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Section 8.: Mischief 4— Giving aid and force to the Enterprises of Malefactors. - Jeremy Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 5 (Scotch Reform, Real Property, Codification Petitions) [1843]

Edition used:

The Works of Jeremy Bentham, published under the Superintendence of his Executor, John Bowring (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843). 11 vols. Vol. 5.

Part of: The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 vols.

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Section 8.

Mischief 4—Giving aid and force to the Enterprises of Malefactors.

The application made of the ceremony of an oath, to the purpose of securing observance of mischievous engagements of all kinds, has in all places and all times been too notorious to stand in need of exemplification. In the preceding instances, the hands in which, in the character of an instrument of evil, it has been brought to view, are the hands of government:—hands at any rate in which this or that portion of the powers of government has been lodged. In the present instance, the hands in which in that same character it remains to be brought to view, are such as, on one account or other—in a word, on any account—come under the denomination of criminal ones: the purposes to which it is applied by them being for example of the nature of rebellion, sedition, or mischief, or depredation, perpetrated or attempted, in the two last mentioned cases, on an extensive scale.

When, of the complicated mass of mischief of which this ceremony is productive, the branch here in question is brought to view, an answer is ready:—applied to such purposes, the oath is null and void. Null and void? Yes: but of this nullity, this invalidity, what is the meaning? This, and this only, viz. that in the mind of any one of a few and still fewer writing men, by none of whom would any such engagement be ever taken, it would not, if taken, be considered as being of the number of those by which he ought to hold himself bound:—in a word, that it ought not to be considered as binding. It ought not? True—but is it not? To the question, what are the actual effects of a thing, a suggestion concerning what ought to be its effects, is—not an answer, but a subterfuge.

“Employ not the abuse as an argument against the use,” says a wide extending fallacy, by which much confusion, much deception, much mischief, has been produced. By the use of a thing, are meant its good effects; by the abuse, its bad effects. What! in taking account of the effects of a thing, are you to omit all the bad ones?—in taking account of profit and loss, are you to omit all the items on one side?

Meantime, the plain truth is—that not only a natural but a preponderant tendency to serve the purpose of abuse is of the essence of the principle. The principle is—that, independently of any demand, which, on the ground of the principle of utility, an act presents for punishment,—be the act what it may—good, bad, or indifferent,—fire, stolen as it were from heaven, may in this way he obtained, and employed to punish it. This, or nothing, is what is assumed and contained in the notion of the binding force of an oath.

Not but that, even supposing the nullity of the ceremony universally understood, criminal engagements—engagements for any such criminal purposes as above—might be, and, under the stimulus of the same inducements, might with reason be expected to be, entered into, as in time past. True: but, of the actually binding force, with which those engagements have been wont to be attended, so much, whatsoever it might be, as depended upon, and would have been brought into action by the ceremony, would, by the abolition or universally acknowledged insignificance of the ceremony, be cut off—be kept from applying itself to the ceremony. That hitherto, on the occasion of any such mischief-brewing confederacy, the ceremony has in general been considered as possessed of, and about to operate with, such binding force, is matter of experience, since, on occasions such as those in question it has, in point of fact, been called in and employed.

Of all the drugs that are in use to be employed in the way of medicine, there is not perhaps one, which might not in the way of poison be made to operate with a murderous effect. From hence does any sufficient reason result for the prohibition of the use of any of those drugs? No:—but of any known drug, suppose it ascertained to be no less apt to be employed with effect to the purpose of destroying life than to that of restoring health,—while, with reference to every beneficial purpose to which it is supposed applicable, others, known to be applicable with equal effect, without being equally applicable to its deleterious purposes, are with equal facility obtainable,—so manifest is the conclusion, that it need scarce be mentioned.

A bad effect, or none at all,—such is the only alternative: if it could be proved to be innoxious, it would only be by being proved to be inoperative.