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Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow CHAPTER XIX.: USES TO BE DRAWN FROM THE POWER OF INSTRUCTION. - The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 1 (Principles of Morals and Legislation, Fragment on Government, Civil Code, Penal Law)

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CHAPTER XIX.: USES TO BE DRAWN FROM THE POWER OF INSTRUCTION. - Jeremy Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 1 (Principles of Morals and Legislation, Fragment on Government, Civil Code, Penal Law) [1843]

Edition used:

The Works of Jeremy Bentham, published under the Superintendence of his Executor, John Bowring (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843). 11 vols. Vol. 1.

Part of: The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 vols.

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CHAPTER XIX.

USES TO BE DRAWN FROM THE POWER OF INSTRUCTION.

Instruction does not form a separate head, but the above title is convenient as a centre, around which to collect sundry scattered ideas.

Government ought not to do every thing by force: by this it can only move the bodies of men; by its wisdom it extends its empire over their minds: when it commands, it gives its subjects a factitious interest in obedience; when it enlightens, it gives them an internal motive, which cannot be weakened. The best method of instruction is simply to publish facts; but it is sometimes proper to assist the public in forming its judgment upon those facts.

When we see government measures, which are excellent in themselves, fail from the opposition of an ignorant people, we at first feel irritated against the senseless multitude; but when we come to reflect—when we observe that this opposition might have been easily foreseen, and that the government, in proud exercise of authority, has taken no steps to prepare the minds of the people, to dissipate their prejudices, to conciliate their confidence,—our indignation is transferred from the ignorant and deceived people, to its disdainful and despotic leaders.

Experience has shown, contrary to general expectation, that newspapers are one of the best means of directing opinion—of quieting feverish movements—of causing the lies and artificial rumours, by which the enemies of the state may attempt to carry on their evil designs, to vanish. In these public papers, instruction may descend from the government to the people, or ascend from the people to the government: the greater the freedom allowed, the more correctly may a judgment be formed upon the course of opinion—with so much the greater certainty will it act.

Rightly to estimate their utility, it is necessary to refer to the times when public papers did not exist, and consider the scenes of imposture, both political and religious, which were played off with success in countries where the people could not read. The last of these grand impostors with a royal mantle, was Pugatcheff. Would it have been possible in our days to have supported this personage in France or in England? The cheat would have been discovered as soon as announced. These are crimes which are not attempted among enlightened nations—the facility of detecting impostors preventing their birth.

There are many other snares against which governments may guard the people by public instruction. How many are the frauds practised in commerce, in the arts, in the price and quality of goods, which it would be easy to cause to cease by unveiling them! How many dangerous remedies, or rather real poisons, are sold with impudence by empirics, as marvellous secrets, of which it would be easy to disabuse the minds of the most credulous, by publishing their composition!—How many mischievous opinions, how many dangerous or absurd errors, might be stopped in their birth, by enlightening the public! When the folly of animal magnetism, after having seduced the idle societies of Paris, began to spread throughout Europe, one report of the Academy of Sciences, by the force of truth alone, precipitated Mesmer into the crowd of despicable charlatans, and left him no other disciples than incurable fools, whose admiration served to complete his disgrace. Would you cure an ignorant and superstitious people? send into their towns and villages, in quality of missionaries, jugglers, workers of prodigies, who shall begin by astonishing the people, by producing the most singular phenomena, and shall finish by explaining them. The more we know of natural magic, the less shall we be the dupes of magicians. It were to be wished that, with certain precautions, the miracle of St. Januarius at Naples were repeated in all public places, and that it were made a toy for children.

The principal instruction which governments owe to the people, regards the knowledge of the laws. How can these be obeyed, if they are unknown? how can they be known, if they are not published in the simplest form—in such manner that each individual may find for himself what ought to regulate his conduct?

The legislator might influence public opinion by composing a code of political morality analogous to the code of laws, and divided, in the same manner, into a general and particular code. The most delicate questions relative to every profession might there be explained: he need not confine himself to cold lessons, but by mingling with them well chosen historical anecdotes, such a code might be made a manual of amusement for all ages.

To compose such codes would be, so to speak, to dictate the judgments which public opinion ought to pronounce upon the different questions of morals and politics. To these codes might, with the same intention, be added a collection of popular prejudices, with the considerations which might serve as their antidotes.

If ever sovereign power showed itself with dignity among men, it was in the Instructions which were published by Catherine II. for a code of laws. When this unique example is considered for a moment, and it is separated from the recollection of an ambitious government, it is impossible to see, without admiration, a woman descend from the car of victory for the purpose of civilizing so many semi-barbarous nations, and of presenting to them the noblest maxims of philosophy, sanctioned by the touch of the sceptre. Superior to the vanity of herself composing this work, she borrowed whatever was excellent from the writings of the sages of the time; but by adding to their works the sanction of her authority, she did more for them than they had done for her. She seemed to say to her subjects—“You owe me so much the more confidence, since I have called to my counsels the noblest geniuses of my time. I fear not thus to associate with me these masters of truth and virtue, since they will make me ashamed before the universe if I dare to disgrace them.” She was seen, animated with the same spirit, sharing with her courtiers the labours of legislation; and if she were often found in contradiction to herself, like Tiberius, who was fatigued with the servitude of the senate, and would have punished a movement of liberty, yet these solemn engagements, contracted in the face of the whole world, were as barriers which she had imposed upon her own power, and which she rarely ventured to break.