Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow CHAPTER XVII.: EMPLOYMENT OF THE MOTIVE OF HONOUR, OR OF THE POPULAR SANCTION. - The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 1 (Principles of Morals and Legislation, Fragment on Government, Civil Code, Penal Law)

Return to Title Page for The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 1 (Principles of Morals and Legislation, Fragment on Government, Civil Code, Penal Law)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Subject Area: Law

CHAPTER XVII.: EMPLOYMENT OF THE MOTIVE OF HONOUR, OR OF THE POPULAR SANCTION. - Jeremy Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 1 (Principles of Morals and Legislation, Fragment on Government, Civil Code, Penal Law) [1843]

Edition used:

The Works of Jeremy Bentham, published under the Superintendence of his Executor, John Bowring (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843). 11 vols. Vol. 1.

Part of: The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


CHAPTER XVII.

EMPLOYMENT OF THE MOTIVE OF HONOUR, OR OF THE POPULAR SANCTION.

To increase the strength of this power—to regulate its application: such are the two objects to be accomplished.

The strength of public opinion is in combined proportion to its extent and intensity: its extent is measured by the number of suffrages; its intensity by the degree of its blame or approbation.

For increasing the power of opinion in extent, there are many methods: the principal are, the liberty of the press, and the publicity of all acts which interest the nation—publicity of the tribunals, publicity of accounts, and publicity of the debates upon state affairs, when secresy is not required by some particular reason. The enlightened public—the depository of the laws and archives of honour, the administrator of the moral sanction, forms a supreme tribunal which decides upon all causes and all persons. By the publicity of affairs, this tribunal is in a condition to collect the proofs, and to judge—by the liberty of the press, to pronounce and to execute its judgment.

For increasing the power of opinion in intensity, there are also a diversity of methods, either by punishments which possess a certain character of ignominy, or by rewards which have for their principal object the investing with honour those who receive them.

There is a secret art of governing opinion, so that it shall not perceive, so to speak, the manner in which it is led. It consists in so disposing matters, that the act to be prevented cannot be performed, without also performing an act which popular opinion has already condemned.

Is a tax to be paid? according to the circumstances of the case, an oath, or a certificate, may be required, that it is correctly paid.

To take a false oath, to fabricate a false certificate, are offences which the public is prepared beforehand to mark with the seal of its condemnation, whenever there shall be occasion for it. This, then, is a sure method of rendering infamous an offence, which, without its accessary, can never exist.*

Sometimes a simple change in the name of the objects suffices to change the sentiments of men. The Romans abhorred the name of king, but they suffered those of dictator and emperor. Cromwell would not have been able to place himself upon the throne of England; but he possessed, under the title of protector, an authority more unlimited than that of the king. Peter I. abdicated the title of despot for himself, and he directed that the slaves of the nobles should only be called subjects.

If the people were philosophers, this expedient would be worth nothing; but upon this point, philosophers are only men. How much deception is there in the words liberty and equality! What contradictions between that luxury which all the world condemns, and that prosperity which all the world admires!

The legislator should take care not to furnish arms to public opinion in those cases in which he finds it opposed to the principle of utility. For this reason, he ought to efface from the laws all remains of the pretended crimes of heresy and sorcery, that there may be no legal foundation for these superstitious ideas. If he dare not wound an error too widely extended, he ought at least not to give it a new sanction.

It is very difficult to employ the motive of honour in engaging the citizens in the service of the law against delinquents. Pecuniary rewards granted for informations have failed in their object: the desire of gain has been opposed by that of shame; the law, instead of gaining strength by offering a reward disapproved by public opinion, has been weakened. Individuals have been suspected of acting from a degrading motive. The illchosen reward, instead of attracting, has repulsed, and deprived the law of more gratuitous protectors, than it has procured for it mercenary servants.

The most powerful method of producing an important revolution in public opinion is to strike the mind of the people by some noble example. Thus Peter the Great, by passing gradually through all the gradations of the public service, taught his nobility to bear the yoke of military subordination. Thus Catherine II. surmounted the popular prejudice against inoculation, not by trying it upon some criminals, as was done in the reign of Queen Anne, but by submitting to it herself.

[* ]The following anecdote is related on good authority. There was a riot at Madrid, under Charles III., occasioned by the prohibition against wearing round hats. This prohibition was not a matter of caprice. The large and slouched hats prohibited, served, when a cloak was thrown over the shoulders, completely to conceal the person. Under this disguise, a thief or an assassin could strike his blow, and never be recognised. The prohibition was therefore proper, but no preparation had been made for it: it wounded a general custom—it appeared to be an attack upon liberty. The people assembled round the palace; the guards wished to repulse them; the tumult became violent; blood was shed; the court was intimidated, and left Madrid, and the Minister was obliged to give way. A short time after this triumph of the round hats, the Count d’Aranda being made Minister, he enjoined all the executioners, in all the towns of Spain, to wear round hats. In a fortnight, no more round hats were seen. This is an example of indirect legislation, which may be referred to this head.