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Subject Area: Political Theory
Subject Area: History
Topic: The English Revolution

APPENDIX - Sir William Clarke, The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, vol. 3 [1899]

Edition used:

The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, Secretary to the Council of the Army, 1647-1649, and to General Monck and the Commanders of the Army in Scotland, 1651-1660, ed. C.H. Firth (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1899). 4 vols.

Part of: The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, 4 vols.

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APPENDIX

APPENDIX A

Colonel Sexby’s advice on Foreign Policy1

May it please your Highnesse,

f. 126.Looking upon the intrest of all the faythfull in the nation, and my self with them, as being inbarked in that shipp that God hath made your Highnesse pilate off, I made bold, for preventing any warre that may arise to endanger or incommode her, to offer these following lines, (with submition) to your Highnesses perusall and consideration,

That it is England’s and your Highnesse’s intrest to prevent the makeing a generall peace is soe obvious to the weakest witt and dimest sight, that I shall not insist upon it to acquaint you what prejudice and danger would insue from it, your Highnesse being fully satisfied therein.

Nor in the second place shall further inlarge in giveing reasons how much it were for your intrest and good of England to have some towne of concernement in France, which would not onely be a checke unto them, but an inlet to you at any time; from the Spaniard and Condy yow cannot expect any, they haveing none in their hands at present there that will be of any service to your Highnesse, being not upon the coast, therefore concerneing that shall say noe more. The maine thing I hint at and desire your Highnesse to waygh is, the preventing a generall peace, which if accomplishd will cause high words to be spoken abroad, which will very much heighten discontented spirits at home; incouragment for them to have there’s noe need, as your Hignes dayly see.

The thing on which the conclusion of this peace hangs (if you conclud with the Dutch) is your Highnesses answer to the Spanish Ambassador, whose propositions to have yow joyne with them against France, (though many) will be reduced into these three heads.

1. To undertake the gaineing some place in France by your selves, which will divert the King of France’s forces from them that they may with more ease doe there worke in other parts.

f. 126b.2. If not alone, then jointly with them, and to divide what yow take, being at halfe the charge.

3. If not alone, nor conjoyned, then to lend them soe many shipps men and horse as to secure Rochell, St. Martins, and the Isle of Casow in the River of Garon, for there mony.

To all three I begg permission to give your Highnesse my pore simple judgement.

1. To the first of undertaking any thing upon your owne score by which yow declare a warre, will be very hazardious, England not being setled, and if it were, to undertake it as aforesaid yow must have your army consist of 20,000 foot, and 10,000 horse, and one hundred sayle of shipps at least; in bank yow must have two millions; upon entry yow must looke that all the power of France will appeare against yow, as being the formeddle enemy, and soe suffer Spaine to doe what he will in other parts, knowing if they beate yow they will quickly run away, and if once yow receive a foyle, there or in any part which is considerable that yow owne, it would be a very great dishonor to your Highnesse and discouragement to the whole nation.

2. To the second ’tis my thoughts it were better to doe it alone, if yow had wherewithall, then joynly yow owneing the warre, in that all the burden of gaineing field or garrison would ly upon your men, and that halfe what was gained should be theres would but trouble an . . . spirit, and create contest, and ingender a warre betwine them and yow in the end.

Now seeing a generall peace is very dangerous, and that it will be certainely effected if the Embassador be not answered in one of these three propositions, 2 of which being not safe for your Highness to undertake if [you] had wherewithall, please to consider the third.

1. The riske yow run therein is onely the lives of men, which if, [they] miscarry cannot be an evell laid to your score, because the end was good and designe probable.

2. It can be no riske, danger, or breach betwine yow and France in lending or permiting them to hire shipps, men, and horse for their mony, managing of it as I shall hereafter propose, but on the contrary, because of higher submition and greater condysention then yow have or can expect, as well as advantages for the present, and in a way of accomplishing what may be much greater for the future, if [you] gaine or accomplish what is designed, of which their is much probability, and litle doubt, except God hath designed the contrary, as will appeare by the following reasons.

1. It would take away the greatest part of the King of France’s revenue, by which he would be rendered more uncapable to disserve you and serve himselfe.

2. It would bring in two hundred thousands pounds per yeare in customes and excise, besides all charges borne, from which two places now yow have not twenty, soe fearme it upon that price, if setled there I would undertake it.

3. It would keepe a strickt hand and tie upon the Dutch, yea an emptier purse, and make the English more full, by ordering greater custums for the one to pay then thother, which might be done very justly, your Highnesse well knowing in the Sound we pay three times the customes they doe, as well as in other parts. Now there is not any place in Europe they drive a greater trade to then those two places.

4. The secureing those two places will give a true discrimination of the protestons hearts, who have proffesed as largely with there tongues to mee, as well as under there hands, (as any people ever did), what they would doe if ever a power appeared, that they might confide in, from England.

5. It will not onely divert your enemies designes in forraigne parts against yow, but bring in the Irish, the major part of the enemies infantry, to serve you.

6. It will red yow of all discontented spirits at home, it being greater wisdome to have them vent their passion on your enemies then on your selfe, or to keepe them in prison to haighten them or to spend them in the ruine of there bodyes.

7. This undertakeing as it may be managed will reduce yow most part, if not all the Brest [?] men of warre, as well as make uncapable the King of France’s fleet, which will be noe small advantage to the marchants, and soe consequently to all England,f. 128. in the florishing of trade the people’s minds are at quite haveing there purses and bellys full.

8. Permiting this will render yow master of all the mines in India, the King of Spaine and his slaves your servants, the one in workeing to git the Tresurry, the other in fetching, coyneing, and bringing it to yow, to enable the party to carry on this designe, which is the exalting your Highnesse’s intrest, and the accomplishing that designe your soule desire[s] to see effected.

9. It will make all the King of Spaine’s fleet to be at your command, in that most of the marriners and souldiers therein are strangers, who affect the English nation above all others, upon which score yow may either draw them away to yow, or make them to declare they will not serve him any longer, exceept he give them him to command over them they shall desire.

10. It will bring the victuelling of all the Spanish fleet, &c. cloathing his army, into England, which will bee noe small advantage.

Haveing given my reasons for concurrence to the third proposition, I shall humble offer your Highnesse this way for the carrying on this bussinesse—

1. That it be undertaken by your selfe for privasie, which if not will be knowne, to order the number of shipps, foot, and horse, to such a place under such captaines as yow shall thinke fit, for the better transportation to the place designed.

2. That all the shipps yow here imploy be such as yow have taken from the Dutch, which will be the lesse cause of suspition, and can picke the least thereout against you after the bussinesse is effected, in case you see it not convenient to medle upon your owne account.

3. That the foot and horse be taken out of your Highnesse’s army, soe many out of every regiment, and if that you doe not find it convenient to take all out therof, the person or persons that rayse any have commission from your Highnesse to rayse them as for Scotland, or Ireland, or to stay in England, to prevent any suspition.

f. 129.4. The shipps of warre, as well as those for the horse, foot, and provision, to be ordered to the aforesaid place, there to receive further orders.

5. The person your Highnesse intended should command them not to be knowne to any with them till after set sayle, and then he to declare his orders are not to breake upp his commission till [he] come at such a place. Now my Lord, the commission for the executeing the designe should be from the Prince of Condy, or Spaniard, soe that after they were at sea they should be declared to be shipps, men, and horses raysed upon the Spaniards’ and Prince’s score, the same permission said to bee given to the King of France or any other, if he or they desire it, and would give security the men levied by them should not serve the intrest of Charles Steward against England, which he will not, nor can never doe.

Also please take notice the Spaniard will presse your Highnesse to assist them in taking Callis, concerneing which doe not medle for the present, for if your Highnesse had it, it would bee 2 hundred thousand pownds a yeare charge to England, and noe advantage except ready to enter with an army of 30000 men, but if the other place be once gained and in safe hands your Highnesse will then know what to doe, and then yow shall not need fight for a towne on this side, I can assure yow if your Highnesse will exceept of it.

f. 130.In the next and last place please to note the Spaniard, if [he can] not ingage yow in the first two propositions, will demande how much mony your Highnesse will take for the rayseing, armeing, cloathing, and transporting soe many men and horse as will accomplish the worke, with fiftenth shipps of warre, consisting of betwine 20 and 30 gunes apeece, and 5 fire shipps, likewise for 6 months provision and pay for them.

Inprimis.—For 1000 foot, rayseing, armeing, cloathing, and transporting, and paid by you till there arrive, at 8li a man amounts to 8000li.
li.s.d.
For 6000 foot48,0000000
It. For 1500 horse at 25li a man amounts to37,5000000
It. For 15 shipps of warre 6 months, with fire shipps to hire, will amount to30,0000000
It. For a small traine and provisions50,0000000
Sume165,5000000

But it would be necessary for your Highnesse to aske of them at least 300,000li, and they to pay them from the first day of there landing.

To shew your willingnesse to the effecting of which, your Highnesse may tell them, if there occasions be soe as they cannot disburse such a sume at present, that your Highnesse will give them for one hundred of the three, five monthes liberty for payment, he ingageing in his Master’s behalfe to see yow satisfied at the end thereof.

Also I desire your Highnesse to take notice that I would bring into your owne Tressury out of the foregoeing sume the odd sixty five thousand five hundred pownds (if your Highnesse will be pleased to follow my pore councell) without doeing wrong to any person.

[Endorsed:] Col. Sexby.

APPENDIX B

Edward Montagu’s notes on the Debates in the Protector’s Council concerning the last Indian Expedition1

The Grounds of the undertakinge the Designe of Attemptinge the Kinge of Spaine in the West Indies

April 20, 1654.—

Upon the peace concluded with the Dutch wee found 160 sayle of brave shipps well appointed swimminge at sea & store of land forces, all which required either to be lessend and layd downe, or to be imployed in some advantageous designe.

1. The designes considerable to us were either to attempt upon France, whereto the Spaniard would have beene considerably helpfull;

2. Or to attempt upon Spaine with the helpe of France; or to have had freindshipp with both, supposinge wee might have had good summs of money from both soe to doe.

The attempt upon France was apprehended difficult and unprofitable, the Spaniard’s aims beinge but to sett us two together by the eares, and then, if he had failed us in point of assistance, yett wee should not have found it easye to be disengaged againe. Also the weakening the French and greatening the Spaniard beinge the greatest prejudice to the Protestant cause all over Europ, the Spaniard beinge the greatest enemy to the Protestants in the world, and a nation of greate councell, and harder to be disposessed of any accesse of greatnesse: the French not soe bitter against the Protestants; a people not to be kept from intestine divisions, and easilyer disturbed and distracted then the other at any tyme.

2. The attemptinge the Spaniard; the most profitable of any in the world. The assistance of the French more sure then the other. The bodies of men more scarse with him, and soe not soe difficult either to be attempted, nor soe much to be feared in offendinge us: his territories very greate and may well admitt a sound losse: the greatest enemye to the Protestant cause in the world; an old enemie to this nation when it prospered best; and the feasibilitye of gaininge the West Indies from him. All which invites us both to action and that in this particular designe.

Now then for the attemptinge him in the West Indies wee considered his present posture and possessions there, and the manner of his bringing home into Europe his treasure.

His possessions there are Hispaniola & Cuba, Mexico and Peru, the Quarraccas,1 and other parts adjoyning. The posture he is in is this, he hath some garrisons and forts there, principalye (in Hispaniola) Santo Domingo, a towne well fortified towards the sea, but not soe to the landward; in it 300 soldiers, besides the inhabitants. (In Cuba) the Havana, a stronge fort but weakest to the landward. In the continent, Portabell upon the North sea, and Panama upon the South sea about 40 miles distant, and not soe stronge to the landward. Breifly he hath very few bodies of men, viz. soe many as will man his garrisons and kepe his slaves to worke, but the country very inconsiderably planted. The manner of his gettinge his treasure is thus: The cheife of his plate mines is in Peru, though there be some in Mexico and the Quarraccas. Now he keepes 4 or 5 gallioones in the South Sea constantly, and these receive the oare and carry it to Panama, from Panama they carry it by land to Portabell, where the Spanish plate fleet receives it and bringes it unto Europe. The Spanish fleete comes to the Havana by the Summer Islands, and soe on betweene Hispaniola and the Quaraccas, all which way they have a very stronge current round about the bay of Mexico and a trade wind, by reason whereof it is impossible for a shipp to returne that way backe againe, soe that when they have received theire loadinge from Portabell by the helpe of smalle vessells they goe on with the current and passe into the ocean from the Havana, which is the only way they can returne by; betweene Cuba and la Florida, and soe they come away for Spaine.2

Now towards this attempt, it was considered (1) whether wee should make a partiall worke of it this yeare, an entrance for a future carrienge the whole; (2) or to make a thorough worke and putt for all this summer.

Capt. Hatsell and Capt. Lymerye (both which have lived and traded in Hispaniola) inclined to a beginninge of the worke only this yeare, which they propounded thus viz: to possesse Hispaniola and the Havana only, which they apprehend very feasible, and that being done wee have command of the Spaniard’s fleete, that he cann neither goe nor come, and soe he hath absolutely lost the benefitt of the Indies. Then we have the advantage of Hispaniola (a country beyond compare as they describe it) for the transplantinge as much of our people from New England, Virginia, the Barbadoes, the Summer Islands, or from Europe, as we see requisite. Wee have the advantage of the wind to fall upon him where we will in the continent; and in short have (without much scruple) opportunity to carry the whole. Others thinke the whole worke to be attempted, upon these grounds: The advantage of it, the greatest that can be thought upon in the whole world: the Spaniard’s plate fleete may be taken; our preparations sufficient; the Spaniard engaged in a warr with France, and very weake every where at the present, in soe much as he knew not where to gett 2000 men to releive Catalonia this last summer.

General matters, as our settlement at home, Scotland beinge not in our view to be setled without a transplantation of 8 or 10000 bodies of men every yeere, or else to maintaine a chargeable warr or force to secure them, and soe in England a considerable vent of men is necessary.

The worke is like to be more acceptable to the people of all sorts and the Parliament then any can be.

And if this opportunitye be omitted, it is to be doubted whether ever we shall be soe well fitted for it, or get the consent of a Parliament to doe it.

The inconveniences in our view.

1. The losse of the Spanish Trade, whereby much of all the cloath and stuffs are vented, and Spanish woolls imported, and our fishinge trade to Newfoundland lost, whereby only we import yearely from Spaine 150,000li in peeces of 8.

This is thus answered; first that notwithstandinge our warr with the Spaniard in America, it is possible, if not reasonable to expect that wee may have peace and trade in Europe, for his necessitye of our trade will require it, but especially his interest in Flanders, which he hath no way either to releive with forces or monyes but through our Channell, which if hee have warr in Europe he will certainly be debarred of.

Secondly it is said that a full trade with Portugall (which wee can have as wee will) will be neere as good as the other. The importation of bullion will not be considerable to be answered if this designe succeeds.

2. Our other trade in the Streights will be carried on with greater difficultye.

Respt that that will not proove soe, for haveing peace with the French (which must be supposed upon this war) we shall have the benefitt of their freindshipp and harbours upon the Meditterranean sea, which are much more usefull for us then the Spaniards’.

3. The Dutch gaini[n]ge the Spanish trade wholly and encreasinge in theire riches by all their other trade may be invited to a revenge.

Respt. Deus providebitt.1

France esteeme[s] Holland a people not to be trusted, of noe faith because in the peace of Munster with the Spaniard, and also in the peace with England, they did not comprehend the Kinge of France, which by theire alliance with France they were bound to doe. Upon the conclusion of the peace with England the State of Holland did give a secret article they would never give theire consent to choose the present Prince of Orange or any that shall descend from him Generall of their forces or Stateholder. Which article hath bred a greate and harty division amonge all the states which hath noe support soe considerable as France, and upon this account their interest as to France seemes to be much changed.

The advantages of a Peace between France and England.

1. The hinderinge of a peace betweene the two great crownes.

2. Countenance and justification to the Protestant cause and partye.

3. Discountenance to our rebells in Scotland and fugitives.

[A Debate in the Protector’s Council]1

July 20, 1654.—

Wee cannot have peace with Spain out of conscience to suffer our people to goe thither and be idolators. They have denied you commerce unlesse you be of theire religion.

Lambert.

1. The work improbable.

2. To farr off, haveing greater concernements of setli[n]ge at home.

3. Not like to advance the Protestant cause; or gaine riches to us or vent [for] troublesome people in England, Ireland, or Scotland.

4. The case at first wrong stated. The chardge not well considered. The regulation of our lawe and other concernements not well taken care of it.

The setlement of Ireland in its government. Transplantation or not transplantation? Better wayes of vent for our people may be found then it.

Protector Resp.

Wee consider this attempt, because wee thinke God has not brought us hither where wee are but to consider the worke that wee may doe in the world as well as at home, and to stay from attemptinge untill you have superfluitye is to putt it off for ever, our expenses beinge such as will in probabilitye never admitt that.

Now Providence seemed to lead us hither, haveinge 160 ships swimminge: most of Europe our enemyes except Holland, and that would be well considered also: we thinke our best consideration had to keep up this reputation and improve it to some good, and not lay them up by the walls. Thence wee came to consider the two greate crownes, and the particular arguments weighed, we found our opportunitye point this way.

It was told us that this designe would cost little more then laying by the shipps, and that with hope of greate profitt.

L[ambert’s] reply.

Our armye in Scotland and armye and inhabitants in Ireland must quit the countrye, or you must find more treasure; or else the West India designe must be lett fall, and if any of these fall upon us what account shall wee give to Parliaments for it?

Resp.

The probabilitye of the good of the designe, both for the Protestants’ cause and utilitye to the undertakers, and the cost noe more for one twelve month then would disband the shipps.

L[ambert’s] reply.

Denyes the feasibilitye, and the sendinge away these shipps to require noe supply for a twelve months; besides casualtyes of diseases and warrs that men are subject to, New England and the Barbadoes will not flocke to you in Hisp[aniola], unlesse you be settled there in peace. Spaniard will certainly struggle as much as he can to preserve it. Whenever you doe lay downe your shipps the chardge will be much encreased and must be paid.

Resp.

Its hoped the designe will quitt cost. Six frigotts nimble [?] shall range up and downe the bay of Mexico to gett prey.1

APPENDIX C

An account of the Fall of the Protector, Richard Cromwell, in a letter from Nehemiah Bourne.

[This letter comes from the ‘Massachusetts State Archives,’ vol. 242, pp. 460-466. It appears to have been saved from the collections of Governor Hutchinson when his house was plundered in 1765. The Society is indebted to Mr. W. W. Dodge, of Cambridge, Massachusetts, for a copy of it. The contractions of the original have been extended.]

London 20 3 mo. 1659

Sr—

I know your soule longeth earnestly to heare how matters goe with the people and caws of god, and alsoe the condition of this pore conflicting tossed nation; and therefore though at this Juncture I have my hands and thoughts ful, and I hope you may have better intelligence from clearer heads, and such who have more leisure to give yow their particuler observations, yet I can not be altogether silent at such a day as this, wherein the lord Jehouah hath most eminently and signally once more appeared for his owne greate name, And hath soe farre owned the Interest of his sonne, And his pore servants in this Nation, who hath bene praying and waiting for him, yet little exspecting his soe suddaine manifestation. In soe much that we are like men in A dreame, and almost Amazed at his unexspected appearans, in this late greate Revolution, And change of the whole Ciuill Gouerment of these Nations. The manner of which if I had time to lay before yow in al the strange Circumstances thereof, I know your harte, yea all that loue the lord, would wonder and Ascribe glory to him alone; for there hath bene the clearest hand of god there in, that euer was seene, since the beginning of our laite trials And Conflicts, in soe much as there is not a man liuing who can in the least Challeng a share herein. For Although many worthy and Renowned persons haue bene labouring, yet that all Confes the halfe of this which is now brought abought was not in their thoughts to obtaine at this season. I presume yow had by the last ships an Account of the siting of the laite Parlement, and of what A Mixture and Complextion they were of, they Consisting of thre sortes, (viz) the old caualier, the new cortier, And the Commanwelth partie, who by very much were the most Inconsiderable as to Number Compared with either of the other. I doubte not but yow had an accompt of what they did at there entrance, And what great debates were Aboute A thing called the other hows. Therefore in a worde I shal onely hinte what more espetially conserns the late Counterplott, whos contriuer and Acter was onely the lord ‘who as he is deepe in Counsell soe alsoe is wonderful in working.’ About 28 days since the harts of most of the lords people (who were upon there watche both in the Nation, and esspetially in the Citty), being greatly awakened and alarumed by the post hast that was made by the majority of the howse to Introdus Kingship, and with it al maner of Tirriny and oppression, both upon the Ciuill and Spiritual Liberties of the Saints, soe dearely purchased longe since by the pretious blood of our lord Jesus, And of late by the vast treasure and blood of soe many choyse Saints. And perceauing plainely that there Cause was desperat as to all human hopes, the honest party in the howse not being able to carry one voate, though neuer soe much Reason was on there side, which the other party Confessed they could not ouerthrow; I say when things looked with this darke vissage, many of the good people (whose harts and hands the lord had in some measure kept cleane, And Innocent as to the laite general Apostacy),—pardon the expression for its two manifest—they began together to seeke the face of god, And consult what might be there duty at such a time. The lord was pleased to stirre up many of them to apply to the officers of the Armie (who were many of them about the Citty, but there forces scattered about the Countries), And several serius debates were had Amongst them, yet there harts generally down as to any greate exspectations, many tender soules, both in the Armie as also In other publick Imployments, ready to give up their places, as not able to stand under there trusts, but Rather had there harts upon the winge, and were thinking of noe thing but suffering or quiting the place. But in a shorte time the generallity of the officers of the army (who had not soe farre debauched there prinsiples and spirits as to lick up there vomit without Reluctensy) began to gather blood and spirits, and came up to the superior officers, And began to worke upon them alsoe, who by this time were themselves Inclinable to here, and Resolved to mete together, and whet up one anothers spirits, and Revive the good ould Cause for which they had bene ingaiged soe deeply. And accordingly they came together to Wallingford Hows, which is the Lord Fleetwoods Quarters, where was a general counsel held, and al things carried with much tendernes and sobernes, not haueing it in the least in there thoughts at this time (I am very confident being witnes) soe much as to cause the least interruption to the Parliament; but findeing a concurans of spirit unanimusly in the Armie to looke backe to what they had sworne And promised, And to take shame for there owne preuarications, they alsoe agreed to Represent there desires to the late Protector, and therein thought it Incumbent on them at this Juncture to asserte there ould cause, the Rather that it was become a matter of scorne and Reproach euen to the members of Parlament. And noe wonder when as a greate number of them were scarse come from the nurs at the time when god brought us at first out of Egipt, and neuer understood his wonders there, nor at the Red Sea, and soe open were many of the Cauilers of Parlament that they said they would haue a Kinge And Lords before they [left] the howse. And what Kinge thinke yow? I can tell because I haue good Authority for it; this Gentleman, who they would have made soe much hast to dresse And set on horsebacke, was but to warme the sadle for another whome they better loued and liked, which now is unRidled more plainly. But to winde up this bottome. The Officers meeting as also ther Representations, did soe much truble and anger the two first parties In the Howse, yea the Protector (then soe called) was not pleased herewith, howeuer he kept his Countenans for the present upon the[m]. The Parlement in greate hast past the Inclosed voats, and satt about it til 9 or 10 aclocke at night, And would here no deswation from those that desented, but in greate heate and displeasure shut it up. The offisers of the Armie, though very quiet in language, and Carriages, yet not wthout sens how much the safety of the nation, as alsoe there owne, was in exstreme danger (the King of Scotts haueing at this time about 2000 offisers commissionated in and aboute London, who kept there meeteings, greate preparations both for sea and land on the other side of the water, and he himselfe in disguise both in Flanders and Holland), they now Judged it the time to consulte there duty to god And the pore people of these nations, who were not like to be sould for Bondmen, but there very lives like to be at the mercy of there cruil and implacable Enimies, the designe of the Parlament being uncouered, (viz) to vote Richard laite Protector General of the Armies, and soe giue him the sworde who had suffitiently before appeared to discountenans the fathful offisers, and imbrace flatterers, and creatuers of his owne, soe that he would soone have modeled (or Rather deformed) the Armie to his best purpos, A number alredy prepared to owne him as there general, who had assured him of a considerable interest in the armie. This voate being passed, the Protector the same time knowing wel that the armie were awakened, he sends for the offisers to come to him; unto whom when they were come, he gave his Comand to conforme to the Parlament voate, to departe and meete noe more, And threatened them if they shold disobay him who was there General; which titel he had seuerall times before Assumed, And once esspetially A few daies before when he caused them to be drawne up in the Parke, where he presented himselfe to them under such a notion, and gave the souldiers mony (to small purpos, for they in there harts disauowed him). This being done he grew Jelus of the offisers, though they soe far obayed him as they forbore any general meeting, And used al means to obtaine A right understanding; for which purpos Fleetwood and Disborow and others went to him, and deswaded him from urging the Generalship by his Courtiers in the Parlament, which he promised them he would, And that there should be noe thing donne in it; neuer the lesse the same hower or very little more, used al his Intrest, And his whole party joyned with the ould Cauiler to carry it on to make him General, which thinge soe hiely dissatisfied the whole Armie that the very Coman Soulger cried out against it, and urged there officers to remember the cause for which they had soe many times bled. And now it began to worke to purpos. I was a witnes of most of thes things, and speake what I know, And I am sertainly informed And believe it, That Fleetwood, And Disborow, and some others were appointed to be Seized on, but by prouidens escaped that plott. The evening before that breaking up these with some other offisers held a counsel at Jameses House, to which place the protector sent, Requiring the two persons before mentioned to come to him to White Hall, where were assembled wth him, Coll. Goff, Coll. Whalley, Coll. Inglesby, Coll. Mills, and Lego, with seueral of his new created lords, and his greate Seacritary, and the Lord Broghill. But the Gentlemen had soe timely warning of his designe, And having somewhat else under consideration that they excused there denial and appeared not. He at the same time had sent for his life guard, which was there with him, and a few broken companies, And two broken troops that were sedused by these offisers; And al the force his 7 Colinels could raise for him out of all there Regiments of horse and ffoott were not 3 Companies nor 2 troops, but there whole Regiments marched away, yea the Protectors owne Regiment went away cleare from him to the Armie, who about midnight without sounde of Drum or Trumpet were at Randevoos, unanimusly crieing up the good ould cause, And A Comanwealth, and noe single person. This night was the Brightest apperans of the lord that hath bene in our age, hazerd was exstreame greate, none knowing how the thing would take with the Souldiers til trial, And noe thinge but A poize upon there spirits could possibly have kept them soe quiet and Right, not withstanding all means possible was used to draw them to sheath there swords in there Fellows bowels, And could those offisers with him have made a party he would doubtles have put al into a flame. But in the morneing there was a cleare dissition and discouery of the lords hand, to Admiration of al; for I am bould to say we were neuer in such a Crisis, neither could any man beleue such a thinge had bene possible as was now made practicable. And that night messages past betwixt White Hall and Jameses, there being two distant parties, neuertheless al means was used to perswade the Protector to Accomodate the Busines, And not to put al to Hazard. But he was hightened by false Suggestions, And hopes he had conceaued which he found to faile him, And in the Issue against his will he consented to breake up the Parlament, And for that cause sealed an Instrument and sent to the two Howses, And withal put forth a declaration hereinclosed; all which was accordingly donne, which caused noe small stirre in the minds not onely of the broken Parlament but of the whole nation, yet through gods wonderful providens not a dropp of Blood shed, which is maruelus in our eies who beheld al. The Parlament being thus desolued, yow may Judge In what a condition affairs stood, the Protector, in a manner insignificant, haueing not lost onely the harts, But the name of an Armie, Noe power then visible, neither was any prouition made beforehand, nor Resolues taken what to declare for sum days after. I am suer all indeauours were made by the principal offisers in the Armie to pece and mende up that crakt Gouerment; And I am suer what I say is truth, (haueing opertunity enough to know there debaits) the utmost they had in vew when this was first entered upon was, to Settle the Malitia in safe hands, take away his Negative, And Remove his Sicophants, and Parasits, And fill up the Counsel wth good and able men. But none of all these would be granted, noe there must not one haire be touched, but rather Adventure the peace and safety of the nation. Now whilst for diuers days the things were under a close debate And consideration, The Malitia of the Citty and many considerable honest persons wel affected out of seuerall parts made their addres to the generall Counsel of officers, then siting dayly at Wallingford Howse, And with vnanimus Consent declared against touching the late made gouerment, or new strunge Instrument and Aduise, And were zelus to lay it wholly asside, and call the ould Parlament (as being the onely visible way and means of our Setlement And safety). Besides this all the Inferior offisers of the Armie, yea whole Regiments of Soulgers gave in there petitions for it, And almost al persons well affected Centered therein (though they had there fears, yet this was the best that could be found). I know this mett with much opposetion, And yet at length the prouidens of god brought it abought By means of A Comittie of the Armie, who mett A number of the old parlament men, Amongst which Sir Henery Vaine and Sir Arther Haselrigg, our two eminent good Instruments for the accomodating things betwixt them. And accordingly on the 7th of May they Satt, And there ould Speaker in the Chaire, which was to the reioyseing of the generality of honest harts, And the confution and Astonishment of the Enemy, yea of al strangers, And the Imbasaudors And Agents in Towne, who are scarce come to them selues to this day, But are filled wth wonderment to see such a total subuertion of A gouerment, And Behould all shops open, Tradesmen in there calings, And not a broken patte, as sum of them have exspresed. Yea, and let me tel yow, This is noe lesse Admirable in the eyes of the most sober And godly, both within and without the Armie, considering what means was vsed to sett al in A flame both in Citty and Cuntry, But al proued vneffectual (the lord preuenting al such attempts). Dureing the Consults aboute the Gouerment to be Establisht yow will Imagin what spirit ronne thorow the nation. I shal onely minde yow againe, That there was labouring and Indeauouring to patch And Amend the broken Image (esspetially by the greate ones), But the meaner sorte of the offisers, together with the honest people that flocked in to them, Caried it cleare for this Parlament. Immediately after they were Sat, divers of the Secluded members of 1647 Indeauours to presse into the howse, And chalanged there places; And some small contest was betwixt them and others who had that care and charge under there hands, But at last they withdrew, seeing what was Resolued, that none should sitt Butt such as were in 48, And had gonne alonge wth them in change of gouerment, In takeing of the Kinge and howse of Peers, vnles they would take the Ingaigment. Sins there Siting they chose a comittie of saifety about 12 days agoe: Lord Fleetwood, Lord Lambert, Sir Henery Vaine, Sir Arther Haselrige, Major Saleway, Mr Scott, Left-General Lodlow, Coll. Sidenham; And on Satterday last they chose A counsel of Staite, which being Setled the Comittie of Saifety determined. The General counsel of Offisers haue likewise made a beginning to purge there owne body, By discarding some, And Restoreing others, who for contiens sake quited there comands under the old Protector, or were by him turned of as not seruing his turne, yea some of his ouldest and best freinds, (viz) Lord Lambert, Coll. Okey, Coll. Sanders, Major Packer, Capt. Gladman. And since have restored Sir Arther Haselricke, And diuers others alsoe are under Consideration to be Reinuested with there Comands, Amongst which is Coll. Whithham, Gouernor at Portsmouth. Of al which yow may here more particulerly hereafter, for they are now but beginning to worke. I have Inclosed sent yow some papers which may better informe yow then this scribled confused Naratiue, onely by this yow may gesse at things. And take this from my hand, that the Lord is present eminently In the Armie, with A sober, Serious, yet warme and lively Spirit of Zeale and Curage for him and his cause; And if yow had seene them in all this laite agitations, you would Rather have judged them Lambs then Lions by there deportment and carrage, which much inlarges my Soule to hope that the lorde is abought to doe some greate worke by them. I am much conuersent with them in there meetings, And haue had optunity to know there spirits In this Juncture, which I reioyse in, and yet am not with out my fears. But I know the lord lives and reins, And his purposes and promises shal stand good to al Intents in all generations; though we Are A backsliding and sinneful people, that have shamefully blotted out his name to set up our owne, yet he remains faithful and ful of compassion, And knowes how to recouer and heale vs, as alsoe to pardon vs freely for that names sake of his which we have profaned.

As for Scotland we have a ful and an Ample concurans of the Comanders in cheefe And al the Armie, who fully adhere to the Armie here; And as if there had bene a Counsel held betwixt them In coniunction, they alsoe vnanimusly crie up the ould Parlament And A Comanwelth, though they could not possibly know the thinge that was in debaite.

As for Ireland they are quiet alsoe, the General of that Armie concuring with thes here, though there hath bene of laite A new Model begun After a patterne of what was first attempted here. And the Lord Henery Cromwel, there Comander, hath written his letters to the Lord Fleetwood that he shal aquies In the issue of what shal be donne here, soe that the fears of some upon that accounte are taken away very much.

As for our fleete now in the sounde, cossisting of 40 Ships of warr Comanded by Lord Mountague, we haue noe feare of them, because the generality of the Comanders are such who haue served A Comanwealth heretofore, And have tasted the differens betwixt one And other gouerment. In the narrow Seas and downes my Brother1 is Comander In cheefe, Being Reare Admiral of England, who hath with his Squadron acknowledged And gladly Imbraced the change. Thus I have in breefe given yow A Rough Draught of the staite of affairs at this day, to the ende you may have your harte drawne forth to seeke in the behalfe of these poor nations that are thus frequently emptied from vessel to vessel, And Turned, yea overturned.

As for forraine newes, I beleeve the unexpected change of this gouerment from monarkie to A free state And Comanwealth doth amaze our nighbors, And put them upon new Counsels, of which we shal suddanly be Informed.

The peace betwixt france and spaine is Reported by some to be Concluded, by others to be doubtful. And by al it is questioned, that if in caise it be not far gonne Already, It wil be now Impeded, there being greate desier on both sides to Attaine a peace betwixt Spaine and England.

The Hollander hath made very greate preparations for warre, and is gonne to the Sounde with a fleete of men of warr; we are in doubt what the Issue wil be when our Fleete and thers meete, we hope an expedent may be found to preserve peace, unles the Hollander be two deepe in the Confederacy betwixt spaine, France, And the Austrian faction, which is much susspected, for doubtles at this Juncture there is A coniunction of Counsels And forces of al the professed Enemies of Christ, And there designs are laide aganst him and his interest very deepely and strongly. But truly we are in some measure Raised in our hopes that the lord hath begunne to breath a spirit of life in deade bones, which he is gathering together to declare his power in them. Wherefore I beseech yow strive togeather earnestly with the lord that he wil Arise and have mercy upon Sion, for we hope the time is comeing wherein he will be Jealus for his people, and wil thrash the mountains of the world. And in parteculer pray for me and my family, that by all the winnowings and Siftings we may find the frute of his spirit, as it is a spirit of Judgment and burning.

If oppertunity offer, And that I can Redeem soe much time, I shal Indeauour to comunicate what shal come to my knowlidge worthy of your vew, for certainly very greate things are upon the wheele.

END OF VOL. III.

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[1 ]Rawlinson MS. A lx. 126. On Sexby’s mission to France see Gardiner, Commonwealth and Protectorate, ii. 92, 356, 422, and the Journal of Joachim Hane, 1886, Preface, pp. xiv-xvii.

[1 ]From the Papers of the Earl of Sandwich at Hinchingbrooke, vol. i. p. 49. Both are written in Edward Montagu’s hand.

[1 ]Caraccas.

[2 ]On the question of the route taken by the Spanish fleets to and from America, see Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, ii. 356, and Thomas Gage’s New Survey of the West Indies, ed. 1655, pp. 15-32, 196-202.

[1 ]The following passage, though occurring in the text here, was evidently added later, and is therefore printed as a footnote:

‘My Lord Protector’s disposition of his fleete, 160 sayle, May 1654.

In the Channell.The Streights.Scotland.Ireland.W. Indies.Newfoundland.
401688308

The rest layd up and paid off.’

[1 ]The heading to this paper is not in the MS., but added by the editor.

[1 ]Papers of the Earl of Sandwich at Hinchingbrooke, vol. i. p. 55. All in Edward Montague’s hand.

[1 ]Rear-Admiral John Bourne.