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Subject Area: Economics
Subject Area: Political Theory

CLAY TO BAYARD AND GALLATIN. - Albert Gallatin, The Writings of Albert Gallatin, vol. 1 [1879]

Edition used:

The Writings of Albert Gallatin, ed. Henry Adams (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1879). 3 vols.

Part of: The Writings of Albert Gallatin, 3 vols.

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CLAY TO BAYARD AND GALLATIN.

Gottenburg, 2d May, 1814.

Colonel Milligan, arriving here the evening before last, delivered to me Mr. Bayard’s letter of the 20th ult. to Mr. Russell and myself, and that of Mr. Gallatin of the 22d to me alone. I was much gratified in being relieved by them from the uncertainty in which I was placed as to your movements and prospects. On your part you will have been extricated, prior to the receipt of this letter, from a more perplexing embarrassment, particularly in respect to Mr. Gallatin, as to the new commission, by the despatch forwarded by Captain Jones in the Neptune. It would have been highly satisfactory to me to have been assisted by our colleagues, Messrs. Adams and Russell, in deliberating upon the contents of your letters. But the latter gentleman left this place on the 25th. The object of his visit was to present his credentials and to establish those relations with the Swedish government which may be deemed expedient, intending to return to this place the moment he should learn, by your arrival, that his presence was necessary. Of Mr. Adams I have no information except what is contained in the following paragraph of Mr. Russell’s letter: “Mr. Speyer received this morning (26th April) a letter from Mr. Adams, dated the 11th of the month, in which he says he proposes to leave St. Petersburg about the 20th of this month, and hopes to arrive somewhere in Sweden by the 1st of May, probably at Stockholm. His route, he says, will depend on the thermometer of the next ten days.” Mr. Russell adds that he shall endeavor to be ready to accompany Mr. Adams should he pass by Stockholm to Gottenburg. Being without the benefit of consulting with either Mr. Adams or Mr. Russell, I have given to the subject of your letter the best consideration in my power. With regard to changing the place of negotiation, it appears to me to be a measure attended with some difficulty, and requiring, on our part, great delicacy. Before Mr. Russell left this place, we learnt that the British chargé d’affaires at Stockholm had presented, on the 9th of April, a note to the Swedish government informing it of the contemplated negotiation here, and asking its sanction to the measure. It was an obvious duty on the part of the representative of our government to solicit also from Sweden the hospitalities requisite to our condition here, and, although Mr. Russell had no particular instruction to that effect, he intended, with my advice, to present a note on the occasion the moment he was accredited. This I have no doubt he has done. The Swedish government, thus officially informed by both parties of the intended negotiation here, must see with surprise, if with no other emotion, another place so quickly substituted for Gottenburg. I need not inform you that our government counts much upon the friendship of the Northern powers, particularly Russia and Sweden. And although I have no doubt that the Crown Prince has lost in the scale of European affairs much of his weight by the great events which he has himself contributed to produce, we ought not lightly to jeopardize his friendship. But it is highly probable that the President, had he foreseen what has occurred since the date of our instructions, would have deemed Holland equally eligible with this place, if not more so. And I am prepared in this instance, and in all others, to give to our instructions a liberal interpretation, with a view to the wonderful revolutions which have recently occurred. If, therefore, any place in Holland can be substituted for Gottenburg in such manner as that the change shall be understood to be at the instance of Great Britain, you have my consent to make it. Being thus brought about, such explanations may be made to Sweden as will not only retain to us her friendship, but cast upon the other party all the unfriendly consequences, should there be any, growing out of the measure. I enclose herein an extract of a letter I forwarded this morning to Mr. Russell, to put him in possession of the proposed change, and of my views of it.

With regard to going to London, with great deference for the opinion of Mr. Gallatin, I really cannot concur in that measure. If there be a doubt as to what our government has done to restore peace, it cannot lie on the side of its having done too little. A power of less pretensions than the United States might with great propriety, after the rejection of the Russian mediation, have demanded that its own seat of government should be the theatre for discussing propositions for peace. Having waived this, and acceded to one of the alternatives offered by the other party, I do not think that we ought to submit to further condescension, especially when we have yet to see in British history the example of that haughty people having been conciliated by the condescension of their enemy. I am deeply sensible of the magnitude of the present crisis, which I have endeavored to view in all its consequences, immediate and remote. And the result of my reflections is that we shall best promote the objects of our mission and acquit ourselves of our duty by preserving a firm and undismayed countenance. We have the chances in our favor of the Continental negotiations which are or will shortly be going on. It is impossible that Europe, liberated as it is from the despotism of Bonaparte, should be indifferent to the enormous power and the enormous pretensions of Great Britain on the ocean. It will assuredly, I presume, impose some limits on her. If she is wise she will readily acquiesce in them. The sympathy which she derived from the world generally, under the supposition that she was contending for her existence and struggling for their liberties, has ceased. If, intoxicated by her present prosperity, she rejects the counsels of moderation and prudence, that which Bonaparte attempted by compulsion will be accomplished by the voluntary consent of Europe. But I forbear; indeed, I ought to apologize for touching at all on a subject on which you are so much more competent to judge. From the letter of Mr. Bayard I remark that it is thought by you proper that we should make some official communication to the British government of our arrival here. The embarrassment which, even if Mr. Russell had been here, a minority of the commission must have felt on this subject, is greatly increased by my standing alone. It seems to me in the first place that, having been invited here by the British government, that government ought, by the promptitude of its own measures, to have rendered unnecessary such a notification on our part. Waiving, however, this point of etiquette (and I certainly am not going during this negotiation to give consequence to any affair of mere etiquette), what could I alone, one of five who compose the commission, say to accelerate the movements of the other party? It has, therefore, appeared to me most advisable to transmit to you, which I now do, copies of the new commissions and of the new instructions which our government has issued, and to submit to you the making of such communication as may be adapted to the occasion; and I authorize, if you deem it at all necessary, any use whatever of my name in relation to it. The packages and letters which we brought for you from America are sent by Colonel Milligan, and Mr. Hughes, the secretary of the mission, who accompanies him. . . .