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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

CONSOLIDATION. 1 - James Madison, The Writings, vol. 6 (1790-1802) [1906]

Edition used:

The Writings of James Madison, comprising his Public Papers and his Private Correspondence, including his numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed, ed. Gaillard Hunt (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1900). Vol. 6.

Part of: The Writings of James Madison, 9 vols.

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Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


CONSOLIDATION.1

Much has been said, and not without reason, against a consolidation of the States into one government. Omitting lesser objections, two consequences would probably flow from such a change in our political system, which justify the cautions used against it. First, it would be impossible to avoid the dilemma, of either relinquishing the present energy and responsibility of a single executive magistrate, for some plural substitute, which by dividing so great a trust might lessen the danger of it; or suffering so great an accumulation of powers in the hands of that officer, as might by degrees transform him into a monarch. The incompetency of one Legislature to regulate all the various objects belonging to the local governments, would evidently force a transfer of many of them to the executive department; whilst the increasing splendour and number of its prerogatives supplied by this source, might prove excitements to ambition too powerful for a sober execution of the elective plan, and consequently strengthen the pretexts for an hereditary designation of the magistrate. Second, were the state governments abolished, the same space of country that would produce an undue growth of the executive power, would prevent that controul on the Legislative body, which is essential to a faithful discharge of its trust, neither the voice nor the sense of ten or twenty millions of people, spread through so many latitudes as are comprehended within the United States, could ever be combined or called into effect, if deprived of those local organs, through which both can now be conveyed. In such a state of things, the impossibility of acting together, might be succeeded by the inefficacy of partial expressions of the public mind, and at length, by a universal silence and insensibility, leaving the whole government to that self directed course, which, it must be owned, is the natural propensity of every government.

But if a consolidation of the states into one government be an event so justly to be avoided, it is not less to be desired, on the other hand, that a consolidation should prevail in their interests and affections; and this, too, as it fortunately happens, for the very reasons, among others, which lie against a government consolidation. For, in the first place, in proportion as uniformity is found to prevail in the interests and sentiments of the several states, will be the practicability of accommodating Legislative regulations to them, and thereby of withholding new and dangerous prerogatives from the executive. Again, the greater the mutual confidence and affection of all parts of the Union, the more likely they will be to concur amicably, or to differ with moderation, in the elective designation of the chief magistrate; and by such examples, to guard and adorn the vital principle of our republican constitution. Lastly, the less the supposed difference of interests, and the greater the concord and confidence throughout the great body of the people, the more readily must they sympathize with each other, the more seasonably can they interpose a common manifestation of their sentiments, the more certainly will they take the alarm at usurpation or oppression, and the more effectually will they consolidate their defence of the public liberty.

Here then is a proper object presented, both to those who are most jealously attached to the separate authority reserved to the states, and to those who may be more inclined to contemplate the people of America in the light of one nation. Let the former continue to watch against every encroachment, which might lead to a gradual consolidation of the states into one government. Let the latter employ their utmost zeal, by eradicating local prejudices and mistaken rivalships, to consolidate the affairs of the states into one harmonious interest; and let it be the patriotic study of all, to maintain the various authorities established by our complicated system, each in its respective constitutional sphere; and to erect over the whole, one paramount Empire of reason, benevolence, and brotherly affection.1

[1 ]From The National Gazette, December 5, 1791.

[1 ]

TO HENRY LEE.

Philada. Decr 18th 1791.

My Dear Sir

I have received your favor of the 8th & handed to Freneau the subscriptions inclosed for him. His paper in the opinion here justifies the expectations of his friends and merits the diffusive circulation they have endeavoured to procure it.

I regret that I can administer no balm to the wound given by the first report of our western disaster.2 You will have seen the official account which has gone into all the Newspapers. It does not seem to contain any of the saving circumstances you are so anxious to learn. The loss of blood is not diminished, and that of impression, is as great as the most compleat triumph of the savages can render it. The measures planning for the reparation of the calamity are not yet disclosed. The suspected relation of Indian hostility to the Western Posts, became here as with you, a subject of pretty free conversation. Mr. Hammond has officially disavowed by authority from his Court the imputation of encouraging those hostilities through the Government of Canada. He has also contradicted on his personal conviction, the allegations of like countenance to the hostile proceedings of Bowles in the Southern quarter. Nothing is yet public with respect to his general communications with the Executive. Major Thomas Pinkney is to be Minister at London.

The representation bill is still on hand. The Senate after detaining it a considerable time, and trying sundry improper expedients for making out a ratio of a different aspect from the simple and obvious one proposed to them, at length agreed by the casting voice of the Chair to alter the ratio of 1 for 30,000 to 1 for 33,000. The H of Reps. disagreed tho’ by a bare majority only. The Senate have insisted, and tomorrow will decide the eventual temper of the H of Reps on the subject. Should they be firm enough to adhere, the Senate will probably recede. Should a conference be proposed I auger unfavorably of the issue. The chance will be much bettered if Col. Lee who we hear is on the road, should arrive in time. Whatever the decision of the House of Reps. may be, it will turn on very few votes, possibly on that of the chair.

On the subject of Great Falls, I insist that you do not sacrifice or risk the prospect on my account. Your honor cannot forbid, whilst my poverty continues to require, that you transfer your friendly purpose from me to some other friend, whose resources will better correspond with it. Mine cannot be relied on, and I should be particularly unhappy at being accessory to the danger of one who had been so anxious to be instrumental to my advantage.

Let me beg you to reconsider your resolution, and not to let me stand in the way of your success, which I ought to wish much more on your account, than on my own being on this occasion under particular obligations to you, and on all your affectionate friend.

—Mad. MSS.

[1 ]

TO HENRY LEE.

Philada. Decr 18th 1791.

My Dear Sir

I have received your favor of the 8th & handed to Freneau the subscriptions inclosed for him. His paper in the opinion here justifies the expectations of his friends and merits the diffusive circulation they have endeavoured to procure it.

I regret that I can administer no balm to the wound given by the first report of our western disaster.2 You will have seen the official account which has gone into all the Newspapers. It does not seem to contain any of the saving circumstances you are so anxious to learn. The loss of blood is not diminished, and that of impression, is as great as the most compleat triumph of the savages can render it. The measures planning for the reparation of the calamity are not yet disclosed. The suspected relation of Indian hostility to the Western Posts, became here as with you, a subject of pretty free conversation. Mr. Hammond has officially disavowed by authority from his Court the imputation of encouraging those hostilities through the Government of Canada. He has also contradicted on his personal conviction, the allegations of like countenance to the hostile proceedings of Bowles in the Southern quarter. Nothing is yet public with respect to his general communications with the Executive. Major Thomas Pinkney is to be Minister at London.

The representation bill is still on hand. The Senate after detaining it a considerable time, and trying sundry improper expedients for making out a ratio of a different aspect from the simple and obvious one proposed to them, at length agreed by the casting voice of the Chair to alter the ratio of 1 for 30,000 to 1 for 33,000. The H of Reps. disagreed tho’ by a bare majority only. The Senate have insisted, and tomorrow will decide the eventual temper of the H of Reps on the subject. Should they be firm enough to adhere, the Senate will probably recede. Should a conference be proposed I auger unfavorably of the issue. The chance will be much bettered if Col. Lee who we hear is on the road, should arrive in time. Whatever the decision of the House of Reps. may be, it will turn on very few votes, possibly on that of the chair.

On the subject of Great Falls, I insist that you do not sacrifice or risk the prospect on my account. Your honor cannot forbid, whilst my poverty continues to require, that you transfer your friendly purpose from me to some other friend, whose resources will better correspond with it. Mine cannot be relied on, and I should be particularly unhappy at being accessory to the danger of one who had been so anxious to be instrumental to my advantage.

Let me beg you to reconsider your resolution, and not to let me stand in the way of your success, which I ought to wish much more on your account, than on my own being on this occasion under particular obligations to you, and on all your affectionate friend.

—Mad. MSS.

[2 ]St. Clair’s defeat, November 4, 1791.