The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Note.
• The Lord's Supper. Sermon Delivered Before the Second Church In Boston September 9, 1832
• Historical Discourse, At Concord, On the Second Centennial Anniversary of the Incorporation of the Town, September 12, 1835.
• Appendix.
• Address At the Dedication of the Soldiers' Monument In Concord April 19th, 1867.
• Appendix.
• Address On Emancipation In the British West Indies.
• War
• The Fugitive Slave Law. Lecture Read In the Tabernacle, New York City, March 7, 1854.
• The Assault Upon Mr. Sumner. Speech At a Meeting of the Citizens In the Town Hall, In Concord, May 26, 1856.
• Speech At the Kansas Relief Meeting In Cambridge, Wednesday. Evening, September 10, 1856.
• Remarks At a Meeting For the Relief of the Family of John Brown, At Tremont Temple, Boston, November 18, 1859.
• John Brown. Speech At Salem, January 6,
• Theodore Parker. an Address At the Memorial Meeting At the Music Hall, Boston, June 15, 1860.
• American Civilization.
• The Emancipation Proclamation. an Address Delivered In Boston In September, 1862.
• Abraham Lincoln. Bemarks At the Funeral Services Held In Concord, April 19, 1886.
• Harvard Commemoration Speech. July 21, 1865.
• Editors' Address. Massachusetts Quarterly Review, December, 184[editor: Illegible Number]
• Woman. a Lecture Read Before the Woman's Bights Convention Boston, September 20, 1855.
• Address to Kossuth. At Concord, May 11, 1852.
• Robert Burns. Speech At the Celebration of the Burns Centenary, Boston, January 25, 1869.
• Walter Scott. Remarks At the Celebration By the Massachusetts Historical Society of the Centennial Anniversary of His Birth, Boston, August 15, 1871.
• Remarks At the Meeting For Organizing the Free Religious Association, Boston, May 30, 1867.
• Speech At the Second Annual Meeting of the Free Religious Association, At Tremont Temple, Friday, May 28, 1869.
• The Fortune of the Republic. Lecture Delivered At the Old South Church, Boston, March 30, 1878.

ROBERT BURNS.
speech at the celebration of the burns centenary, boston, january 25, 1869.

ROBERT BURNS.

Mr. PresidentandGentlemen:

I do not know by what untoward accident it has chanced, and I forbear to inquire, that, in this accomplished circle, it should fall to me, the worst Scotsman of all, to receive your commands, and at the latest hour too, to respond to the sentiment just offered, and which indeed makes the occasion. But I am told there is no appeal, and I must trust to the inspirations of the theme to make a fitness which does not otherwise exist. Yet, Sir, I heartily feel the singular claims of the occasion. At the first announcement, from I know not whence, that the 25th of January was the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Robert Burns, a sudden consent warmed the great English race, in all its kingdoms, colonies and States, all over the world, to keep the festival. We are here to hold our parliament with love and poesy, as men were wont to do in the Middle Ages. Those famous parliaments might or might not have had more stateliness and better singers than we,—though that is yet to be known,—but they could not have better reason. I can only explain this singular unanimity in a race which rarely acts together, but rather after their watchword, Each for himself,—by the fact that Robert Burns, the poet of the middle class, represents in the mind of men to-day that great uprising of the middle class against the armed and privileged minorities, that uprising which worked politically in the American and French Revolutions, and which, not in governments so much as in education and social order, has changed the face of the world.

In order for this destiny, his birth, breeding and fortunes were low. His organic sentiment was absolute independence, and resting as it should on a life of labor. No man existed who could look down on him. They that looked into his eyes saw that they might look down the sky as easily. His muse and teaching was common-sense, joyful, aggressive, irresistible. Not Latimer, not Luther struck more telling blows against false theology than did this brave singer. The Confession of Augsburg, the Declaration of Independence, the French Rights of Man, and the Marseillaise, are not more weighty documents in the history of freedom than the songs of Burns. His satire has lost none of its edge. His musical arrows yet sing through the air. He is so substantially a reformer that. I find his grand plain sense in close chain with the greatest masters,—Rabelais, Shakspeare in comedy, Cervantes, Butler, and Burns. If I should add another name, I find it only in a living countryman of Burns.

He is an exceptional genius. The people who care nothing for literature and poetry care for Burns. It was indifferent—they thought who saw him—whether he wrote verse or not: he could have done anything else as well. Yet how true a poet is he! And the poet, too, of poor men, of gray hodden and the guernsey coat and the blouse. He has given voice to all the experiences of common life; he has endeared the farm-house and cottage, patches and poverty, beans and barley; ale, the poor man's wine; hardship; the fear of debt; the dear society of weans and wife, of brothers and sisters, proud of each other, knowing so few and finding amends for want and obscurity in books and thoughts. What a love of nature, and, shall I say it? of middle-class nature. Not like Goethe, in the stars, or like Byron, in the ocean, or Moore, in the luxurious East, but in the homely landscape which the poor see around them,—bleak leagues of pasture and stubble, ice and sleet and rain and snow-choked brooks; birds, hares, field-mice, thistles and heather, which he daily knew. How many “Bonny Doons” and “John Anderson my jo's” and “Auld lang Synes” all around the earth have his verses been applied to! And his love-songs still woo and melt the youths and maids; the farm-work, the country holiday, the fishing-cobble, are still his debtors to-day.

And as he was thus the poet of the poor, anxious, cheerful, working humanity, so had he the language of low life. He grew up in a rural district, speaking a patois unintelligible to all but natives, and he has made the Lowland Scotch a Doric dialect of fame. It is the only example in history of a language made classic by the genius of a single man. But more than this. He had that secret of genius to draw from the bottom of society the strength of its speech, and astonish the ears of the polite with these artless words, better than art, and filtered of all offence through his beauty. It seemed odious to Luther that the devil should have all the best tunes; he would bring them into the churches; and Burns knew how to take from fairs and gypsies, blacksmiths and drovers, the speech of the market and street, and clothe it with melody. But I am detaining you too long. The memory of Burns,—I am afraid heaven and earth have taken too good care of it to leave us anything to say. The west winds are murmuring it. Open the windows behind you, and hearken for the incoming tide, what the waves say of it. The doves perching always on the eaves of the Stone Chapel opposite, may know something about it. Every name in broad Scotland keeps his fame bright. The memory of Burns,—every man's, every boy's and girl's head carries snatches of his songs, and they say them by heart, and, what is strangest of all, never learned them from a book, but from mouth to mouth. The wind whispers them, the birds whistle them, the corn, barley, and bulrushes hoarsely rustle them, nay, the music-boxes at Geneva are framed and toothed to play them; the hand-organs of the Savoyards in all cities repeat them, and the chimes of bells ring them in the spires. They are the property and the solace of mankind.