The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Preface
• Key to Abbreviations and References
• Introduction
• 1.: The Manuscript
• 2.: The Lectures
• 3.: Considerations Concerning the First Formation of Languages
• 4.: Rhetoric and Literary Criticism
• 5.: System and Aesthetics
• Bibliographical Note
• Lectures On Rhetoric and Belles Lettres: Lecture 2D.
• Lecture 3D.: Of the Origin and Progress of Language 1
• Lecture 4tha
• Lecture 5. A
• Lecture 6.THA: Of What Is Called the Tropes and Figures of Speech. B
• Lecture. 7. A
• Lecture. 8. A
• Lecture. 9tha
• Lecture. 10tha
• Lecture. 11 a
• Lecture. 12.THA: Of Composition
• Lecture. 13 a
• | Lecture. 14 a
• Lecture 15tha
• Lecture. 16th. a
• Lecture XVII. A
• Lecture Xviii a
• Lecture. Xixth. a
• Lecture. XX.THA
• Lecture Xxist. a
• Lecture Xxiida
• Lecture Xxiiida
• Lecture Xxivtha
• Lecture XXV. A
• Lecture Xxvitha
• Lecture Xxvii a
• Lecture Xxviiitha
• Lecture Xxix a
• Lecture. Xxx a
• Considerations Concerning the First Formation of Languages,&c. &c.1
• Appendix 1 (see P. 32) the Bee, Or Literary Weekly Intelligencer, For Wednesday, May 11, 1791.
• Appendix 2 Table of Corresponding Passages

Lecture XXV. ^a

Wed. Jan.^ry 26. 1763

Having in the foregoing Lecture given you all the observations I think necessary with regard to Deliberative Eloquence; I might now according to the method I proposed proceed to point out the proper method of choosing the arguments and the manner of arranging them as well as the Expression. But Directions of this sort can seldom be of any advantage. The arguments that are to be used before a people cannot be very intricate; the Proposition generally requires no proof at all and when it does the arguments are of themselves so evident as not to require any elaborate ^b explanation. There must be in this case no nicety nor refinement, no metaphysicall arguments, these would both be altogether superfluous in the circumstances an orator is gene| 139rally in and can very selldom be in any shape applicable. As the arguments are in themselves so simple, there can be no great nicety required in the arrangement. And in generall in every sort of eloquence[e] the choise of the arguments and the proper arrangement of them is the least difficult matter. The ^c Expression and Stile is what requires most skill and is alone capable of any particular directions. We see accordingly that Cicero, Quinctilian 1 and all the best authors who treat of Rhetoricall composition, treat of the Invention of arguments, or Topicks, and the composition or arrangement of them, as very slight matter and of no great difficulty, and never see[e]m to be in ernest unless when they give us directions concerning the ornaments of Language and Expression; and even this in the maner the<y> have handled it does not appear to be of very great | 140 importance, ^d tho it might without doubt be treated of so as to be both entertaining and instructive. I shall therefore omitt these altogether and come to the last thing proposed, that is to give you some account of the ^e authors who have excelled in this manner of writing. I shall follow the same plan too in Judicial Eloquence, for after having explain’d the Generall nature and principles of that sort of Eloquence I shall proceed to give an account of the chief orators and the manners of the different writers in this manner both with respect to Greece and Rome, and the English writers. I shall however take up some longer time on the nature of the Judicial eloquence, as here in the proving of facts or points of Law a good deal of nice and delicate Reasoning and argumentation may be introduced which, as I said, the Deliberative hardly ever admit of, and for that reason is the simplest of all the three Spe<c>ies of Eloquence.

| 141 I shall in this Lecture give you some account of the Manner of Demosthenes’s Deliberative orations, and then of Ciceros.

Of 16 Deliberative orations which have come down to us under the name of Demosthenes 2 are plainly the work of a different hand, probably of Hegesippus; 2 they have a rusticity and coarseness of expression with an affectation of force which is very unlike the manner of our orator: these orations are that ^f and that ^f Of the 14 remaining ones 10 are either employed to excite the Athenians to war with Philip of Macedon or to encourage them to prosecute it with vigour. The other 4 are on Different Subjects but as their design is much the same as that of the Philippics I shall say nothing concerning them, confining my observations intirely to the Philippics, and take as an instance of the manner of Demosthenes that of them which is called the 3^d, and is the 2^d Olynthian oration, not that it is the most elegant or the finest of his | 142 Orations, which in my Opinion is that περι χερσουησου, but as it will as well shew the peculiar manner of the author.

That we may the better understand his manner and the Observations on it, it will be necessary to consider briefly the state the Athenian affairs were in at the time these Orations were composed. The Government of Athens was long before that time become altogether Democraticall; the Council of the Areopagus, which was composed of the nobility and Chief men of the Commonwealth, was altogether abolished and that great Check on the Fury of the People removed. The Council 3 of ^g and the Pritaneum which made parts of the Aristocraticall government were then laid aside and no barrier remaind against the unruly multitude. But still it was the Nobility which directed the management of Publick affairs. The Ballance of Wealth and Rank on their side gave them also the Ballance of Power. The lower Rank were not conspicuous enough to have | 143 a chance for the Regulation of affairs. The Battle 4 of Platea, ^h where by the advice of Pericles ⁱ the Soldiers first received pay from the Publick gave the first beginning to the ^j Democraticall government, ^k and the Commerce which followed it strengthed that change. Commerce gave the lowest of the people an opportunity of raising themselves fortunes and by that means power. They had by the government an equall chance for all magistracies with the greatest of the nobles, and by their wealth were enabled to have equall weight with the People. This it was which introduced the great change in the tempers of the people and the means of gaining their favour. Before that time one who had a mind to gain the favour of the people and have influence with them, as Riches were not to be got in the state was generally obliged ^l to make his | 144 end by planning out new expeditions and new wars, by which the people might be enriched. Those who executed these schemes best were those who had most of their favour. There was therefore no one ever at the head of affairs who had not distinguished himself by military exploits. {But afterwards we find this was little attended for at the beginning of the Peloponesian war we find Cleon ^m at the head of the State, and in the end Theramenes 5 and ⁿ neither of whom had ever been any way distinguished by military glory; and of the 10 Orators who in their turn directed the affairs of Athens none unless Demosthenes had ever seen a battle.} The Athenians were on this account the most enterprising and active people in all Gree<c>e; Insomuch that the Chief Leaders and directors had as great difficulty in restraining them as afterward in rousing them to war. ^o Commerce and Luxury intirely altered the state of affairs; They gave the Lowest an opportunity of raising themselves to an equality with the nobles; and the nobles an easy way of reducing themselves to the state of the meanest citizen. In this state forreign wars was not the way most likely to give wealth to the People; those therefore who desired to ingratiate themselves did not | 145 take that method; they found it easier to give them riches which they had no title to from the Plunder of their fellow citizens than from the Spoils of their enemies.

The first thing they did was to procure them a pay in war; which tho it might appear of no great consequence yet had a great effect on the nature of the government. Commerce, as it introduced trade or manufacture into all the ^p members of the State made them unwilling to attend the courts. There were three courts each of 500 men where private causes were tried and these 3 were joined in all public or criminall debates. These being ^q chosen by lot from the poorest as well as the richest would be very unwilling to leave their work for an employment which brought them no profit. Pericles therefore to gain the favour of the Public brought it about that every judge who attended the court should get two Oboli about 3^d per Diem.— | 146 Nay so far did this method go that one Eubulus 6 or Eubulides made a law that every citizen should receive the same summ from the Community in order to enable him to attend the Theatre, that is in our language to pay for his ticket to the Play. This was the foundation of all their dissorders. Demosthenes opposed it but without effect, and a Law was afterwards made which made it capitall in any one to propose to Repeal it. From this time the People became altogether idle and unnactive; they re<c>eived the same pay for sitting at home and doing nothing but attending the publick Diversions as they did for serving their country abroad, and the ^r former was without question the easiest duty.—Military Glory had then no weight; the orators ruled the People coaxing them with new schemes of additional wealth and often overruled the most experienced commanders, turning them, continuing them or changing them | 147 as they thought fit. Levies were then seldom voted and where they were, as seldom made. The Athenians from being the most enterprising people in Greece were now become the most idle and innactive. They who had such a spirit for enterprize that they had frequently in their wars with Lacedemon, Syracuse and other States, risqued their whole strength to the fortune of a battle, which sometimes ruined the state at least for a time.

In this state were the Athenians when Philip of Macedon arose. This prince soon made himself formidable to them by his enterprizing and Politicall conduct; The States of Greece were all sensible of their danger and wanted nothing to ^s cause them declare war but a proper leader. The Lacedemonians were ruined by the Battle of Leuctra. 7 The Thebans were powerfull but universally hated. The Athenians alone remained fit for this post. They accordingly were pitched | 148 upon for the Leaders of the War And immediately declared war. But tho they declared war they did not go to action. Levies where decreed were never made. Fleets and treasure were to be sent out but never sailed, and nothing was done with any spirit or activity. They saw their danger, but as war ^t did not promise them any advancement of their fortunes they could hardly be prevaild to ^u engage in it. Demosthenes took upon him to stir up the Athenians to a more vigorous Conduct, and this is the Subject of his Philippick orations. 8 His manner is that of one who spoke to a favourable audience; for tho the Athenians were sluggish and Dilatory in undertaking the war they saw well enough that it was for the good of the State but as it promised them no private advantage they would not be very eager to engage in it. For this reason ^v he never insists much on the reasonableness of the war; nor on the practicability of succeeding | 149 in it, for it was universally allowd that they were a match for their enemies. He dwells more on the growing Power of Philip and the Danger Delay would expose them to and prompts them to exert themselves and Repeal the Law of Eubulus. His expression and manner is such as becomes one of Sense and dignity, with a sort of Innate pride, and contempt for those who opposed him. This makes him frequently rather expostulate with them ^w on the folly of their conduct than shew them the practicability or advantage of more vigorous measures. In this strain he often condescends to downright Scolding and gives them very opprobrious and Scurrilous language, but never in a manner improper for a man of Dignity and authority. He does it in a manner natural to one who reproves those whom he is sorry to see acting amiss tho they know the right; and hence he is always remarkably strong and passionate. {He however never lays the blame on the peoples want of courage or spirit but on the false arguments and seductive counsel of the Orators who, bribed as he said by Philip and from other private motives, dissuaded the People from what they well knew was their real interest. It is to be observed that in no former war, tho they were often carri’d on with more wealthy nations than Macedon, yet this accusation was never so much as mentioned. The reason is not because the orators ^x were | v.149 then ^y less liable to take such gratuities, but because what was conterary to the interest of the country could not then be of any weight, nor would be at all Received.}

In the Course | 150 of the affairs with Philip it happened that the City of Olynthus a port of some note on the coast of Macedon was brought by Presents and sollicitations into the interest of Philip. The Athenians were very sollicitous to bring them over to their interest. This they accordingly obtaind; the Olynthians declared war on Philip. 9 But when Demosthenes was using his best endeavours to prompt the Athenians to a vigorous defence of their allies, the other Orators amused them with debates concerning what Punishment they should inflict on Philip when they had got him into their Power. ’Twas on this occasion Demosthenes spoke the Olynthian oration above mentiond.—We may observe that Sallust has copied this speech 10 in that which he puts into the mouth of Cato and has even gone so far as to translate the first sentence, which could not suit that Cause.

[a]MS XXIV

[b]proof deleted

[c]arran(?) deleted

[1 ]Invention and arrangement, says Cicero (Orator, xiv–xv, 44–49), are matters of prudentia rather than eloquentia, common to all activities, and he will treat them briefly. Quintilian echoes this. They are the duties of the orator, not parts of the subject–matter of rhetoric (III.iii.1); the untrained can do them (VIII.iii.2).

[d]MS important

[e]Best deleted

[2 ]See ii.151 n.1 below.

[f–f]two blanks of about ten letters each in MS

[3 ]From the time of Cleisthenes at the end of the sixth century bc the Council (boulé) consisted of 500 members; its business was prepared by 50 of these, the prytaneis (the prytaneum, the word Smith apparently applied to this committee).

[g]blank of eight letters in MS

[4 ]Battle of Plataea (479bc) at which Mardonius and the Persian forces were defeated by the Greeks under Pausanias.—The account given in this lecture of judicial and administrative procedures in Greece (and, later, in Rome) may be compared with passages in the parallel course Smith was in the habit of giving on jurisprudence: see index to LJ, s.v. Greece, democracy, judges, judicial power, Athens, Lacedaemon, etc., and under the ancient authors there cited.

[h]Platea circled in MS: then and the B deleted

[i]inserted by Hand B in blank left

[j]true Democraticall government great change deleted

[k]by the pay which was at that time appointed to the People deleted

[l]to have recourse deleted

[m]inserted by Hand B in two blanks left; in the first Hand A had written only C

[5 ]On Cleon cf. ii.176 n.1 and 179 below.—Theramenes and Critias were two of the Thirty Tyrants who seized power in 404 bc; in the reign of terror which followed, the extremist Critias had Theramenes the moderate executed, but he was himself killed in Jan. 403; after which a governing Board of Ten was appointed. Aristotle (Politics 1305b 26) names Charicles rather than Critias as the leader of the extremists.

[n]blank of six letters in MS

[o]them to war changed from their Courage

[p]State deleted

[q]ele deleted

[6 ]Eubulus (c.405–c.335) as a member of the Theoric Commission came to control the finances of Athens and to stop state extravagance. In 348 he had a measure passed which made it difficult for state revenue to be used for inessential military projects. The system of payments referred to above originated long before his time; it was ended in 338 bc.

[r]latter are deleted

[s]end deleted

[7 ]371 bc, victory of Epaminondas and the Thebans over Cleombrotus and the Spartans.

[t]replaces it

[u]follo deleted

[8 ]See ii.141 above: four Philippic orations, 351–41 bc; three Olynthiacs, 349 bc.

[v]they deleted

[w]MS him

[x]replaces people

[y]much more deleted

[9 ]In 349 bc Demosthenes delivered his three speeches advocating Athenian support for Olynthus against Philip II of Macedon: cf. ii.141 above.

[10 ]Bellum Catilinae, lii; Marcus Porcius Cato’s speech to the Senate is an echo of Demosthenes, Olynthiac iii.1: take precautions against plotters instead of discussing how you will punish them when you have caught them.