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Subject Area: Economics
Subject Area: Political Theory

MONROE TO GALLATIN. - Albert Gallatin, The Writings of Albert Gallatin, vol. 2 [1879]

Edition used:

The Writings of Albert Gallatin, ed. Henry Adams (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1879). 3 vols.

Part of: The Writings of Albert Gallatin, 3 vols.

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MONROE TO GALLATIN.

Washington, May 26, 1820.

Dear Sir,—

I have to apologize for not having written to you before, but I have presumed that you would have seen that the official pressure on me was so great as to leave me no time for other duties, however interesting; especially as, until the last winter, my health had not been fully restored since the fatigues of the last war. At present I am much blessed in that respect, and as I shall dispose of the interval between this and the next session in Loudoun and Albemarle, Virginia, where I have farms, I hope that Mrs. Monroe, as well as I, shall return here in as good health as we ever enjoyed.

Mr. de Neuville has acquitted himself here entirely to the satisfaction of the government and of the members of Congress. His deportment, and that of his lady, has been conciliatory, and in our concerns with his country, and also with Spain, in which he has taken a part, we have had much reason to be satisfied. He takes with him, therefore, the good wishes for his welfare and hers, of all, which you will, we presume, find a suitable occasion to intimate in proper terms to his government.

Our affairs with Spain have, as you will see by the public documents, taken a strange direction. The refusal to ratify a second treaty within the time stipulated, and then to send a minister to demand new conditions, the sanction of which was to depend on the government of Madrid, without his becoming responsible for it, was an occurrence with which I have known no parallel. Considering, however, the condition of Spain at this time, and of almost all Europe, and the jealousy which prevails generally of the ambitious views of the United States, it was thought most advisable to leave the affair where it was, and thereby give a new proof of moderation, which could not fail to refute such unfounded calumnies. We hope that the business will be settled in the course of the summer, since otherwise it seems probable that it will be taken up at the next session in a very different spirit. Indeed, so strong is the inclination in some to seize on Texas particularly, that I should not be surprised if we should be compelled to act on that principle, and without a treaty, if that province at least, as well as Florida, should be taken possession of. Internal considerations, of which the discussion of the late Missouri question will have given you a just view, are favorable to moderate pretensions on our part. With me they have much weight, as I am persuaded they have with many others; but still, so seducing is the passion for extending our territory, that if compelled to take our own redress it is quite uncertain within what limit it will be confined. Your attention to this object has been useful, the continuance of which has been among the interesting motives which induce a desire that you should remain at your present post the present year.

With respect to the colonies, the object has been to throw into their scale, in a moral sense, the weight of the United States, without so deep a compromitment as to make us a party to the contest. All Europe must expect that the citizens of the United States wish success to the colonies, and all that they can claim, even Spain herself, is that we will maintain an impartial neutrality between the parties. By taking this ground openly and frankly, we acquit ourselves to our own consciences; we accommodate with the feelings of our constituents; we render to the colonies all the aid that we can render them, for I am satisfied that had we even joined them in the war, we should have done them more harm than good, as we might have drawn all Europe on them, not to speak of the injury we should have done to ourselves. By our present attitude we have given to other powers an example of forbearance, and retained the right to communicate with them as friends on that interesting subject,—a right which we should have lost by a change of attitude. A mere recognition, as our ports are open to them as freely as to Spain and other powers, would be a dead letter, while it would have been, especially in the earlier stages, exposed to all the objections stated. In the mean time, the subject not being fully understood, a disposition has been manifested, imputable in a great measure to the conduct of Spain in our concerns, that we should go further in favor of the colonies, with which it may be proper to comply at no distant day. You will perceive that as the recognition, whenever it may be made, will be nothing more than what I have above stated, as we still shall maintain an impartial neutrality, no power will have a right to complain of it. Indeed, it may be fairly presumed that they will all be prepared for it. I am satisfied that you have fully and distinctly understood the views of the Administration in all these circumstances; I mention them, however, that you may prepare all with whom you communicate for such a result, at any time whenever it may take place.

Our claims on France will also receive your attention, in which I am satisfied that you will accomplish all that may be practicable.

To these interesting objects is added the very important duty of making another attempt to form a commercial treaty with France, to which it is hoped that the late Act of Congress will afford you much aid. Your experience and knowledge of the subject inspire us with great confidence that your exertions will not be fruitless in securing what it will be proper to obtain for your own country, or in prevailing on the French government to enter willingly into such arrangements as the interest of France may justify.

Mrs. Monroe and my daughter desire their best regards to Mrs. Gallatin, and I beg you to be assured of my great respect and sincere regard.