moydores must after such Reduction pay 100 Moydores to discharge the said Rent, and to enable him to procure the 20 Moydores extraordinary, he must part with more of his Commodities to purchase so much more Gold; the Prices of all Things falling in Proportion as Money is lowered: By this Means the Tenant, Debtor, and all Persons who are obliged to pay any certain legal Sums, must lose 20l. per Cent. and so in Proportion for any other Reduction; and the Landlord or Creditor will gain 20l. per Cent. more than he ought, and at the same time may buy all Commodities so much the cheaper.

I shall now lay down some Rules for ascertaining the Proportion of the Value of Gold to Silver, and the English Values of foreign Coins.

The General Rule for determining the Proportion of the Mint or Market Value of allayed or fine Gold, to allayed or fine Silver, is this.

RULE I.

THE Mint or Market Value of a given Weight of allayed or fine Gold, being divided by the Mint or Market Value of the same Weight of allayed or fine Silver, will give the Proportion of the first to the last.

For Instance. A Pound Weight of Standard Gold is cut into 44 Guineas and a Half, and each Guinea passing for 21s. the legal or Mint Value of the said Pound Weight in England is 934.5 Shillings and the Value of a Pound Weight of Standard Silver is 62s. but 934.5 divided by 62, gives 15.072. Therefore the Proportion of the Value of Standard Gold to Standard Silver is 15.072 to 1.

Again. To find the Proportion of the Value of a Pound of Gold in Coin, to a Pound Weight of Silver in Bullion, supposing Silver in Bullion to be worth 66 Shillings a Pound Weight at Market; let 934s. .5 the Value of a Pound of Gold in Coin, be divided by 66, and it will give 14.159. Therefore the Proportion of a Pound of Gold Coin to a Pound Weight of Silver at Market is 14.159 to 1.

And by the same Rule the Proportion of the Value of any Sort of Gold to any Sort of Silver, knowing their Allays, may be found.

The English Values of foreign Gold and Silver Coins may be found by these Rules.

RULE II.

AS the Weight of pure Gold in the Guinea, is to the Value of the Guinea in England, so is the Weight of pure Gold in any Foreign Coin, to the Value of that Coin in England.

The Quantity of pure Gold in any Piece is had, by knowing the Weight of the Piece, and the Weight of Allay in a given Weight of the Gold, out of which that Piece is made: for Instance, in the Standard Gold of England, a Pound Weight, or 24 Carrats, contains 22 Carrats of fine Gold, and the same Weight of Portugal Gold, from the Column of Assays in the Table, being a Quarter of a Carrat Grain, or the .0625 Part of a Carrat, better in a Pound than English Gold, will contain 22,0625 Carrats of fine Gold. Then, as 24 is to 22, so is 129.438 Grains, the Weight of the Guinea, to its Weight of fine Gold; and as 24 is to 22.0625, so is 166 Grains the Weight of the Moydore, to its Weight of fine Gold. The Weight of fine Gold in the Guinea will therefore be and the Weight of fine Gold in the Moydore will be and rejecting the common Denominator, will be expressed by 22 × 129 .438, and 22 .0625 × 166.

Then as 22 × 129 .438 is to 21 Shillings, the Value of the Guinea, so is 22.0625 × 166 to the Value of the Moydore in England, which Value is therefore equal to that is, equal to 27.04 Shillings.

RULE III.

AS the Weight of fine Silver in the Shilling, is to its Value in England, so is the Weight of pure Silver in any Foreign Coin, to its Value in England.

The Quantity of fine Silver in any Piece is had, by knowing the Weight of the Piece and the Weight of Allay in a given Weight of Silver, out of which that Piece is made.

For Instance. In the Standard Silver of England a Pound Weight, or 240 Penny-weights, contains 222 Penny-weights of fine Silver, and the same Weight of Spanish Silver out of which the Mexico Piece of Eight is formed, contains 221 Penny-weights. Then as 240 is to 222, so is 92.9 Grains, the Weight of the Shilling, to its Weight of fine Silver; and as 240 is to 221, so is 418.5 Grains the Weight of the Mexico Piece of Eight, to its Weight of pure Silver. The Weights of fine Silver in the Shillings and Mexico Piece will therefore be and and rejecting the common Denominator, will be expressed by 222 × 92.9 and 221 × 418.5.

Then as 222 × 92.9 is to 12 Pence, the Value of the Shilling, so is 221 × 418.5 to the Value of the Mexico Piece of Eight in England; which Value is therefore equal to that is, equal to 53.82 Pence, which is near 54 Pence.

When the Weights and Allays of Coins are known, it is easy to determine by these Rules, at what Value they ought to pass in any other Country.

EXCHANGE.

I SHALL now proceed to consider the Nature of Exchange.

The Intercourse and Dealings between the People of different Nations, having made it necessary to make frequent Payments of Money to one another for the Purchase of Commodities; the Method of Drawing and Remitting Money by Bills of Exchange was found out, to avoid the Hazard and Trouble of carrying Money from one Country to another.

Exchange is the paying or receiving Money in one Country, to receive or pay it in another, the Remitter is he, who pays Money in one Country, to receive its Value in another; the Banker or Exchanger is he, who receives the Money in one Country to pay it in another.

When the Remitter is to receive an equal Value, that is, an equal Quantity of Gold or Silver, in the Money of one Country, for what he paid in another, the Exchange is at Par, and he neither gains nor loses by it.

When the Money he is to receive is of less Value, than what he paid, the Exchange is high or above Par, and he loses by it.

And when the Money he is to receive is of greater Value, than the Money he paid, the Exchange is low or under Par, and he gains by it.

The Necessity that trading Nations were under to pay, and receive Money in different Countries, and the Hazard of sending Specie forward and backward, to answer those Demands, made them have Recourse to the Method of discharging their mutual Obligations by Bills of Exchange; for hereby People were mutually served, the one paying his Money to the Person who wanted it at Home, to receive from him the Value thereof abroad, where his Occasions required it. And to make this Affair of Exchange more convenient and easy, some Merchants have made it their Business to have Stocks of Money or Credit in different Countries, to answer the Demands of all People.

By this Means, while the Demands of the People of one Country, are equal to the Demands of those of another Country, these Demands can be mutually answered, without either Country’s sending any Money to the other: But when the Demands of one Nation exceed those of another, and cannot be paid by Commodities, then there arises a Necessity of sending out Specie to make good the Ballance; and this Necessity always raises the Exchange, in Proportion to the Ballance to be paid.

For the better Explanation of the Nature of Exchange, I shall suppose that a Banker of Ireland, has 20000l Stock in Dublin, and 20000 more in his Correspondent’s Hands in London; if the Remittances on both sides are equal, then the Exchange will be at Par, or within one per Cent. of it, which the Banker always has for his Trouble; in this Case the Banker’s Stock on both sides will still be the same, he and his Correspondent having received on each side as much as they pay’d.

But if the Remittances from Dublin to London should amount to 20000l. and the Remittances from London to Dublin in the same Time to 10000l. then the Banker will have 30000l. of his Stock in Dublin, and only 10000l. in London; and in that Case he will raise the Exchange upon the the Remitters for his Bills, in Regard a greater Number of Buyers always raise the Market. And if the Remittances should still increase in the same Proportion, the Banker will still raise his Exchange higher, and be under the Necessity, when most of his Stock is drawn to one Side, to send over Specie, that his Correspondent may be enabled to answer his Bills; and for the Charge and Hazard of doing this, the Banker will require 2, 3, or 4 per Cent. above his usual Profit; which Profit of Exchange can seldom rise higher, or even continue long at this Heighth, because in this Case, Gentlemen and Merchants generally choose to send over the Specie themselves, and thereby save all the high Exchange, excepting the Charge of sending it.

Whenever Exchange is at or near Par, then none of our Money is exported, because all Remittances are then negotiated cheaper, and with less Trouble by Bills of Exchange; but when Exchange runs high, on Account of great Demands upon us, either to pay for Foreign Commodities, or to maintain our Gentlemen Abroad, then Specie must be sent by one Hand or other: And in that Case we find by Experience, that not only Bankers send off Money to their Correspondents to support their Credit, but Merchants, private Gentlemen, and Agents, and perhaps these are the Persons who chiefly carry it off, to avoid the Loss of high Exchange, especially when the Sums to be remitted are large.

And if we have Cause to complain of the Loss of our Money by these Means; ’tis plain, since the Ballances of our Trade with most Countries are in our Favour, that this Loss is wholly owing to the Remittances made to support our Gentlemen Abroad.

Exchange runs high against a Country that becomes in Debt to another, and for the same Reason, when One Country has Occasion to buy up at certain Season of the Year great Quantities of the Commodities of another, and for the Purchase thereof must lay out larger Sums of Money than usual at those Times, the Exchange will rise in Disfavour of the Country that buys, and in Favour of that which sells those Commodities.

Thus in Ireland, between June and December, when the Demands from England and other Countries are great for our Linnen, Wooll, Beef, Butter, Tallow, and Hides, which then come to Market, the Exchange falls often to near Par, and sometimes below it: which at other Seasons of the Year is commonly above it considerably.

When a Nation is under a Necessity of sending out Specie to pay the Ballances in its Disfavour, the raising of its Coin will not prevent the sending out one Farthing less, for Foreigners will regard only the Quantity of Gold and Silver we pay them, and not any arbitrary Values we give them by Law.

Trading Nations make it their Business to settle the Par of their Coins, and in Order to this they Assay their Coins, and by their Assays and Weights know how many Pieces of the Money of one Country, are equal in Value to any certain Number of Pieces of another, and by that Means they fix the Par of Exchange among themselves. For Instance 37 Dutch Skillings nearly being equal to one Pound English, the Par between England and Holland is 37.

The Par continues constantly the same between two Nations, until one or other of those Nations alters the Value of their Coin, and then the Par changes, and will be adjusted again according to the intrinsick Values of their respective Coins. But this Alteration of the Par, has no Effect on Foreign Trade, since Foreigners regard only the real Value or Weight of Gold or Silver in Coin.

The Coins current in Ireland being raised above their Value in England 8l. 6s. 8d. in English Silver, and 11l. 2s. 2d. in Moydores. This Difference of their Values is commonly called Exchange. And when Silver was in great Plenty among us, and most Payments were made therein, the Par of Exchange was said to be 8l. 6s. 8d. per Cent; and for the same Reason, because we have but little Money current at present but Moydores, Par is now said to be at 11 per Cent, that is, 111l. Irish is equal to 100l. English Money.

The Rate of Exchange being the Sum or Præmium given on paying any certain Sum in the Coin of one Country, for receiving an equal intrinsick Value in the Coin of another, the Value of that Præmium above or under Par, determines the Rate of Exchange.

The Course of Exchange above or under Par, constantly attends the Ballance of Trade, so as to run high in a Country when the Ballance of Trade lies against it; and low, when it is for it.

Exchange is then only a Loss to any Person, when it is above Par, and when it is so, is attended with this Effect, that all Persons, who have Occasions to remit Money abroad by Bills of Exchange, will lose so much per Cent. as the Exchange is above Par; and all Foreign Commodities bought with such Bills, will in the same Proportion be imported the dearer.

HAVING premised thus much in General in Relation to Money, which I thought proper to lay down as a Foundation, for the better understanding of any Schemes, which may be proposed for the Regulation of our Coin;

I shall now proceed to consider the second Head. Under which I propose to shew the Inconveniences we suffer on Account of our Coin, and the Cause from whence those Inconveniences arise. And first as to the Copper Money current among us.

’Tis certain that at present we are far from having a sufficient Quantity of Halfpence, which we are very sensible of in all our Domestick Dealings, wherein we labour under great Difficulties for small Change in Copper Money. This Scarcity is a general Complaint all over the Kingdom, and throws poor People into Distress, disabling them in a great Measure from carrying on their small Dealings with one another; and their Grievance is much heightened by an absolute Want of Farthings, of which we have hardly any left in the Kingdom. There is not a Country in Europe, besides our own, but what has a sufficient Quantity of Copper Money current among them to answer all small Payments, whatsoever Want they may otherwise have of Gold and Silver; this Species being so useful, and every where easily procured from the Plenty and cheapness of this Metal.

About Twenty Years ago, we had too great a Stock of Half-pence and Farthings current among us, and suffered our Traders to carry them off in great Quantities to New-England, Pensilvania, and other Parts of the West-Indies, where they passed at a higher Value; this we did not think fit to oppose at the Beginning, when we were too much loaded with them at Home, but then we should have put a Stop to this pernicious Traffick in some reasonable Time, which might have prevented all the Inconveniences we now labour under on that Account; but no Care being then taken to prevent this Export, it did not cease till there was no more Halfpence to be got to send off: And thus we have been reduced to a total Loss of our Farthings, and to a great Scarcity of Halfpence, which has created a Temptation to coin a vile Sort of Halfpence, of little or no intrinsick Value, which could not have been obtruded upon us, or received by us, but for the great Want we lie under of small Change.

And as to the Value of our Halfpence, ’tis certain, we never had any coined in Ireland of a sufficient intrinsick Value. All Copper coined in a Nation should have no more Value put upon it than what arises from the Value of the Metal and the Charge of Coinage: If a Pound of Copper sells for 18d. and the Charge of Coinage amounts to 6d. it ought not to be coined into more than 48 Half-pennies, or 2 Shillings. Giving this Value to the Coins, is the only effectual Remedy to prevent other People coining upon us, because they will not find it turn to any Account to do so. Those who have hitherto obtained Patents for coining Halfpence and Farthings for the Use of this Kingdom, were not obliged to give a sufficient Quantity of Copper in the Pieces, and very rarely complied with the Rules prescribed to them, either as to the Quantity or Quality of the Copper: and they never ceased coining still on, till they glutted the Market, and loaded us so much beyond all our Demands, that great Quantities lay upon their Hands: Some of them entered into Covenants to give Gold or Silver for any Quantities of their Halfpence that should be returned to them: But these Covenants were easily eluded, by the Impossibility of proving that such Halfpence were of their Coinage, and not of the Coinage of others, who did not fail to be privately at the same Work, when a considerable Profit was to arise to them thereby: And sometimes when the Patentees had coined as much as they could dispose of, they disappeared, and left no Body to make good their Engagements to the Publick.

There is no safe and effectual Way to prevent our being incumbered with too great a Quantity of Halfpence, and abused by a vile Sort of them, but by making Irish Halfpence bear the same Proportion in their intrinsick Value to English Halfpence, as the Gold and Silver of Ireland does to that of England, English Halfpence have such a Quantity of Copper in them, that ’tis not worth any one’s While to coin privately any of that Sort.

2d. In like Manner the Inconveniences we labour under for want of a sufficient Quantity of Silver Species, for the common Occasions of buying and selling are extremely great, and universally felt. All Foreign Silver Coins, with which we formerly so much abounded, and also the greatest Part of the English Silver have been carried off, so that we are now reduced to a small Proportion of the latter; what the Quantity thereof still remaining among us may be, cannot easily be ascertained, perhaps it may be 30 or 40000l. but whatever the Quantity is, ’tis altogether insufficient for the Management of our Domestick Dealings, and for the making of small Payments with any tolerable Ease; it has been judged by those who have entered into Computations of the Proportion of Gold and Silver Species necessary for carrying on the Inland Commerce of any Country with Ease and Conveniency, that where a Million and a Half is wanted, the Silver should be about one Third, and the Gold two Thirds.

If we suppose the circulating Cash of the Kingdom to be 400,000l. and that our Silver makes but 40000l. then it will follow that our Silver is but a 10th Part of our present Coin; whereas by the above Rule it ought to be 133333l. 6s. 8d. which is a Third of our whole Species.

If the current Money of England amounts to 15 Millions, and 10 Millions thereof be Gold, and 5 Millions Silver; and if the Number of People be 7 Millions, then there are above 40 Shillings for every Head, 13s. 4d. in Silver, and the rest in Gold. And if the Cash of Ireland be 400,000l. and but 40000l. of it Silver, and the People of Ireland be in Number 1800,000, then it will follow, that there is but 4s. 5d. ¼ for each Head, 5d. in Silver, and the rest in Gold; this plainly shews that our present Stock of Money of all Sorts, especially Silver, is altogether insufficient for carrying on that Variety of Business, which must every Day be negotiated among so many People, which Business must of Consequence frequently stand still in some Branches, and move very slowly and heavily in all the rest. And were it not for Bankers Notes, which we have passing in good Plenty, it would be impossible to manage our Domestick Traffic half so well as we do.

This Want of Silver Coin is more sensibly observed in the North of Ireland, where the buying of Linnen-Yarn, and single Pieces of Cloth, requires Payments to be made in Sums, much below the Value of Moydores which are almost our only current Species of Gold: And the Difficulty to get Change to answer these Payments, throws the Buyers and Sellers into great Streights, and puts either one or other to the Necessity of paying four, or six Pence in the Pound or more, to get Change to answer the Sum agreed for on the Sale: In so much that it has been observed, that in the Space of one Day at a Fair, the same Moydore has been traced, and found to have been changed for Silver 5 or 6 Times, with a Loss of 6 Pence at each Time: This hinders the Sale of our Commodities, is the Occasion of spending many idle Hours, perhaps at Ale-Houses, makes our Linnen come dearer to Foreign Markets, and thereby prevents the Sale of it in so great a Quantity as it might otherwise be disposed of.

’Tis very easy to acconnt for the Loss of our Silver Coin, and to shew from what Cause this arises. Our Silver Coin being valued above 2½ per Cent below our Moydores, ’tis not to be wondered at, that when ever we were under a Necessity of exporting Specie to answer the Ballance of Trade, or Demands from Abroad, which for some Time past have amounted to great Sums; our Remitters or Exchangers, should always do it in that Species they lost least by: For this Reason our Silver went off first, and continued to be exported in great Quantities, till at last it was not possible to get any Quantity of it to send abroad; and our Traffickers in Money found it for their Advantage, even when there was no Necessity of sending out Species to answer Demands upon us, to send out Silver which was valued low, to buy up Moydores abroad, and import them to us at 2½ per Cent Profit; and by making several Returns in the Year, made perhaps 15 per Cent Profit by this Traffick in Money. And as the East-India Company frequently gave 3d. an Ounce for exportable Silver, above its Value in Coin, which is about 5 per Cent, this tempted our People to send all our Foreign Silver to London, to take the Benefit of such an advanced Price, and also to melt down all our weighty English Silver, and send it off as Bullion, or work it up at Home, when 2 or 3 Pence per Ounce extraordinary could thus be got or saved by it.

The English Silver current among us, is so much worn by the Quickness of its Circulation, that every Body must lose by melting it down; there is not perhaps any Country in the World, where so small a Quantity of Silver passes so swiftly from one to another, as in Ireland, by Reason of our Necessities; and this makes it wear faster than the Coin of any other Nation.

The English and Scotch Colliers also, as they carried off very little in Exchange for their Coal, but Specie, and that to the Value of 60000 Pounds yearly, they always did it in Silver, when that could be got; and even now when Silver is so scarce, that a Premium of 4 or 6 Pence is given for the Change of a Moydore; they choose to give this Discount, rather than carry off Moydores, which seldom pass for above 1l. 6s. 6d. with them at Home: For all the Reasons above mentioned, we may easily account for the Loss of our Silver, and that it is owing altogether to the Disproportionate Value given to it, in Respect to the Gold Species current among us.

3dly. As to our Gold Species, we find, that Moydores passing for 30s. are, as to their intrinsick Worth Valued about 2½ per Cent above our Silver, and about 1½ per Cent above our Guineas and Luidores; this Over-Value has been the Occasion that we have been deprived of our Silver, and most of all our other Species of Gold Coin, so that we have little left but Moydores, the most inconvenient sort of all others in our present Circumstances, since we have neither a sufficient Quantity of Halfpence, nor of Silver Coin, nor of the small Species of Gold Coins, to change Moydores with: if we had a due Proportion of Guineas and half-Guineas, Luidores and Pistoles, and half Luidores, and half Pistoles, or even of half and quarter Moydores, they would in some Measure supply the Want of Silver, and make Change easy: But all these being carried off also, we are greatly embarrassed in all our Dealings, and cannot with any tolerable Conveniency buy or sell in our Markets, for want of fit Species to pass in Exchange for Commodities. All this Disturbance in our Affairs is principally owing to the disproportionate Value set upon our several Coins, for not only the Value of Gold to Silver among us is different from the Proportion observed by other Countries we deal with, but also the Value of Gold is different in the several Species thereof current among us, which must needs create a Confusion in our Dealings, and give Foreigners, and our own Cunning People an Opportunity of taking an Advantage of these Disproportions in our Coin, to the great Loss of the Kingdom.

Having thus laid down the Inconveniencies we lie under with Respect to our Coin, and the Causes from whence they arise. I shall now,

IN the third Place, mention several Methods and Schemes for the Regulation thereof; and shew the Conveniencies and Inconveniencies of each.

In Order to this we must observe, that the greatest Part of all our Dealings is negotiated with England directly, and that the Business we have with other Countries is mostly transacted by the way of London; and for this Reason in all Regulations to be made in our Coin, particular Care should be taken, that our Gold and Silver Coins may bear the same Proportion to one another in Ireland, as they do in England.

If we had all along governed our selves by this Rule, on settling the Values of our Coins by Proclamation, we should have prevented all the Inconveniencies, we now labour under; and there would have been no Temptation to carry out, or bring in, one Specie more than another; but we should have had a due Mixture and Variety of each, to enable us to make all Payments with great Ease and Exactness.

A just Proportion in the Values of our several. Coins, may be settled either by raising the Silver, or lowering all the Gold Coins, or by lowering some of the Gold Coins, and raising others.

But we ought to take Notice, that whether we raise or lower our Coin, whether we make a Hundred Pounds English to pass in Ireland for 108, 110, 112, or 100l. whatever we make the Par to be, such Alteration will have no Manner of Effect upon our Trade with other Countries: For Foreigners in that Case will not sell their Commodities to us, one Farthing the cheaper, or give one Grain of Gold or Silver more for our Goods exported to them: The Values of all Commodities will still be governed by the Quantity of Gold and Silver paid or received for them, without any Regard had to any new Denomination we give to our Coin at Home.

But then such an Alteration of our Coin will have a great Effect on Payments and Contracts to be made good among our selves. For in the Case of raising our Specie, ’tis evident that Tenants, Debtors, and Others, who are under Obligations to pay any certain Legal Sums, will after such raising pay the said Sums in a less Quantity of Gold and Silver, and therefore Landlords and Creditors will be hurt by such a Change. For instance, if 66 Moydores and 20s. pay 100l. and those were raised and made to pass for 31s. each, then 64 Moydores and 16s. will discharge the said 100l. by which Landlords and Creditors will really receive 3l. 4s. less than they ought to receive in the Payment of an 100l. And on the contrary, if all our Species be lowered, all Tenants and Debtors after such lowering must pay greater Weights of Gold and Silver, in Order to discharge the said Sum. For Instance, 66 Moydores and 20s. now pay 100l. but if Moydores were reduc’d to 29s. each, then 69 Moydores, wanting one Shilling would be required to answer the said Sum of 100l. and the Tenant must part with a greater Quantity of his Commodities, to enable him to purchase so much more Gold as will make it up.

For it must always be remembered, that the Prices of Commodities, will be higher or lower in the altered Coin, as the Coin is raised or lowered; for in the Trade of Nations, or the buying and selling Commodities to one another, People have no Regard to the nominal Values put on the several Species of Coin, but consider only the Weights of pure Gold and pure Silver contained in them. For Instance, if a Crown Piece, which passes in England for Five Shillings, and contains near an Ounce of Silver, can now purchase a Bushel of Wheat there, and if the said Crown should be lowered to Four Shillings, it cannot be imagined, that a Foreigner will still give Five Shillings in the reduced Value for the same Bushel, by which he must pay a Fourth Part more than he did before the lowering: And in Case the said Crown should be raised to Six Shillings, the English wou’d be great Losers, if they should sell their Bushel of Wheat to a Foreigner for Five Shillings in the advanced Coin; for at that Rate the Foreigner wou’d purchase the same Commodity for a Fifth Part less in Bullion than he did before.

But tho’ the Rates of Commodities may not always immediately rise or fall in the same Degree, that Money is raised or lowered, in Time they will not fail to come to the same nominal Values of the Coins. In this Interval indeed the Cunning Men will be the first to sell their Goods, on the Reduction of the Coin, and the first to buy on the Raising of it. Of this we had a remarkable Instance in the Messisippi Times, when the French raised their Money to an extravagant Height, but did not advance the Rates of their Goods at first in the same Proportion; for the Dutch laid hold of the Opportunity, and by pouring a great deal of French Money at that Juncture into France, bought up its Commodities about a Third or Fourth Part below their true Value, and thereby were able for some Time to undersell the French in their own Goods 20 per Cent. in all Foreign Markets.

We find by Experience, that in all Trading Countries the Values of Commodities are always governed by the Rates which Foreigners give for them.

The Value of a Moydore in England compared with the Value of Gold in a Guinea at the Mint, is 27s. and the Value of a Luidore and Pistole at the Mint of England is 16s. 9d, .32.

The following Table shews, what Number of the several Species therein mentioned make 100l. in England, and what their Values amount to in Ireland, and at the same Time shews the Differences per Cent. of those Values.

It is to be observed, that Moydores being almost the only current Species of the Kingdom, the Par of Exchange, is at present regulated by them, and is about 11 per Cent.

In all Schemes for the Regulation of our Coin, these three Things ought to be principally in our View, and carefully observed.

I shall now mention several Schemes for the Regulation of our Coin.

FIRST SCHEME.

THE first Scheme, I shall take Notice of is that which is for raising the English Crown to 5s. 7d. ½, and the other Coins in Proportion.

If the Crown should be thus raised, then to preserve the English Proportion between the Crown, and our Gold Species, as near as conveniently we can;

as will appear by the following Table, wherein the Irish Values of 100l. English in each Species so raised are set down.

This Scheme has this to recommend it, that it preserves a pretty just Proportion in the Values of the several Species; but then by raising all our Species so high, ’tis manifestly injurious to all Landlords, Creditors, and other Persons, who are by Agreement, pay or salary, to receive any certain legal Sums; for in the Discharge of the said Sums, they will receive less Gold and Silver by 2 or 3 per Cent. than they would have done before the Raising, and consequently will feel the Loss in the Price of all Commodities, they shall have occasion to buy, which will always rise in Proportion as Money is raised.

As to the Merchants Scheme, which proposed to raise the Crown to 5s. 7d. ½, and the Pistole to 18s. 8d. and to leave the Guinea and Moydore as they are at present; it is so much out of all due Proportion in every Species, especially between the English Gold and Silver, that it would only serve to introduce in another Manner the same Disproportion and Evil, and the same Traffick in Money which we have already suffered by.

This Disproportion appears by the following Table wherein the Irish Value of 100l. English in each Species so raised are set down.

SECOND SCHEME.

THE second Scheme, I shall consider, is that, which is for reducing all our Gold Species to the Value of English Silver current here, and for raising the Mexico Dollar to 5s.

In this Case, if Regard be had to the Value of our Gold Coins at the Mint of England, mentioned in the Table of Foreign Coins.

’Tis certain that by this Scheme the due Proportion of the Values of our several Coins are preserved; and it must be acknowledged, that if Ten Years ago, when the Guinea was reduced in England from 1l. 1s. 6d. to 1l. 1s. we had at the same Time reduced all our Gold Coin in the same Proportion (as in true Policy we ought to have done) we should not have lost our Silver and smaller Species of Gold, and have been reduced as we are at present, to one large Species of Moydores; we should then have continued in the Possession of such a Variety, and equal Mixture of every Kind, as would have answered all our Payments and Dealings with the greatest Ease.

But it may be said, if a Reduction of our Gold would have been an Advantage to us 10 or 12 Years ago, it will be the same now. But I am humbly of Opinion, that the Case is very different now from what it was then, for the following Reasons.

1st. ’Tis well known that 15 Years ago the greatest Part of our current Species was Silver; that it was very difficult to get any large Payments in Gold, and that even Premiums were given then, to get Gold for Silver; that the Gold we then had was mostly Pistoles and Luidores; and that Moydores made the least Part of our Cash.

2d. Our Government in 1712 or 1713, some Time after Moydores began to flow in great Quantities from Brazil into Europe, settled their Values here by Proclamation at so high a Rate, that they were raised about 2½ per Cent above Silver, and much higher than any other Gold Species. As we then had a great Quantity of Silver among us, we were glad to get Gold in Liew thereof; our Traffickers in Money laid hold of this Opportunity, and made great Advantage by sending out first our Silver, and after that our other Species, and importing Moydores in their Stead; and they continued to do this, till no more could be got to send abroad. By this Means Moydores are become almost the only current Cash of the Kingdom, and have been so for some Years. This Overvalue of the Portugal Gold having thus Spirited away all our other Species, has in Effect, though not originally designed by the Government, been a Raising of our whole Species, since we have hardly any other left among us besides this, which has been highest raised.

3d. We must consider, as our Money has been raised, that in Consequence thereof the Prices of all Commodities and Lands have risen also. We are all very sensible that the Lands of Ireland have been generally set very high of late Years, and perhaps higher, with Respect to the Profit to be got by the Tenant than any other Lands in Europe, and that Rack-Rents have taken Place, since the Time that Moydores became our common Cash, and therefore may in some Measure be ascribed to the high Value of that Coin.

Now if our Moydores, which are almost our only Species, should be reduced Two and a half per Cent, it must be an Injury to all Tenants, who have taken Lands at high Rates, since Moydores have been so common among us, and also to all Debtors, and other Persons, who have of late Years entered into Contracts to pay certain legal Sums, which cannot be answered but by giving two and a half per Cent more in Moydores than they do at present: And since the Government has fixed this high Price on Moydores, and that, under that Value, and Presumption of its Continuance, People have entered into Contracts and high Rents; such a Reduction will in Effect fix an additional Rent, on all those, who are to pay any certain legal Sums of Money: And what is this, but to oblige great Numbers of innocent Persons, who had no Hand in raising the Coin, to pay yearly more than they ought to do to others, without any Appearance of Reason for it.

Besides, such a Reduction must be a manifest Loss to the Kingdom, for if our Absentees now draw yearly out of the Kingdom 600,000l. at Two and a Half per Cent Loss by Exchange; on such a Reduction they will save that Two and Half per Cent, and consequently must carry out of the Kingdom yearly 15000l. more than they can at present. This is an Indulgence, not due to them, who pay no Part of the Taxes of their Country, and cannot in Reason expect that we should enter into Measures, which may enable them to carry more out of the Kingdom, who carry off vastly too much already.

If our People had of themselves raised the Price of their Moydores, without the Governments interposing therein, they must have done it at their own Peril, and could have no Reason to complain, if the Government should think fit at any Time to fix another Value on them: But as all has hitherto been done by publick Authority, the said Authority no doubt will avoid hurting great Numbers of People, without a pressing Necessity for the same, which does not appear in this Case.

Perhaps it may be said, if Moydores are reduced 9d. a Piece, that this Loss can affect those only, who have them in their Possession, which will be but a small Loss to the whole Kingdom, and for once only.

But I conceive the Case to be quite otherwise, and that this will be a Loss not only to those, who shall have Moydores in their Possession at the Time of the Reduction, but a constant yearly Loss to all Tenants and others, who are bound to pay any certain legal Sums, for and during the remaining Terms of their Leases and Contracts: for in order to pay the said Sums, they will be obliged to pay more Pieces, or greater Weights of Gold, which cannot be done but by parting with more of their Commodities to purchase them.

It may be asked what Effect the Raising or Falling of Money has upon Exchange and Trade. ’Tis evident that on raising the Money of a Country, the Par of Exchange will rise, and will fall as Money is lowered. But this changing of the Par, as it arises only from a change made in the Nominal Values of equal Weights of Gold and Silver, in the Coins of two Countries, and not from any real Change made in those Weights, so it has no Effect on Trade; which regards only the Weights of Gold and Silver, and not any Nominal Values put upon them; for Commodities will still be bought and sold for the same Quantity of those Metals, notwithstanding a Change made in the Nominal Values of the Money of either Country.

But the raising of Exchange above Par, is occasioned by one Nation’s becoming in Debt to another, for in this Case Specie must be sent by one Hand or other to pay the Debt or Ballance, and this Necessity raises the Exchange. So that the Par of Exchange depends on the Nominal Values of the several Species, and varies with such Values. But the Exchange above or under Par depends entirely on the Ballance of Trade, and not on the raising or lowering of Money.

But it may be said, an Englishman, who comes into Ireland to buy Goods, and takes the Benefit of the high Exchange, will trade to more Advantage by having the Benefit of such Exchange, than an Irishman can: But I think they are both in this Respect on an equal Foot: for tho’ the Englishman on paying 100l. in London, can receive 111l. in Dublin, when Exchange is at 11 per Cent. and thereby has an Advantage in buying our Commodities; yet an Irishman who lays out 111l. here in the same Commodities, and has the Value of them returned to him from Abroad, will, upon the Return thereof into Ireland, have the same Benefit of high Exchange, which the Englishman had before.

But if we are not to raise our Silver, or lower our Gold, in the Manner already mentioned: it may be asked, What must be done? since some Regulation of our Coin seems to be absolutely necessary.

It must indeed be owned, that a Regulation is much wanted, and yet ’tis very difficult to make it in such a Manner as could be desired; This Difficulty arises from several causes; first from our Coin’s being made up of the Money of several Countries, each of them of different Allays, Weights, and Values. 2d, From our reckoning our Money by Pounds, Shillings, and Pence, without having any one Species, that answers any of those Denominations. 3d, From our Coin’s being divided into such cross and unequal Parts, that it is almost impossible to make Alterations in their Values, without running into inconvenient Fractions, especially considering we have but few Farthings, and no Denominations under them.

I shall now propose a Scheme, which is a Medium between the other two Schemes, and though not such as I could desire, because of the Difficulties above mentioned, yet, I believe will be found to have much fewer Inconveniencies than the others, and to be attended with these Advantages, 1st, That a pretty just Proportion in the Values of our Coins is observed therein. 2d, That neither Landlord nor Tenant, Creditor nor Debtor, is injur’d thereby, or but very inconsiderably. 3d, That some Encouragement is given to import Foreign Silver without making a Traffick of it.

THIRD SCHEME.

IN this Scheme it is proposed to raise the Crown a Penny, and to settle the Values of the Gold Species as near as may be, to the Proportion of Gold to Silver in England. And the Values of the several Gold and Silver Coins will stand thus.

The following Table shews the Difference per Cent of the foregoing Values of the several Species.

In this Scheme I have observed the same Proportion between the English Silver and all our Gold Species, which is observed in England, as far as the Crossness of our Coins will allow of, without giving any Temptation to import and export one Species more than another, except the Spanish Silver, which is valued about 1 per Cent. higher than the rest, in order to supply our present Want of Silver.

By this Scheme the Par of Exchange, or Difference between English and Irish Money, will be a little above 10 per Cent. at a Medium, which is something less than it is at present; and for that Reason Landlords and Creditors will have an Advantage, and Tenants and Debtors a Disadvantage, but the Advantage of the one, and Disadvantage of the other, are small, and hardly worth considering.

Thus all the Ends we propose to ourselves in regulating our Coins, will be answered, which are, to settle a due Proportion of their Values, to avoid hurting any one as much as possible by such Regulation, and to give some Encouragement for importing Foreign Silver.

The greatest Inconveniency of this Scheme is this, that the Shilling is to pass for 13d.¼ and yet we have no Farthings to change it. ’Tis true, we have very few at present, but ’tis hoped we shall not continue long without them. For this Purpose I shall suggest, in what follows, a Way to be immediately supplied with a Stock of them.

Raising the Crown a Penny, cannot hurt any Body, since we have but little Silver among us, and ample Amends is made for that in the Reduction of the Moydore, which is almost our only current Specie.

It may be said, if the English Six-pence shall pass but for 6½d. there will be a Loss in all those Pieces of half a Farthing. But to this it may be answered, that as every one will pay them, as he receives them, no Body will lose by them: And if two of those Pieces be made to pass for 13d.¼ there can be no Loss but in the single Six-pence. It may be also said, that Five single Shillings will be worth a Farthing more than the Crown; ’tis true this Disproportion happens, but this is the same Inequality we formerly had, when the Crown-Piece passed for Six Shillings, and the Shilling but for 14d. in consequence of which 5 of them made but 5s. 10d. this indeed encouraged the importing of Crown-Pieces, rather than Shillings, into the Kingdom; and if the small Disproportion here taken notice of can have any Effect, it will be bringing in Shillings rather than Crowns, which would be more for our Service.

In the Values here exhibited of our several Coins, I have Regard only to the Standard Value of Gold and Silver at the Mint of England, because I think we ought to govern ourselves therein by the same Rule that England does: If England should think proper at any Time to raise the Silver in Respect of Gold, we ought to follow their Example, but to make no Alteration till then.

But after all that has been said for regulating our Coin, when we consider that almost all our Money is made up of Foreign Coins, of different Weights, Standards, and Values; that Foreign Nations often change the Standard and Weights of their Pieces, and that on these Accounts it must ever be difficult accurately to adjust the Values, which the several Species, great and small, ought to bear to one another; I say, when these Things are duly considered, it will be found that there is no other Way of freeing us from these Inconveniences, but by having either a Mint established in Ireland, or Money of our own coin’d in the Mint of England.

All these Difficulties would be effectually removed by Coining several Species of Copper, Silver and Gold Coins, of such Standards, Weights, and Values, compared with the English, as shall be thought proper and most convenient for us. Then we should be so happy, as to have Coins, which would pass without weighing, which would be a great Blessing to all our People; Foreign Coins would pass only as Bullion, and we should not then be imposed upon by counterfeit, clipt, or base Money, as we always were, when we had a Multitude of Foreign Coins.

’Tis not to be doubted, but His Most Gracious Majesty, out of his Affection for his Faithful People of Ireland, will be pleased to grant them this Favour, which does not in the least interfere with the Interest of any other of his Subjects, since it wholly relates to our selves, and is desired only to remove the many Inconveniencies we suffer in our Domestick Commerce, by the Disproportion of our Coin: Nay will it be an Advantage to Great-Britain, for when we have Coin of our own passing among us, we shall not be tempted to draw out of England any of their Species.

In Case it should be thought proper to establish a Mint here, since it must take a considerable Time before we could be furnished with Money from thence, it may, in the mean Time, be adviseable to make some Regulation in the Values of our Coins, either upon the Plan of the last Scheme, or any other that may be thought better; and not to fail to give Encouragement to the Importation of Spanish Silver, especially at this Time, when the Effects of the Galleons are distributed, and we may well expect that a good deal of Silver will be imported, if we give it such a Value, as shall encourage People to bring it, and to keep it here; and it will have this good Effect also, that when we shall come to coin Silver Species, we shall then have Silver in the Country to keep the Mint at Work.

I do not see any Apprehensions we need fear of our being over stocked with Silver, I am sure we are in great Want of it at present; and if we shou’d find at any Time too great a Quantity pour in upon us, which is not likely to be our Case, ’tis an easy Matter to stop this Glut, by lowering the Dollar a Penny or Two Pence by Proclamation.

But in Regard we cannot have Half Pence, or Farthings, which we want so much, in any convenient Time from our own Coinage: It may be adviseable to endeavour to get from the Tower of London (with his Majesty’s Leave) a Supply of 10000l. worth of Half Pence and Farthings: The Mint-Masters are now at Work in the Tower, and employ five Presses in coining Half Pence for England; and when this Work is over, they may be employed in coining Half Pence and Farthings for Ireland at 10 per Cent. less Value than English Half Pence, and be paid by us for the Copper and Coinage.

Thus without any Loss to England and some Gain to the Mint, we might be furnished with a sufficient Quantity of Half Pence and Farthings of more intrinsick Value than any we have hitherto had, and which wou’d of course prevent any new Half Pence of less Value from being coin’d upon us.

If we shou’d be favoured with a Mint here, it wou’d be adviseable to divide the new Silver and Gold Coins, into one, two, and four Pieces, which Division of the Coin is best suited for reckoning, and is observed by most other Nations, and by the English in their Gold Coins; for they divide their Silver Coins into one, two, five, and ten Pieces, which are not commensurate with the Pieces of other Coins.

Our Gold Species may be coined into Pieces of 10s. 20s. and 40s. and the Silver into Pieces of 6, 12, 24, and 48 Pence, and will thereby be well fitted for reckoning, and if the Difference between English and Irish Money be settled at 10 per Cent. then 11s. Irish will be equal to 10s. English.

As long as Foreign Coins passing among us must be weighed, it would be convenient in that Case, to order that a Penny only should be abated, when half a Grain in Gold is only wanted; whereas now, if a Piece wants the least Thing to make it standing Weight, Two Pence is allowed for it when perhaps there is Three Half Pence more Gold in it than it passes for. This gives our Cunning Men an Opportunity in such Cases to file off Three Half Pence worth of Gold; but if only a Penny was allowed when a half Grain was wanting, no Body could lose more than a Penny with very bad Scales. If it be said, that a half Grain is too small to be handled with Ease, this may be remedied by adding a new Weight of a Grain and a half.

In weighing Silver Coins, it would be proper to have a Weight of Four Grains, and to allow a Half Penny for the Want of it. Whereas at present we have no less Weight than 12 Grains or half a Penny Weight, which is worth Three Half Pence: For want of such a Weight we must at present allow, as much, when a Piece wants only one Grain as when it wants twelve. This gives a Temptation of clipping Foreign Coins, and to take of a Penny or more of their Value, so that the Piece may just turn upon the Scale; and if a Person imported from Abroad Four Quarter Dollars, and each of them wanted a little of Weight, perhaps not a Half Penny or Four Grains in the Whole; then there was abated Six Pence for Want of Weight. And this was likely the Reason that we had formerly but few of the small Foreign Silver Pieces current among us, our Merchants judging it better not to import them at all, or to melt them down, because they were likely to lose considerably by the Manner of weighing them.

FINIS.

AN

ESSAY

UPON

MONEY and COINS.

PART I.

The Theories of Commerce, Money, and

Exchanges.

LONDON,

Printed: Sold by G. Hawkins, at the Middle Temple

Gate, Fleet-street.M.dcc.lvii.

To the Honourable Richard Arundell,Esq;

As a testimony of Esteem for his great Worth and Abilities, and as a grateful acknowledgement for many Marks of his Favour and Regard, during a long course of years; this Tract

Is humbly Inscribed and Dedicated, by

His most faithful
and obedient Servant,

The Author.

PREFACE.

THE main part of the following essay, was drawn up many years since for a truly great and good man; one who, if it had pleased God to have continued his life but a little longer, intended, amidst his other great designs for the good of this country, to have made such regulations in regard to our coins, as probably would have obviated all complaints about them for the future. The chief design of this first part, is to unfold the true nature and theory of money: A subject wherein every one is interested, and that in some measure in proportion to his property; and yet, a subject it seems, that very few understand; and concerning which, many, and those too of some note, are under gross mistakes.

In order to clear the way, and for the better settling of things upon their first and true principles, it hath been thought necessary to take a general view of wealth and commerce, which is the subject of the first chapter; and the third, concerning exchanges, is not quite foreign to the main design.

Some of the points here touched upon, deserved to have been discussed more at large, if the designed brevity of the whole would have permitted. The author is clear as to the goodness of his intention, and hopes that his ill state of health, while these sheets were printing, will be admitted as an apology for such faults as may have happened in the execution.

PART I.

The Theories ofCommerce, Money,andExchanges.

[* ]This is a controverted question, but on the whole we have no difficulty in dissenting from the opinion of Petty. Coins are to be regarded rather as the property of the public than of individuals. They pass freely from hand to hand among all classes; and their weight is diminished by the wear they undergo, and sometimes also (as was especially the case in 1690) by the fraudulent practices of clippers and others. But it would be most unjust to make the present holders of Coins responsible for their wear during the previous twenty or thirty years, or for the depredations practised upon them in the teeth of the law by knaves and swindlers. These are losses which the Coins have incurred in the public service, and they should consequently be borne by the public.

It is true that in carrying out this principle considerable difficulties have sometimes had to be encountered. Previously to the great recoinage of 1696-99, the practice of clipping the Coin was carried to a great height. And it was contended that if a Proclamation were issued, calling in the Coins in circulation by a certain day that they might be exchanged for new Coins of full weight, a corresponding premium would be offered to the clippers to redouble their activity in the interval. And as this was the course adopted on the occasion referred to, the anticipated result was realized to the fullest extent. It is believed, indeed, that the Coins lost as much by clipping between the period when it was announced that they would be called in and exchanged for new Coins, and their exchange for the same, as they had done in the course of the preceding ten or twelve years. (Leake’s English Money, 2nd ed. p. 391, &c.)

But it is very improbable that a loss of this sort will have to be again made up, inasmuch as milled Coins, which are now exclusively in use, are little susceptible of being clipped. And it may further be observed, that the loss experienced in 1696-99, from the circumstances already mentioned, might have been in great measure obviated had Government taken upon itself the responsibility of the Coinage, and quietly prepared a supply of Coins at the Mint sufficient to enable them at once to call down those in circulation.

The recoinage of 1696-99, notwithstanding the great expense and difficulty with which it was effected, proved on the whole a failure. This, however, was not a consequence of anything immediately connected with the Coinage, but is entirely to be ascribed, as will be afterwards seen, to the over-valuation of Gold as compared with Silver.

[* ]Vide Hales of Sheriffs Accounts, p. 5.

[* ]9 E. 3. & 17 R. 2. Prohibited Goldsmiths and others to Melt down small Coins, under Pain of Forfeiture of the Molten Silver.

14 Car. 2. Prohibited the Melting any the Silver Moneys, under Pain of Forfeiting the same, and double the Value; if by a Freeman, he is to be Disfranchised; and if not a Freeman, he is to be Imprisoned Six Months. 6 & 7 W. & M. makes the Conviction of Melters more Practicable, and inflicts Six Months Imprisonment for the Offence.

[* ]The first of these tracts, entitled “Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest and Raising the Value of Money,” was published in 1691.

The second tract written in answer to the Report of Mr. Lowndes, and entitled “Further Considerations concerning Raising the Value of Money,” appeared in 1695. They make together a pretty considerable volume.

[* ]So called from its being partly coined of gold brought from the coast of Guinea.—Snelling’s Gold Coins, p. 29.

[† ]See on this subject some conclusive remarks in Liverpool On Coins, p. 145.

[* ]Snelling’s Gold Coins, p. 31.

[* ]Liverpool On Coin, pp. 68—85.

[* ]This latter alternative was proposed by Locke.

[† ]Liverpool On Coins, p. 145.

[* ]A Table of the weight, fineness, and value of different coins was added to this Representation, which it has not been thought necessary to reprint.

[* ]Essay on Medals, vol. ii. p. 124.

[* ]Introduction to Anderson’s “Diplomata,” p. 176.

[* ]The Representations of Sir Isaac Newton here referred to have been already given; and it has not been thought necessary to reprint the table of coins.

[* ]Folkes and Ruding have shown that this date is erroneous, and that the Indenture referred to belongs to the 18th and not to the 1st year of Henry’s reign.—Ruding On the Coinage, 3rd ed. I. p. 301 and p. 305.