Front Page Titles (by Subject) GALLATIN TO HENRY CLAY. - The Writings of Albert Gallatin, vol. 2
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GALLATIN TO HENRY CLAY. - Albert Gallatin, The Writings of Albert Gallatin, vol. 2 
The Writings of Albert Gallatin, ed. Henry Adams (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1879). 3 vols.
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GALLATIN TO HENRY CLAY.
London, 30th December, 1826.
I have already expressed my wish that your instructions respecting the continued joint occupancy of the territory west of the Stony Mountains should be sufficiently comprehensive to prevent the necessity of another reference to Washington.
It seems to me that, for that purpose, they may be reduced to two points. What are the conditions which you would think desirable, or (considering the declarations of the British plenipotentiaries) necessary to be added to the former article, either as a part of the convention, or to be entered as the understanding of the parties in the protocol? What are the conditions proposed or suggested by Great Britain which you may consider as inadmissible, so that, if insisted upon, you would prefer that no renewal of the former agreement for a joint occupancy should take place?
My reason for earnestly desiring that the instructions on that subject may be definitive is the extreme anxiety I feel not to be detained here beyond the end of the spring. With such instructions, and if in possession of your ultimate views concerning impressments (in case Great Britain should make an overture on that subject), I anticipate no cause that can detain me beyond that period.
The negotiation respecting the preliminary arrangements in relation to an arbitration of the North-East boundary will be very laborious; but, as it will either leave all that is important and will require more discretionary power than I wish to exercise for government to decide on and to execute, or will terminate in a transfer of the negotiation itself to Washington, this cannot compel me to remain here. On all other subjects I will have concluded in time all that can at this time be done; and as the negotiations intrusted to my care will thus be for the present at an end, I will ask, according to the previous understanding, leave to return, taking my departure from 1st of June to 1st of August, beyond which last date it is impossible that the negotiations should be protracted, if no second reference to Washington be necessary.
If convenient to make a nomination of a successor before the next session of Congress, I would ask then to be permitted to return on leave of absence, leaving Mr. Lawrence as chargé d’affaires. In order to effect that object I have labored almost beyond my strength, and will continue my efforts to the last moment.
I have the honor, &c.
GALLATIN TO HENRY CLAY.
London, 28th January, 1827.
I have the honor to enclose the copy of a note from Mr. Canning, dated the 27th instant, and written in answer to mine of 28th ult.
The following observations have occurred on reading that note, viz.:
1. Your letter to Mr. Cambreleng was adduced in order to prove (and the evidence was perhaps superfluous) what was your understanding of the meaning and intent of the Act of Parliament therein referred to, and that the British government must have been informed of it.
2. No other inference can be drawn from the vote of the House of Representatives, alluded to by Mr. Canning, than that, notwithstanding the view of the subject entertained by the Baltimore petitioners, that body did concur with the Executive in the above-mentioned opinion of the meaning and intent of the Act of Parliament.
3. The British government was so clearly and early informed of the passing and of the true intent of the Act of Congress of 1st March, 1825, that Mr. Stratford Canning opened a correspondence on the subject with the Secretary of State on the 27th of the same month. And not only was the Act communicated, but it appears by Mr. Adams’s letter to Mr. Rush of the 23d of June, 1823, that, while the bill was in discussion before a committee of the Senate, a copy of it was communicated to Mr. S. Canning, who made some written remarks upon it, which were immediately submitted to the consideration of the committee.
4. Whatever inconvenience there might have been in a general communication, by the British government, of the Acts of Parliament of 5th July, 1825, to all foreign nations, there was a sufficient and forcible reason for making such a communication to the United States, since they were the only nation with which Great Britain had ever opened a negotiation on the subject; a negotiation which was only suspended, and which the United States must, as they actually did, have expected would be resumed, until informed of the altered determination of the British government in that respect.
The President will decide whether it is proper to present those observations, or any other which the note may suggest, to Mr. Canning’s consideration. In the mean while, although there is no symptom in his note of a disposition to renew the negotiations on that subject, or in any shape to open the colonial intercourse to the American navigation, yet the general temper and tone of the note are so different from those manifested in that of the 11th of September, that, keeping in view the effect which a further discussion of that point might have on the other pending negotiations, I have concluded for the present, and unless otherwise instructed, to abstain from making any reply to the note. I had the honor to receive on the 26th instant your despatch No. 16, of 28th December last; I entirely concur in your opinion that in all probability the British government would be well satisfied with such a state of legislation as would give the commerce between her colonies and the United States to Danish or any other vessels to the exclusion of our navigation. Nothing can of course be done until the result of the deliberations of Congress shall have been ascertained. Whatever this may be, and however unpromising the appearance of any change of system here, I think that it will be useful, after the Act of Congress is passed, to provide the minister of the United States here with such instructions as may enable him to avail himself of any new circumstances that may occur and induce this government to alter their opinion.
I beg leave to repeat that if they do, they will, I am almost sure, adhere to their determination that the trade should be regulated rather by mutual legislation than by convention. I have in a former despatch suggested some considerations why this course might, with all its inconveniences, be nevertheless advantageous in some respects to the United States.
I have the honor, &c.