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Subject Area: Political Theory
Subject Area: History
Topic: The English Revolution

APPENDIX A.: Two Letters from Clarke Papers in the possession of Mr. Leybourne Popham. - Sir William Clarke, The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, vol. 2 [1894]

Edition used:

The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, Secretary to the Council of the Army, 1647-1649, and to General Monck and the Commanders of the Army in Scotland, 1651-1660, ed. C.H. Firth (Camden Society, 1894). 4 vols.

Part of: The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, 4 vols.

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APPENDIX A.

Two Letters from Clarke Papers in the possession of Mr. Leybourne Popham.

Capt. Lieut. Ingram to Sir Thomas Fairfax.

May it please your Excellency,

It having pleased God lately to send some of his messengers to your Excellency and others in your army to intimate to your Excellency and them that he was departed from your Excellency and the army,a since which tyme God hath I beleeve in some measure possest your Excellency and some of them with the truth thereof, as appeares by his inclining your hearts and theirs to seeke him, when providentially I was there and heard him constraine Lt. generall Cromwell to make some ingenuous acknowledgements to that purpose. I heard also the same God speaking in your Excellency (to which the testimony within you at that tyme will testify) presently after Mr. Knight had done speaking, your expressions tending to set forth your Excellencies delight in waiting upon God in that way (as it is indeed the only way, the wisest and best way), and therefore your Excellency desired some others to continue that duty, which Mr. Allen was constrained to doe, and that sweetly and spiritually; before which day and since having heard many complaine of those messages sent to your Excellency and others, tending to declare God’s departure from your Excellency and them, but not what he would have you to doe; since which tyme it hath pleased the Father to incline my heart to wayte upon him for a word of wisedome to declare to your Excellency and them (as an answer in parte to your petition then breathed up to him, that soe you might be directed what God would have you doe that he might againe delight to be with you): which having receaved I was constrained (though with much weakenesse) to declare yesterday (according to that little measure of light given to me, out of the abundance of my love to your Excellency and them) at the Councill of Warre, for which I was (though a member of that Councill) commanded to withdraw, and a charge immediately drawne up against me, sentenced, and confined; whereof I thought it my duty to give your Excellency an account, being made willing to give in my reasons in writing why I spake it, my answear to the charge exhibited against me, as allso to that Quere then propounded to me, vidt.: Whether I would submitt to the justice of the Generall Court Marshall, and unto the whole discipline and government of the Army (according to lawes and ordinances of warre made for this Army) at the tyme appointed by your Excellency and that Court. In the mean tyme I thought fitt to declare to your Excellency (having receaved a commission from your Excellency), as parte of my answear to the aforesaid Quere, vidt.: That so long as your Excellency shall act according to your first principles (manifested in your Excellencies commission given to me), and according to the publique declarations of the whole souldiery at Triplowe Heath for Justice, Justice, (which was my particular answeare to the Commissioners before your Excellency), and according to the solemne ingagement of the Army to which your Excellency hath given your assent, soe long I shall manifest my willingnesse to yeeld obedience to your Excellency by my future actions and my present subscribing my selfe

A faithfull servant to your
Excellency

John Ingram.

December 21
1647.

Endorsed: Capt. Lt. Ingram.

Thomas Margetts to William Clarke.

My dearest friend,

I was very short in my last, but I hope I gave you a satisfactory reason, now I shall a little enlarge, being somewhat reconciled, and give a few thoughts in answeare to yours by last post. The relation of Mr. Saltmarsh (which I had more fully by Col. Overton) is very remarkable, and certainly he saw an evill in the imprisoning and punishing of men for acting not according to other mens lights, or contrary to the wisdome, reason, and policy of flesh and blood; and though I am a little unsatisfyed with the keeping on his hatt etc. yet I beleive his appearance in that manner may justly give a checque to all violent proceedings and prosecution against honest men though in some things of other judgment. As I know flesh and bloud is the ground of all difference and contention, as well among the saints as others, so I see flesh and bloud also in their late action, both in the prosecutor and prosecuted; yet I beleive the sufferer shall see more glory then the other because he is nearest humility, the mortification of flesh, and the spirit of meekenes, which if that were predominant then how would the saints agree and trample downe the other powers of the world and flesh! I feare the glory of the flesh in the great saints wilbe a great gaul (and a great while yet) to the little; and though I think the time of Levelling is not come, yet the time will come that all the enemies of Christ (and I think all flesh and bloud wilbe found in that number) shalbe made his footestoole. And nothing satisfies mee so much concerning Mr. Saltmarsh as that I know he was a man of a meeke and humble spirit, and I am apt to think it was not pride made him keepe on his hatt, but I conceive to shew how baseley he esteemed even the greatest glory of flesh in that transportation and extasy of spirit, and doth hint on something of prophesy that the despised prosecuted spirit of Christ shall triumph over and not be subject to the glory of the world and flesh, and his dying in this condition gives mee to draw this conclusion, that as the glory of God appeares flesh decayes, the more of glory, the lesse of flesh, and the one (as in him) shall overcome and destroy the other. Mr. Pownell [?] I perceive had some sight and sence with him, but the bright morning star hath not appeared so glorious on him as yet.

Concerning your prisoners being high spirited and pragmaticall, I know not who they are, nor of what spirit, but conceive they are those that are called Levellers; and if they are of the good spirit no wonder they are high, for that cannot be supprest in a prison, and he that is acted by that cannot be idle; if of the other I pitty their pride, and like not their activity; their new plea I think will not hold water, and for Thompson’s conclusion to his Excellency I think it did proceed from an evill spirit such as I would have discouraged and destroyed.

I perceive the heads of the Army are now imployed cheifly about getting security and satisfaction to the souldiery in point of arreares and disbanding supernumeraries. Arreares are good when they can be gott, but I think disbanding is not seasonable; it may doe good in one way in easing the Countries burthen, but more hurt another in giving occasion to great enemies to plott and act (according to their principles of ignorance and malice) the destruction of freedom and justice. Thers more need of union then the other, and surely could the comon enemy divide he would rule. I am more for strict discepline to prevent oppressions and complaints then disbanding, as affaires stand; and, as I said once before, had wee guided our reynes right wee needed not have feared so sudden a dismounting for another to take the saddle that perhaps may gal’d the horse worse. I received yours yesterday by Mr. Cadwell, for which great paynes I am truly thankfull, and very glad to heare of the great harmony in the Officers at the Castle the late fast. I observe the harmony sprung from humility and yeilding of high spirits; love and agreement must needs followe meekenes and humility. I am glad Col. Rainb[orowe’s] former services and late humility have gayned so good an aspect. I received one of the Scotch declarations and cursorily read it over, and shall give thee my present apprehensions. In the generall I think they have proudly and pragmatically medled with what they had nothing to doe; and though they pretend something of joynt interest, yet it is no older then the Treaties, and I think there is nothing there to bind this kingdome to doe nothing without them; though I feare they were a little too hard for us, and gott ground and advantage upon us by those Treaties. The late vote of the house of Commons hath given them a notable nipp, and they felt it, for you see they winch in the latter end of their declaration. I doe not discomend their policy (though I doe their honesty) in endeavoring to gett a joint interest, no otherwise then I would discomend a beggar from endeavoring to become a Lord, or one that lives upon long cale to gett roste meate, and I beleive they would very gladly fight for it, if they thought they should overcome, but I think this large expression of their anger (though they are very cuning in their anger) will make us a little more to eye them.

In particular—

I value not their reasons for a personall Treaty. And though there be not so much cause to fear the King’s power now as when hee had an Army, yet the kingdome is as farre from settlement, and as free from disturbance as ever, but they would faine have him there to make the other step into Scotland, that they might gett the other £200,000. They are very angry Religion is not made the first proposition to the King, and say wee ought to builde the house of God before our owne. The house of God is like to be well built by such masons and carpenters as they are; they surely will never measure with a straight line and rule, nor lay the stones with faire colours, and the foundation with saphires etc. Uniformity, discipline, rooting out sects, blasphemy, heresy, destroying all but their owne opinions way and practice is their language; is this the language of the Lamb or the Beast? What a stirre doe they keepe about the Covenante, as if all were lost unles the black tribe be kept up, and how cuningly doe they prosecute the advantage they gott upon this kingdome in its lowe estate? Oh what an eyesore is that Army to their interest and designes, whome they are so angry at, and would so faine have disbanded. You see what names they give; if they can once prevayle to take away your power, have at your coates. Not a bitt of toleration or favour ile warrant you. Doe you see how they jeare the Parliament, saying they tolerate all sects and heresies, and after all protestations &c. give no more then a toleration to the Presbyterian Government, their great Diana. How mightily doe they plead for the King (cuning Karles) for their owne ends more then love. And what have they to doe with the militia of England or London, they must be judge what it is fitt for us, or what wee must doe, or what have they to doe with titles of honor, Court of Wards &c. At last their desires are so unreasonable that I think they are not fitt to be taken notice of, and I think the Parliament of England need not feare their snappish laying of violation of the Treaty upon their score. I might be very long, and if I thought none would goe about to onfute this booke I would doe it my self, for I think it is a very good and easy work.

The Parliament and Army are now thinking to ease the Kingdome of burthens, as free quarter, supernumeraries &c. there is a close cuning Army or Assembly that march alwaies in black in this Kingdome, which I think may goe under Supernumeraries, I hope they wilbe disbanded too with the rest; I wounder no party hath sett upon them to route them. I think their Arreares will not be much, for their 4s. hath been duly paid them, besides their severall fatt benefices.

I find by the declaration of Parliament you last sent concerning taking off of free quarter &c. a very bad consequence in my judgment. No man must goe into any house except Tavernes &c. without the consent of the owner. Now no man will willingly enterteyne a souldier, so that necessarily the Army must alwaies lye in Innes, Tavernes &c. The souldiers will not be able to live upon Inne and Taverne rates, and my thinkes of all houses in the Kingdome they should be kept out of those, or els wee shall have nothing but a drunken Army, and laid open to all disorders and mischeifs. If the Army must have constant pay and discharge quarters, they might have the liberty to quarter in private houses. I think this is the ready way either quite to destroy, or at least to bring dishonor and disorder upon the Army.

I received the Lawes and Ordinances and also the £4 13s. 4d. of Mr. Cadwell, and perceive I have but £14 of the other money, but did conceive there had been 3 moneths paid since I came away. However if Generall Lambert desire it, I pray make it up £20 for him, and trust mee till you receive more for mee. I perceive Sir William Constable hath Generall Lamberts Regiment given him; though he is willing to submitt to it yet he hath now no regiment, nor any other place of benefitt, for hee hath received none since hee came into their parts. Wee have little stirring heere. Some late orders of the Counsell of Warre, are made concerning quartering and regulating the Army heere, and I have sent some by Mr. Cadwell; I could have sent the one last weeke, but thought it not worth the sending. The Commissioners left heere in the Generall’s absence are Colonel Bethell, Colonel Bright, Colonel Thornton, Lieutenant-Colonel Goodrick and Major Rookeby, likewise Colonel Lilburne and Colonel Overton are named though not present. Three make a quorum.

Tis time to end, I am
Thine owne

T. M.

York, 29th December, 1647.

Commend my service to Mr. Wragg and bid him take heed of falling into the fire. Cap. Wisdome is now going towards you, he is yet destitute of a place. I pray be his assistant while he stays there as much as you can. Forget mee not to Mr. Hatter and all the rest of my friends.

Endorsed: Mr. Margetts. Dec. 29, 1647.

[a ]Cf. Rushworth, vii., 940, 953.