The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Chronology of James Madison. 1790-1802.
• The Writings of James Madison.
• Speeches In the First Congress—second Session, 1790 ( Continued ).
• Speeches In the First Congress—third Session, 1791.
• Population and Emigration. 1
• Consolidation. 1
• Public Opinion. 1
• Money. 1
• 1792: Government. 1
• Charters. 2
• Parties. 1
• British Government. 1
• Universal Peace. 1
• Government of the United States. 1
• Spirit of Governments. 1
• Republican Distribution of Citizens. 1
• Fashion. 1
• Property. 1
• The Union. 1
• A Candid State of Parties. 1
• Who Are the Best Keepers of the People’s Liberties? 1
• 1793: To Edmund Pendleton. Mad. Mss.
• To J. M. Roland. 1 Chic. Hist. Soc. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• Letters of Helvidius. 1
• No. 1.
• No. II.
• No. III.
• No. IV.
• No. V. 1
• To Archibald Stuart. Va. Hist. Soc. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To James Monroe. Mad. Mss.
• To George Washington. Wash. Mss.
• 1794: Speech On Discriminating Duties—january 3, 1794. 1
• To Horatio Gates. 1
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To James Madison. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To James Monroe. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• 1795: To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To James Madison. Mad. Mss.
• To Robt. R. Livingston. 1 Mad. Mss.
• To — — 1 . Mad. Mss.
• To James Monroe. Mad. Mss.
• 1796: The Jay Treaty. Speech In the 4 Th Congress, April 6. 1
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• 1797: To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To James Madison. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To James Madison. Mad. Mss.
• 1798: To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. 1 Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• Resolutions of 1798. 1
• 1799: Resolutions of 1799.
• Address of the General Assembly to the People of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
• Report On the Resolutions. 1
• 1800: To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• 1801: To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To Thomas Jefferson. Mad. Mss.
• To James Monroe. Mad. Mss.
• To James Monroe. Mad. Mss.
• To Rufus King. 1 D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Rufus King. D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Charles Pinckney. 1 D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Rufus King. D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• 1802: To Charles Pinckney. D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Robert R. Livingston. 1 D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Charles Pinckney. D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Robert R. Livingston. D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Robert R. Livingston. D. Of S. Mss. Instr.
• To Charles Pinckney. D. Of S. Mss. Instr.

SPEECHES IN THE FIRST CONGRESS—SECOND SESSION, 1790 (Continued).

MAY 14—DISCRIMINATING TONNAGE DUES.1

Mr. Madison replied to the several arguments against his motion. A gentleman, said he, (Mr. Sedgwick,) had called it a “measure of passion.” He observed that it had neither been dictated by passion, nor supported with passion; he considered it as a cool as well as a proper measure, and believed that the more coolly it was examined, the more proper it would appear. If any thing more were to be done, let it be something that will be effectual.

As to the distinction proposed between nations in treaty and not in treaty, that point had been discussed and decided yesterday, and was no part of the argument to-day. It was agreed on all hands, that the measure reported by the committee was levelled against a particular nation, though it was not named. Why then ostensibly involve other nations for whom it was not intended; and by making no difference in favor of those in treaty, teach others to consider a treaty with us as of no value? He said, we were the less restrained from making the distinction, because the nation against which the measures were designed to operate, had not hesitated to set the example, as far as her supposed interest went. He had before shown, that the principle on which the trade with the West Indies was regulated by Great Britain, was a departure from the principle of her navigation act: according to that act, all other nations were allowed to carry directly their own produce in their own vessels, wherever the same trade was allowed by the act to British vessels. A gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzsimons) was afraid the measure was too bold a one. But why was it too bold, if, as the weighty information and arguments of the gentleman himself had shown, there was no danger? If the existence of the West Indies, and the prosperity of Great Britain depended so materially on the trade with the United States, that it would be madness in her to hazard an interruption of it?

Mr. M. then proceeded to review the European and West India commerce of the United States. He stated the imports to be, from Europe, about £3,039,000; from the West Indies, £927,438: total, £3,966,438. The exports to Europe, £3,203,448; to the West Indies, £941,552: total, £4,244,000.

He stated the export and return freight to Europe to be estimated at £500,000; to the West Indies, £250,000: total, £750,000. For the return freight, which was estimated at one-tenth of the export freight, he deducted £45,454 10s., which left for the value of the export freight to Europe £454,545 10s. By applying a like rule to the West India freight, he made the total export freight to amount to £681,818 5s.; of this he computed two-thirds, or £454,545 10s., to be enjoyed by British vessels. He took notice here, that the proportion of foreign to British tonnage, employed in the exports of Great Britain, was stated by Lord Sheffield as no more than one to twelve.

The amount of the freight, at two pounds sterling per ton, employs 227,272 tons of shipping; or, allowing two voyages a year, 568 vessels of 200 tons burden each.

The shipping, allowing six men to 100 tons, employs 6,816 seamen; or allowing one man to fifteen tons, which was perhaps a better estimate, 7,575 seamen.

He asked whether it was conceivable that Great Britain would give up all these advantages, rather than put the commerce of the two countries on such a footing as would be reasonable and reciprocal? Whether she would throw away, and into her rival’s hands too, a freight of near half a million sterling? Whether she could bear to see between five and six hundred vessels rotting in port, or sold to others to be employed in the business, sacrificed by her? He asked what would become of seven or eight thousand seamen, thus turned out of employment? And whether they would not enter into the service of other nations, and particularly of the United States, to be employed in the exportation of our produce?

He took notice of the immense loss that would be sustained by the British merchants on the capital employed in the American trade, particularly the rice and tobacco. Near one hundred thousand hogshead of tobacco, not more than ten or twelve thousand of which were consumed in Great Britain, annually went almost all through their hands. The same thing might be said of one hundred thousand barrels of rice annually exported from the United States.

The manufacturers, he said, would be still more distressed by the want of the American market. Many articles, which were luxuries to this country, and which it would be better without, gave bread to that class of people. Their distresses would increase the spirit of emigration, already so much dreaded by the policy of that nation. He observed, that Great Britain would be the more unwilling to risk an interruption of her trade to the United States, because it would hasten the establishment of American manufactures, which she had always endeavored to prevent, and thereby cut off forever this important market for her. Such a danger would be particularly alarming, as her three great staple manufactures, of leather, iron, and wool, were those which were making the greatest progress in this country, and would be the most aided at her expense.

As to the British West Indies, it had been fully shown that they could neither prosper nor subsist without the market of the United States; they were fed from our granaries. Without our lumber, which, it was admitted, could be supplied no where else, they could not carry on their trade, or support their establishments. In the sale of their rum, on which the profits of their labor essentially depended, they had no resource but in the consumption of this country. He said, the whole amount of rum sent to other foreign countries did not exceed eight or nine hundred thousand gallons, which was not more than one-fifth of what was imported into the United States; besides their loss in this respect, they would have the mortification to see the vacancy in our market filled by rum made from molasses supplied by rival islands. In case of war, which happened every ten or twelve years, or a season of famine, which happened every three or four, he said the condition of the British islands must evidently be such, that she could not fail to provide against the contingency by proper concessions, unless she should infer from our conduct that they are not necessary.

He added, as a consideration which he thought of great weight, in favor of the measure, that in case any negotiations should take place it would put our Executive on proper ground. At present the trade with Great Britain was precisely in that situation which her interest required, and her King could moreover regulate it according to circumstances. On our part, the Executive could neither offer nor withdraw anything. He could offer nothing, because Great Britain was already in possession of every commercial privilege she desired. He could not say, give us reciprocal privileges, or yours shall be withdrawn, because this must be done by a legislative act. By passing the act proposed, the Executive will be enabled to speak a language proper for the occasion. He can say, if you do not give the United States proper privileges, those given to you shall not be continued.1

JULY 6—LOCATION OF THE CAPITAL.

Mr. Madison.—In order to decide this question rightly, we ought to compare the advantages and disadvantages of the two places as they relate to the good of the United States. Now, I will defy any gentleman, however sanguine he may be with respect to Baltimore, to point out any substantial advantage that is not common to the Potomac; and I defy him to disprove that there are not several important advantages belonging to the Potomac, which do not appertain to Baltimore. The committee have had ample information with respect to the Northern and Southern positions of the two places. In point of salubrity of air, without disparaging the pretensions of Baltimore, the Potomac is at least equally favored in that respect. In regard to centrality of situation, the Potomac has undoubtedly the advantage. In respect to security from invasion, I aver the Potomac has the advantage also. With relation to the Western country, there is not a shadow of comparison. If we should go as far south as Baltimore, why not an equal distance southwest to the Potomac? Those who are acquainted with the country on the Potomac, and that in the neighborhood of Baltimore, do not hesitate to give the preference to the Potomac. It is true, that Baltimore has respectable resources; her rapid growth is a clear proof of it; but look at the resources of the Potomac, the great range of rich country that borders on it, and see if these are not advantages that must, in a short time, produce a commercial town. Sir, a period might be named, not exceeding ten years, within which the town of Baltimore obtained the greater part of its increase and consequence; a period of ten years will produce the same effects on the Potomac, because the same causes exist; and when, super-added to this, the residence of Government shall be there, there can be no doubt but that there will be every accommodation that can be desired.

It is said, that before the ten years expire, a repeal of the act may take place, and thus Congress be kept at Philadelphia. But what more can we do than pass a law for the purpose? It is not in our power to guard against a repeal. Our acts are not like those of the Medes and Persians, unalterable. A repeal is a thing against which no provision can be made. If that is an objection, it holds good against any law that can be passed. If those States that may have a superiority in Congress at a future day will pay no respect to the acts of their predecessors, or to the public good, there is no power to compel them.

But I flatter myself that some respect will be paid to the public interest, and to the plighted faith of the Government. As to centrality, the best evidence we have at this time in favor of the Potomac is the different travelling of the members; and this, sir, proves incontestably that the proposed place on the Potomac is near the centre. If any arguments could be brought against it, it is its being too far to the Northward, for the mileage south of the Potomac is twelve thousand seven hundred and eighty-two miles, to the north of it twelve thousand four hundred and twenty-two miles. If to this Rhode Island be added, it will not be more than equal. If the bill once passes, I am not under any apprehensions of a repeal; but if danger of repeal does exist, it is of that kind against which we cannot guard. Sir, we should calculate on accepting the bill as it now stands; we ought not to risk it by making any amendment. We have it now in our power to procure a Southern position. The opportunity may not again speedily present itself. We know the various and jealous interests that exist on this subject. We should hazard nothing. If the Potomac is struck out, are you sure of getting Baltimore? May no other place be proposed? Instead of Baltimore, is it not probable we may have Susquehanna inserted, perhaps the Delaware? Make any amendment, sir, and the bill will go back to the Senate. Are we sure that it will come back into our possession again? By amending, we give up a certainty for an uncertainty. In my opinion, we shall act wisely, if we accept the bill as it now stands, and I beg leave to press it on gentlemen not to consent to any alteration, lest it be wholly defeated and the prospect of obtaining a Southern position vanish for ever.1

[1 ]See vol. v., p. 339 and 340, n. Madison’s motion introduced this day was:

“That from and after the — day of — next the tonnage on all such vessels be raised to —; and from and after the — day of — next no such vessel shall be permitted to export from the United States any unmanufactured article being the growth and produce thereof.”

This having been disagreed to he offered June 30th the following:

“And be it further enacted, That in all cases where vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States may be prohibited from bringing any articles from any foreign port or place, by laws or regulations of the sovereign thereof, into any port or place within the United States, the vessels belonging wholly or in part to the subjects of such sovereign shall, after the — day of — during the continuance of such prohibition, be prohibited from bringing like articles into the United States, on pain of being seized and forfeited to their use. And the masters or owners of all foreign vessels clearing from any port of the United States, with any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture thereof, shall give bond, with sufficient security, that no part of the said articles shall be delivered at any port or place to which vessels belonging to citizens of the United States may not be permitted to transport like articles from the United States.

“And be it further enacted, That in all cases where vessels belonging to citizens of the United States may be prohibited by the laws or regulations of that foreign country from carrying thereto articles not the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States, the vessels belonging wholly or in part to the subjects, citizens, or inhabitants of such country shall, after the — day of — and during the continuance of such prohibition, be prohibited in like manner from bringing any articles not the growth, produce, or manufacture of such country into the United States, on pain of being seized and forfeited to their use.”

The only Act of much consequence which the present Session has yet produced, is one for enumerating the Inhabitants as the basis of a reapportionment of the Representation. The House of Reps has been chiefly employed of late on the Report of the Secy of the Treasury. As it has been printed in all the Newspapers I take for granted that it must have fallen under your eye. The plan which it proposes is in general well digested, and illustrated & supported by very able reasoning. It has not however met with universal concurrence in every part. I have myself been of the number who could not suppress objections. I have not been able to persuade myself that the transactions between the U. S. and those whose services were most instrumental in saving their country, did in fact extinguish the claims of the latter on the justice of the former; or that there must not be something radically wrong in suffering those who rendered a bona fide consideration to lose ⅞ of their dues, and those who have no particular merit towards their country to gain 7 or 8 times as much as they advanced. In pursuance of this view of the subject, a proposition was made for redressing in some degree, the inequality. After much discussion, a large majority was in the negative. The subject at present before a Committee of the whole, is the proposed assumption of the State debts. On this, Opinions seem to be pretty equally divided. Virga is endeavoring to incorporate with the measure some effectual provision for a final settlement and payment of balances among the States. Even with this ingredient, the project will neither be just nor palatable, if the assumption be referred to the present epoch, and by that means deprives the States who have done most, of the benefit of their exertions. We have accordingly made an effort, but without success to refer the assumption to the state of the debts at the close of the war. This would probably add ⅕ more to the amount of the Debts, but would more than compensate for this by rendering the measure more just & satisfactory. A simple unqualified assumption of the existing debts would bear peculiarly hard on Virginia. She has paid I believe a greater part of her quotas since the peace than Massts. She suffered far more during the war. It is agreed that she will not be less a Creditor on the final settlement, yet if such an assumption were to take place she would pay towards the discharge of the debts, in the proportion of ⅕ and receive back to her Creditor Citizens or ⅛, whilst Massts would pay not more than or ⅛, and receive back not less than ⅕. The case of S Carola is a still stronger contrast. In answer to this inequality we are referred to the final liquidation for which provision may be made. But this may possibly never take place. It will probably be at some distance. The payment of the balances among the States will be a fresh source of delay & difficulties. The merits of the plan independently of the question of equity, are also controvertible, tho’ on the other side there are advantages which have considerable weight.

We have no late information from Europe more than what the Newspapers contain. France seems likely to carry thro’ the great work in which she has been laboring. The Austrian Netherlands have caught the flame, and with arms in their hands have renounced the Government of the Emperor forever. Even the lethargy of Spain begins to awake at the voice of liberty which is summoning her neighbors to its standard. All Europe must by degrees be aroused to the recollection and assertion of the rights of human nature. Your good will to mankind will be gratified with this prospect, and your pleasure as an American be enhanced by the reflection that the light which is chasing darkness & despotism from the old World, is but an emanation from that which has procured and succeeded the establishment of liberty in the new.—Mad. MSS.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

I have recd the few lines you dropped me from Baltimore, and daily expect those promised from Fredg. I am made somewhat anxious on the latter point, by the indisposition under which you were travelling.

The question depending at your departure was negatived by a very large majority, though less than stated in the Newspapers. The causes of this disproportion which exceeds greatly the estimate you carried with you cannot be altogether explained. Some of them you will conjecture. Others, I reserve for conversation if the subject should ever enter into it. As far as I have heard, the prevailing sense of the people at large does not coincide with the decision, and that delay and other means might have produced a very different result.

The assumption of the State debts has of late employed most the H. of Reps. A majority of 5 agreed to the measure in Come of the Whole. But it is yet to pass many defiles, and its enemies will soon be reinforced by N. Carolina. The event is consequently very doubtful. It could not be admissible to Virga unless subservient to final justice, or so varied as to be more consistent with intermediate justice. In neither of these respects has Va been satisfied, and the whole delegation is agst the measure except Bland!!1

The substance of the Secretary’s arrangements of the Debts of the Union has been agreed to in Come of the Whole and will probably be agreed to by the House. The number of alterations have been reduced for the sake of greater simplicity, and a disposition appears at present, to shorten the duration of the Debt. According to the Report, the Debt wd subsist 40 or 50 years, which, considering intermediate probabilities, amounts to a perpetuity. Adieu

Mr. Jefferson is not arrived. He has notified his acceptance & is expected in a day or two.—Mad. MSS.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Your favor of the 10th came to hand yesterday. I feel much anxiety for the situation in which you found Mrs. Randolph; but it is somewhat alleviated by the hopes which you seem to indulge.The language of Richmond on the proposed discrumination does not surprise me. It is the natural language of the towns, and decides nothing. Censure I well knew would flow from those sources. Should it also flow from other sources, I shall not be the less convinced of the right of the measure, or the less satisfied with myself for having proposed it. The conduct of the Gentlemen in Amherst & Culpeper proves only that their personal animosity is unabated. Here it is a charge agst me that I sacrificed the federal to anti federal Sentiments. I am at a loss to divine the use that C [a] b [e] ll and S-t [even] can make of the circumstance.

The debates occasioned by the Quakers have not yet expired.2 The stile of them has been as shamefully indecent as the matter was evidently misjudged. The true policy of the Southn members was to have let the affair proceed with as little noise as possible, and to have made use of the occasion to obtain along with an assertion of the powers of Congs. a recognition of the restraints imposed by the Constitution.

The State debts have been suspended by the preceding business more than a Week. They lose ground daily, & the assumption will I think ultimately be defeated. Besides a host of objections agst the propriety of the measure in its present form, its practicability becomes less & less evident. The case of the paper money in Georgia S. C., N. C., &c to R. Isld, is a most serious difficulty. It is a part of the debts of those States, and comes in part within the principle of the assumption.

A packet arrived a few days ago but threw little light on the affairs of Europe. Those of France do not recede but their advance does not keep pace with the wishes of liberty. Remember me to Mr. M— & his land lady.

Yrs Affly

Mr. Jefferson is not yet here. The bad roads have retarded him. We expect him today or tomorrow. I am this instant told he is come.—Mad. MSS.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

You will see by the papers herewith covered that the proposed assumption of the State debts continues to employ the deliberations of the House of Reps. The question seems now to be near its decision, and unfortunately, tho’ so momentous a one, is likely to turn on a very small majority, possibly on a single vote. The measure is not only liable to many objections of a general cast, but in its present form is particularly unfriendly to the interests of Virginia. In this light it is viewed by all her representatives except Col: Bland.

The American Revolution with its foreign and future consequences, is a subject of such magnitude that every circumstance connected with it, more especially every one leading to it, is already and will be more and more a matter of investigation. In this view I consider the proceedings in Virginia during the crisis of the Stamp-Act as worthy of particular remembrance, and a communication of them as a sort of debt due from her cotemporary citizens to their successors. As I know of no memory on which my curiosity could draw for more correct or more judicious information, you must forgive this resort to yours. Were I to consult nothing but my curiosity, my enquiries would not be very limited. But as I could not indulge that motive fully, without abusing the right I have assumed, my request goes no farther than that you will, as leisure & recollection may permit, briefly note on paper—by whom & how the subject commenced in the Assembly, where the resolutions proposed by Mr. Henry really originated; what was the sum of the arguments for and against them, and who were the principal speakers on each side; with any little anecdotes throwing light on the transaction, on the characters concerned in it, or on the temper of the Colony at the time.1

Begging pardon again for the tax I am laying on your benevolence, I remain Dear Sir

Your most affecte & hble Servt.—Mad. MSS.

TO HENRY LEE.

Your favor of the 4th ult by Col Lee was received from his hands on Sunday last. I have since recd that of the 3d Instant. The antecedent one from Alexandria, though long on the way, was recd. some time before. In all these, I discover strong marks of the dissatisfaction with which you behold our public prospects. Though in several respects they do not comport with my wishes, yet I cannot feel all the despondency which you seem to give way to. I do not mean that I entertain much hope of the Potomac; that seems pretty much out of sight; but that other measures in view, however improper, will be less fatal than you imagine.2The plan of discrimination has met with the reception in Virginia on which I calculated. The towns would for obvious reasons disrelish it, and for a time they always set public opinion. The country in this region of America, in general, if I am not misinformed, has not been in unison with the cities, nor has any of the latter except this, been unanimous against the measure. Here the sentiment was in its full vigor, and produced every exertion that could influence the result.

I think with you that the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury is faulty in many respects; it departs particularly from that simplicity which ought to be preserved in finance, more than anything else. The novelty and difficulty of the Task he had to execute form no small apology for his errors, and I am in hopes that in some instances they will be diminished, if not remedied.

The proposed assumption of the State debts has undergone repeated discussions, and contradictory decisions. The last vote was taken yesterday in a Committee of the whole and passed in the negative 31 vs. 29. The minority do not abandon however their object, and tis impossible to foretell the final destiny of the measure. It has some good aspects, and under some modifications would be favorable to the pecuniary interests of Virginia, and not inconsistent with the general principle of justice. In any attainable form it would have neither of these recommendations, and is moreover liable to strong objections of a general nature. It would certainly be wrong to force an affirmative decision on so important and controvertible a point by a bare majority, yet I have little hope of forbearance from that scruple. Mass & S. Carolina with their allies of Connecticut & N. York are too zealous to be arrested in their project, unless by the force of an adverse majority.

I have recd your reflections on the subject of a public debt with pleasure; in general they are in my opinion just and important. Perhaps it is not possible to shun some of the evils you point out, without abandoning too much the re-establishment of public credit. But as far as this object will permit I go on the principle that a Public Debt is a Public curse, and in a Rep Govt a greater than in any other.

I have mentioned Mr Lee1 to Mr Jefferson who tells me that he found every place preoccupied, and that he has not thought proper to make changes where no special reasons existed; various applications have been made previous to that in behalf of your friend, several had passed through my hands, some of them from Virginia.

I never heard of the report you mention of the Vice Presdt. It is but justice to say that I cannot believe it to have originated in fact.

I lament with you the inability which impedes arrangements at the Great Falls, which would be of benefit in a Public as well as private view. The prospect of aid in this quarter does not strike me as it seems to do you. Money is destined to other projects at this juncture. Besides I am on no peculiar footing, that could favor an experiment, and could never make it less auspiciously than at present. It gives me much concern that it is not more in my power to forward our object.

Present me most respectfully to Mrs Lee & believe me

Affly yrs.

—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MONROE.

An answer to your favor of the 5th has been delayed by my hourly expectation of hearing from Taylor. A few days ago he came to Town and I have had an interview and settlement with him. The balance with the interest at 7 per Ct. was 864 dollars. He has not however executed the conveyance for want of some chart which he could not get here, but has entered into bond to do so by August, with good security. As far as I can learn our bargain is a good one. Land in the vicinity has sold in small parcells at more than 20/. I am told. The present moment however it is said is not favorable to the market. By waiting I think it probable it may be sold to your profit or If you continue to be anxious to get rid of it immediately, I have no objection to taking the whole on myself. Before you decide I would recommend that you consult by letter some of your friends here who can judge better than I can do, and who have more leisure & opportunity for making the requisite enquiry into the prospect. Should you chuse to make me the sole proprietor, it will be most convenient that the deed be executed from Taylor to me. In that event also, I beg you to let me know the state in which the accts. between us was left, by your former advances for me, and my settlemts for your furniture &c.1 My papers on this subject are either not here or so concealed among others that I cannot find them.

The House of Representatives are still at the threshold of the Revenue business. The Assumption of the State debts is the great obstacle. A few days ago it was reconsidered & rejected by 31 agst 29. The measure is not however abandoned. It will be tried in every possible shape by the zeal of its patrons. The Eastern members talk a strange language on the subject. They avow, some of them at least, a determination to oppose all provision for the public debt which does not include this, and intimate danger to the Union from a refusal to Assume. We shall risk their prophetic menaces if we should continue to have a majority.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MADISON.

I wrote some days ago to my brother Ambrose since which little has taken place worth adding. The inclosed newspapers contain a sketch of what has been done in the House of Reps.I mentioned to my brother that I thought it better to ship or postpone the sale of Tobo than to sell at the present price in the Country. I am more & more convinced that this will be prudent. The price has risen considerably in Europe, and from causes that will be more likely to carry it still higher than let it fall lower. As long indeed as grain keeps up which the state of Europe makes it probable will be for some time, the culture of that article in America, particularly Virginia will divert labor from others, and from Tobo among the rest. This alone will prevent a low price, by circumscribing the quantity raised.

The influenza or something like it but less severe has revisited this quarter of the Union. I have had an attack which has kept me at home for several days. I am now pretty well over it, and shall resume my seat in the House tomorrow, or at least shall be able to do it. If no business of consequence should press, perhaps I may indulge myself with two or three holidays for the sake of exercise & recreation. Remind my brother A. to send me a copy of the weather &c. from your diary for the months of Feby. March & April, including the heat & cold noted by the Thermometer. When May is over he can send me that also.

Tell Mr. G. Eve that I have heard of a sett of Gill’s Commentory. The Price of the Old Testament is £8. of the new £9. Pensylva curry My brother Ambr. last letter gave me great pleasure by acquainting me that my mothers health was increasing. I hope it continues to do so.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MONROE.

Your favor of the 19th of May has been duly received. The information relating to your little daughter has been communicated as you desired. I hope she is by this time entirely recovered. Your friends in Broadway were well two evenings ago.

I have paid the money to Taylor, and hope you will take the time you intimate for replacing my advances on your account.

The assumption has been revived and is still depending. I do not believe it will take place, but the event may possibly be governed by circumstances not at present fully in view. The funding bill for the proper debt of the U. S. is engrossed for the last reading. It conforms in substance to the plan of the Secretary of the Treasy. You will have seen by late papers that an experiment for navigation and commercial purposes has been introduced. It has powerful friends, and from the present aspect of the H. of Reps will suceed there by a great majority. In the Senate its success is not improbable if I am rightly informed. You will see by the inclosed paper that a removal from this place has been voted by a large majority of our House. The other is pretty nearly balanced. The Senators of the 3 Southern States are disposed to couple the permanent with the temporary question. If they do I think it will end in either an abortion of both or in a decision of the former in favour of the Delaware. I have good reason to believe that there is no serious purpose in the Northern States to prefer the Potowmac, and that if supplied with a pretext for a very hasty decision, they will indulge their secret wishes for a permanent establishment on the Delaware. As R. I. is again in the Union & will probably be in the Senate in a day or two, The Potowmac has the less to hope & the more to fear from this quarter. Our friend Col: Bland was a victim this morning to the influenza united with the effects & remains of previous indisposition. His mind was not right for several days before he died. The President has been at the point of death but is recovered. Mr Jefferson has had a tedious spell of the head-ache. It has not latterly been very severe, but is still not absolutely removed. My best respects to Mrs Monroe. With sincere regard I am Dear Sir.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MADISON.

My last was to my brother A. and acknowledged the receipt of the Diary. I inclose one for the month of April which you can compare with your own for the same month. I enclose also a few grains of upland rice, brought from Timor by Capt. Bligh lately distinguished by an adventure which you must have seen in the newspapers. He was returning from a voyage of discovery in the South seas, and turned out of his ship with a few others by a mutinous crew in a long boat which continued more than 40 days at sea.1 A little rice of which the enclosed is a part was all that he saved out of a fine collection. It will be best to give the grains their first vegetation in a flower pot of rich earth, and then shift the contents of the pot into the ground so as not to disturb the roots. A few of the grains may be tried at once in the garden in a strong soil.You will see by the inclosed newspapers that the seat of Govt. has been again on the carpet. After a variety of questions which the state of the votes as you will at once remark do not truly explain, a very unexpected result has happened in favor of Baltimore. It is possible that a like fortuitous one may take place in the Senate, but it does not appear probable. It is much to be apprehended that the final event will not square with the pretensions of the Potowmac, tho’ in the chances to which this question is liable, it may possibly turn out otherwise.—I am anxious to hear the progress of my brothers health, and that of my sister Nelly. I hope yours continues good. Mine has been reestablished for some time.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MONROE.1

You will find in the inclosed papers some account of the proceedings on the question relating to the seat of Government. The Senate have hung up the vote for Baltimore, which, as you may suppose, could not have been seriously meant by many who joined in it. It is not improbable that the permanent seat may be coupled with the temporary one. The Potowmac stands a bad chance, and yet it is not impossible that in the vicissitudes of the business it may turn up in some form or other.

The assumption still hangs over us. The negative of the measure has benumbed the whole revenue business. I suspect that it will yet be unavoidable to admit the evil in some qualified shape. The funding bill is before the Senate, who are making very free with the plan of the Secretary. A committee of that body have reported that the alternatives be struck out, the interest reduced absolutely to 4 per cent., and, as I am informed, the indents be not included in the provision for the principal.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

The pressure of business as the session approaches its term, the earlier hour at which the House of Representatives has for some time met, and the necessity of devoting a part of the interval to exercise, after so long a confinement, have obliged me to deny myself the pleasure of communicating regularly with my friends. I regret much that this violation of my wishes has unavoidably extended itself to the correspondences on which I set the greatest value, and which, I need not add, include yours. The regret is the greater, as I fear it will not be in my power to atone for past omissions by more punctuality during the residue of the session. In your goodness alone I must consequently look for my title to indulgence.

The funding and Revenue systems are reduced by the discord of opinions into a very critical state. Out of this extremity, however, some effective provision must, I think, still emerge. The affair of the State debts has been the great source of delay and embarrassment, and, from the zeal and perseverance of its patrons, threatens a very unhappy issue to the session, unless some scheme of accommodation should be devised. The business of the seat of Government is become a labyrinth, for which the votes printed furnish no clue, and which it is impossible in a letter to explain to you. We are endeavoring to keep the pretensions of the Potowmac in view, and to give to all the circumstances that occur a turn favorable to it. If any arrangement should be made that will answer our wishes, it will be the effect of a coincidence of causes as fortuitous as it will be propitious. You will see by the papers inclosed that Great Britain is itching for war. I do not see how one can be avoided, unless Spain should be frightened into concessions. The consequences of such an event must have an important relation to the affairs of the United States. I had not the pleasure of seeing Col. Hoomes during his momentary stay in New York, but had that of hearing that he gave a very favorable account of your health.

The only Act of much consequence which the present Session has yet produced, is one for enumerating the Inhabitants as the basis of a reapportionment of the Representation. The House of Reps has been chiefly employed of late on the Report of the Secy of the Treasury. As it has been printed in all the Newspapers I take for granted that it must have fallen under your eye. The plan which it proposes is in general well digested, and illustrated & supported by very able reasoning. It has not however met with universal concurrence in every part. I have myself been of the number who could not suppress objections. I have not been able to persuade myself that the transactions between the U. S. and those whose services were most instrumental in saving their country, did in fact extinguish the claims of the latter on the justice of the former; or that there must not be something radically wrong in suffering those who rendered a bona fide consideration to lose ⅞ of their dues, and those who have no particular merit towards their country to gain 7 or 8 times as much as they advanced. In pursuance of this view of the subject, a proposition was made for redressing in some degree, the inequality. After much discussion, a large majority was in the negative. The subject at present before a Committee of the whole, is the proposed assumption of the State debts. On this, Opinions seem to be pretty equally divided. Virga is endeavoring to incorporate with the measure some effectual provision for a final settlement and payment of balances among the States. Even with this ingredient, the project will neither be just nor palatable, if the assumption be referred to the present epoch, and by that means deprives the States who have done most, of the benefit of their exertions. We have accordingly made an effort, but without success to refer the assumption to the state of the debts at the close of the war. This would probably add ⅕ more to the amount of the Debts, but would more than compensate for this by rendering the measure more just & satisfactory. A simple unqualified assumption of the existing debts would bear peculiarly hard on Virginia. She has paid I believe a greater part of her quotas since the peace than Massts. She suffered far more during the war. It is agreed that she will not be less a Creditor on the final settlement, yet if such an assumption were to take place she would pay towards the discharge of the debts, in the proportion of ⅕ and receive back to her Creditor Citizens or ⅛, whilst Massts would pay not more than or ⅛, and receive back not less than ⅕. The case of S Carola is a still stronger contrast. In answer to this inequality we are referred to the final liquidation for which provision may be made. But this may possibly never take place. It will probably be at some distance. The payment of the balances among the States will be a fresh source of delay & difficulties. The merits of the plan independently of the question of equity, are also controvertible, tho’ on the other side there are advantages which have considerable weight.

We have no late information from Europe more than what the Newspapers contain. France seems likely to carry thro’ the great work in which she has been laboring. The Austrian Netherlands have caught the flame, and with arms in their hands have renounced the Government of the Emperor forever. Even the lethargy of Spain begins to awake at the voice of liberty which is summoning her neighbors to its standard. All Europe must by degrees be aroused to the recollection and assertion of the rights of human nature. Your good will to mankind will be gratified with this prospect, and your pleasure as an American be enhanced by the reflection that the light which is chasing darkness & despotism from the old World, is but an emanation from that which has procured and succeeded the establishment of liberty in the new.—Mad. MSS.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

I have recd the few lines you dropped me from Baltimore, and daily expect those promised from Fredg. I am made somewhat anxious on the latter point, by the indisposition under which you were travelling.

The question depending at your departure was negatived by a very large majority, though less than stated in the Newspapers. The causes of this disproportion which exceeds greatly the estimate you carried with you cannot be altogether explained. Some of them you will conjecture. Others, I reserve for conversation if the subject should ever enter into it. As far as I have heard, the prevailing sense of the people at large does not coincide with the decision, and that delay and other means might have produced a very different result.

The assumption of the State debts has of late employed most the H. of Reps. A majority of 5 agreed to the measure in Come of the Whole. But it is yet to pass many defiles, and its enemies will soon be reinforced by N. Carolina. The event is consequently very doubtful. It could not be admissible to Virga unless subservient to final justice, or so varied as to be more consistent with intermediate justice. In neither of these respects has Va been satisfied, and the whole delegation is agst the measure except Bland!!1

The substance of the Secretary’s arrangements of the Debts of the Union has been agreed to in Come of the Whole and will probably be agreed to by the House. The number of alterations have been reduced for the sake of greater simplicity, and a disposition appears at present, to shorten the duration of the Debt. According to the Report, the Debt wd subsist 40 or 50 years, which, considering intermediate probabilities, amounts to a perpetuity. Adieu

Mr. Jefferson is not arrived. He has notified his acceptance & is expected in a day or two.—Mad. MSS.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Your favor of the 10th came to hand yesterday. I feel much anxiety for the situation in which you found Mrs. Randolph; but it is somewhat alleviated by the hopes which you seem to indulge.The language of Richmond on the proposed discrumination does not surprise me. It is the natural language of the towns, and decides nothing. Censure I well knew would flow from those sources. Should it also flow from other sources, I shall not be the less convinced of the right of the measure, or the less satisfied with myself for having proposed it. The conduct of the Gentlemen in Amherst & Culpeper proves only that their personal animosity is unabated. Here it is a charge agst me that I sacrificed the federal to anti federal Sentiments. I am at a loss to divine the use that C [a] b [e] ll and S-t [even] can make of the circumstance.

The debates occasioned by the Quakers have not yet expired.2 The stile of them has been as shamefully indecent as the matter was evidently misjudged. The true policy of the Southn members was to have let the affair proceed with as little noise as possible, and to have made use of the occasion to obtain along with an assertion of the powers of Congs. a recognition of the restraints imposed by the Constitution.

The State debts have been suspended by the preceding business more than a Week. They lose ground daily, & the assumption will I think ultimately be defeated. Besides a host of objections agst the propriety of the measure in its present form, its practicability becomes less & less evident. The case of the paper money in Georgia S. C., N. C., &c to R. Isld, is a most serious difficulty. It is a part of the debts of those States, and comes in part within the principle of the assumption.

A packet arrived a few days ago but threw little light on the affairs of Europe. Those of France do not recede but their advance does not keep pace with the wishes of liberty. Remember me to Mr. M— & his land lady.

Yrs Affly

Mr. Jefferson is not yet here. The bad roads have retarded him. We expect him today or tomorrow. I am this instant told he is come.—Mad. MSS.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

You will see by the papers herewith covered that the proposed assumption of the State debts continues to employ the deliberations of the House of Reps. The question seems now to be near its decision, and unfortunately, tho’ so momentous a one, is likely to turn on a very small majority, possibly on a single vote. The measure is not only liable to many objections of a general cast, but in its present form is particularly unfriendly to the interests of Virginia. In this light it is viewed by all her representatives except Col: Bland.

The American Revolution with its foreign and future consequences, is a subject of such magnitude that every circumstance connected with it, more especially every one leading to it, is already and will be more and more a matter of investigation. In this view I consider the proceedings in Virginia during the crisis of the Stamp-Act as worthy of particular remembrance, and a communication of them as a sort of debt due from her cotemporary citizens to their successors. As I know of no memory on which my curiosity could draw for more correct or more judicious information, you must forgive this resort to yours. Were I to consult nothing but my curiosity, my enquiries would not be very limited. But as I could not indulge that motive fully, without abusing the right I have assumed, my request goes no farther than that you will, as leisure & recollection may permit, briefly note on paper—by whom & how the subject commenced in the Assembly, where the resolutions proposed by Mr. Henry really originated; what was the sum of the arguments for and against them, and who were the principal speakers on each side; with any little anecdotes throwing light on the transaction, on the characters concerned in it, or on the temper of the Colony at the time.1

Begging pardon again for the tax I am laying on your benevolence, I remain Dear Sir

Your most affecte & hble Servt.—Mad. MSS.

TO HENRY LEE.

Your favor of the 4th ult by Col Lee was received from his hands on Sunday last. I have since recd that of the 3d Instant. The antecedent one from Alexandria, though long on the way, was recd. some time before. In all these, I discover strong marks of the dissatisfaction with which you behold our public prospects. Though in several respects they do not comport with my wishes, yet I cannot feel all the despondency which you seem to give way to. I do not mean that I entertain much hope of the Potomac; that seems pretty much out of sight; but that other measures in view, however improper, will be less fatal than you imagine.2The plan of discrimination has met with the reception in Virginia on which I calculated. The towns would for obvious reasons disrelish it, and for a time they always set public opinion. The country in this region of America, in general, if I am not misinformed, has not been in unison with the cities, nor has any of the latter except this, been unanimous against the measure. Here the sentiment was in its full vigor, and produced every exertion that could influence the result.

I think with you that the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury is faulty in many respects; it departs particularly from that simplicity which ought to be preserved in finance, more than anything else. The novelty and difficulty of the Task he had to execute form no small apology for his errors, and I am in hopes that in some instances they will be diminished, if not remedied.

The proposed assumption of the State debts has undergone repeated discussions, and contradictory decisions. The last vote was taken yesterday in a Committee of the whole and passed in the negative 31 vs. 29. The minority do not abandon however their object, and tis impossible to foretell the final destiny of the measure. It has some good aspects, and under some modifications would be favorable to the pecuniary interests of Virginia, and not inconsistent with the general principle of justice. In any attainable form it would have neither of these recommendations, and is moreover liable to strong objections of a general nature. It would certainly be wrong to force an affirmative decision on so important and controvertible a point by a bare majority, yet I have little hope of forbearance from that scruple. Mass & S. Carolina with their allies of Connecticut & N. York are too zealous to be arrested in their project, unless by the force of an adverse majority.

I have recd your reflections on the subject of a public debt with pleasure; in general they are in my opinion just and important. Perhaps it is not possible to shun some of the evils you point out, without abandoning too much the re-establishment of public credit. But as far as this object will permit I go on the principle that a Public Debt is a Public curse, and in a Rep Govt a greater than in any other.

I have mentioned Mr Lee1 to Mr Jefferson who tells me that he found every place preoccupied, and that he has not thought proper to make changes where no special reasons existed; various applications have been made previous to that in behalf of your friend, several had passed through my hands, some of them from Virginia.

I never heard of the report you mention of the Vice Presdt. It is but justice to say that I cannot believe it to have originated in fact.

I lament with you the inability which impedes arrangements at the Great Falls, which would be of benefit in a Public as well as private view. The prospect of aid in this quarter does not strike me as it seems to do you. Money is destined to other projects at this juncture. Besides I am on no peculiar footing, that could favor an experiment, and could never make it less auspiciously than at present. It gives me much concern that it is not more in my power to forward our object.

Present me most respectfully to Mrs Lee & believe me

Affly yrs.

—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MONROE.

An answer to your favor of the 5th has been delayed by my hourly expectation of hearing from Taylor. A few days ago he came to Town and I have had an interview and settlement with him. The balance with the interest at 7 per Ct. was 864 dollars. He has not however executed the conveyance for want of some chart which he could not get here, but has entered into bond to do so by August, with good security. As far as I can learn our bargain is a good one. Land in the vicinity has sold in small parcells at more than 20/. I am told. The present moment however it is said is not favorable to the market. By waiting I think it probable it may be sold to your profit or If you continue to be anxious to get rid of it immediately, I have no objection to taking the whole on myself. Before you decide I would recommend that you consult by letter some of your friends here who can judge better than I can do, and who have more leisure & opportunity for making the requisite enquiry into the prospect. Should you chuse to make me the sole proprietor, it will be most convenient that the deed be executed from Taylor to me. In that event also, I beg you to let me know the state in which the accts. between us was left, by your former advances for me, and my settlemts for your furniture &c.1 My papers on this subject are either not here or so concealed among others that I cannot find them.

The House of Representatives are still at the threshold of the Revenue business. The Assumption of the State debts is the great obstacle. A few days ago it was reconsidered & rejected by 31 agst 29. The measure is not however abandoned. It will be tried in every possible shape by the zeal of its patrons. The Eastern members talk a strange language on the subject. They avow, some of them at least, a determination to oppose all provision for the public debt which does not include this, and intimate danger to the Union from a refusal to Assume. We shall risk their prophetic menaces if we should continue to have a majority.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MADISON.

I wrote some days ago to my brother Ambrose since which little has taken place worth adding. The inclosed newspapers contain a sketch of what has been done in the House of Reps.I mentioned to my brother that I thought it better to ship or postpone the sale of Tobo than to sell at the present price in the Country. I am more & more convinced that this will be prudent. The price has risen considerably in Europe, and from causes that will be more likely to carry it still higher than let it fall lower. As long indeed as grain keeps up which the state of Europe makes it probable will be for some time, the culture of that article in America, particularly Virginia will divert labor from others, and from Tobo among the rest. This alone will prevent a low price, by circumscribing the quantity raised.

The influenza or something like it but less severe has revisited this quarter of the Union. I have had an attack which has kept me at home for several days. I am now pretty well over it, and shall resume my seat in the House tomorrow, or at least shall be able to do it. If no business of consequence should press, perhaps I may indulge myself with two or three holidays for the sake of exercise & recreation. Remind my brother A. to send me a copy of the weather &c. from your diary for the months of Feby. March & April, including the heat & cold noted by the Thermometer. When May is over he can send me that also.

Tell Mr. G. Eve that I have heard of a sett of Gill’s Commentory. The Price of the Old Testament is £8. of the new £9. Pensylva curry My brother Ambr. last letter gave me great pleasure by acquainting me that my mothers health was increasing. I hope it continues to do so.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MONROE.

Your favor of the 19th of May has been duly received. The information relating to your little daughter has been communicated as you desired. I hope she is by this time entirely recovered. Your friends in Broadway were well two evenings ago.

I have paid the money to Taylor, and hope you will take the time you intimate for replacing my advances on your account.

The assumption has been revived and is still depending. I do not believe it will take place, but the event may possibly be governed by circumstances not at present fully in view. The funding bill for the proper debt of the U. S. is engrossed for the last reading. It conforms in substance to the plan of the Secretary of the Treasy. You will have seen by late papers that an experiment for navigation and commercial purposes has been introduced. It has powerful friends, and from the present aspect of the H. of Reps will suceed there by a great majority. In the Senate its success is not improbable if I am rightly informed. You will see by the inclosed paper that a removal from this place has been voted by a large majority of our House. The other is pretty nearly balanced. The Senators of the 3 Southern States are disposed to couple the permanent with the temporary question. If they do I think it will end in either an abortion of both or in a decision of the former in favour of the Delaware. I have good reason to believe that there is no serious purpose in the Northern States to prefer the Potowmac, and that if supplied with a pretext for a very hasty decision, they will indulge their secret wishes for a permanent establishment on the Delaware. As R. I. is again in the Union & will probably be in the Senate in a day or two, The Potowmac has the less to hope & the more to fear from this quarter. Our friend Col: Bland was a victim this morning to the influenza united with the effects & remains of previous indisposition. His mind was not right for several days before he died. The President has been at the point of death but is recovered. Mr Jefferson has had a tedious spell of the head-ache. It has not latterly been very severe, but is still not absolutely removed. My best respects to Mrs Monroe. With sincere regard I am Dear Sir.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MADISON.

My last was to my brother A. and acknowledged the receipt of the Diary. I inclose one for the month of April which you can compare with your own for the same month. I enclose also a few grains of upland rice, brought from Timor by Capt. Bligh lately distinguished by an adventure which you must have seen in the newspapers. He was returning from a voyage of discovery in the South seas, and turned out of his ship with a few others by a mutinous crew in a long boat which continued more than 40 days at sea.1 A little rice of which the enclosed is a part was all that he saved out of a fine collection. It will be best to give the grains their first vegetation in a flower pot of rich earth, and then shift the contents of the pot into the ground so as not to disturb the roots. A few of the grains may be tried at once in the garden in a strong soil.You will see by the inclosed newspapers that the seat of Govt. has been again on the carpet. After a variety of questions which the state of the votes as you will at once remark do not truly explain, a very unexpected result has happened in favor of Baltimore. It is possible that a like fortuitous one may take place in the Senate, but it does not appear probable. It is much to be apprehended that the final event will not square with the pretensions of the Potowmac, tho’ in the chances to which this question is liable, it may possibly turn out otherwise.—I am anxious to hear the progress of my brothers health, and that of my sister Nelly. I hope yours continues good. Mine has been reestablished for some time.—Mad. MSS.

TO JAMES MONROE.1

You will find in the inclosed papers some account of the proceedings on the question relating to the seat of Government. The Senate have hung up the vote for Baltimore, which, as you may suppose, could not have been seriously meant by many who joined in it. It is not improbable that the permanent seat may be coupled with the temporary one. The Potowmac stands a bad chance, and yet it is not impossible that in the vicissitudes of the business it may turn up in some form or other.

The assumption still hangs over us. The negative of the measure has benumbed the whole revenue business. I suspect that it will yet be unavoidable to admit the evil in some qualified shape. The funding bill is before the Senate, who are making very free with the plan of the Secretary. A committee of that body have reported that the alternatives be struck out, the interest reduced absolutely to 4 per cent., and, as I am informed, the indents be not included in the provision for the principal.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

The pressure of business as the session approaches its term, the earlier hour at which the House of Representatives has for some time met, and the necessity of devoting a part of the interval to exercise, after so long a confinement, have obliged me to deny myself the pleasure of communicating regularly with my friends. I regret much that this violation of my wishes has unavoidably extended itself to the correspondences on which I set the greatest value, and which, I need not add, include yours. The regret is the greater, as I fear it will not be in my power to atone for past omissions by more punctuality during the residue of the session. In your goodness alone I must consequently look for my title to indulgence.

The funding and Revenue systems are reduced by the discord of opinions into a very critical state. Out of this extremity, however, some effective provision must, I think, still emerge. The affair of the State debts has been the great source of delay and embarrassment, and, from the zeal and perseverance of its patrons, threatens a very unhappy issue to the session, unless some scheme of accommodation should be devised. The business of the seat of Government is become a labyrinth, for which the votes printed furnish no clue, and which it is impossible in a letter to explain to you. We are endeavoring to keep the pretensions of the Potowmac in view, and to give to all the circumstances that occur a turn favorable to it. If any arrangement should be made that will answer our wishes, it will be the effect of a coincidence of causes as fortuitous as it will be propitious. You will see by the papers inclosed that Great Britain is itching for war. I do not see how one can be avoided, unless Spain should be frightened into concessions. The consequences of such an event must have an important relation to the affairs of the United States. I had not the pleasure of seeing Col. Hoomes during his momentary stay in New York, but had that of hearing that he gave a very favorable account of your health.

[1 ]Bland who had been an opponent of the adoption of the constitution had changed his views. March 9, 1790, he wrote to Patrick Henry that having sworn to support the constitution he was voting for every measure of energy and consolidation; that government once assumed over so extensive a domain must fall into anarchy or be supported with vigor.—Henry’s Henry, III., 418. He died June 1, 1790.

[2 ]Petitions from the Society of Friends in New York and Philadelphia against the slave trade.

[1 ]May 2, 1790, Madison wrote to Pendleton acknowledging the receipt of the desired information. He had asked it supposing Pendleton was present at the time, which, he added, “I find was not the case.” He sent Pendleton’s letter to William Wirt when Wirt was preparing his Life of Patrick Henry, but Wirt never returned it. In the Life of Henry, p. 74 et seq. it appears that Pendleton was present when Henry’s resolutions were debated and spoke against them.

[2 ]Lee wrote April 3, 1790, from Berry Hill that all of Patrick Henry’s dark predictions were coming true—that he dreaded a dissolution of the union, but had rather submit to it than to “the rule of a fixed insolent northern majority.” Change of the seat of government to the territorial centre, direct taxation, and the abolition of “gambling systems of finance” might effect a change of sentiment.—Mad. MSS.

[1 ]Probably Charles Lee of the customs service in Alexandria.—Calendar of Applications and Recommendations for Office during the Presidency of George Washington (Hunt), 73.

[1 ]See Madison to Monroe, March 19, 1786, ante, II, 231.

[1 ]William Bligh, captain of the British ship Bounty. The mutiny occurred on a voyage to Jamaica. In 1805 he was governor of New South Wales and his authority was rebelled against.

[1 ]This and the next two letters are from the Works of Madison.

[1 ]The bill was passed by the House July 9th.

The Continental debt, as funded, is provided for by the impost alone, and a surplus of about a million of dollars, which will have accumulated prior to the first payment of interest, is allotted to the purpose of reducing, by buying up, the principal. The provision for the State debts assumed is to be the work of the next Session in December. It will be made, as far as can be inferred from the ideas now prevalent, under the influences of a strong zeal to avoid direct taxes. The Eastern States being even more averse to that mode of revenue than the Southern, and in my judgment, with much more reason

It was my purpose to have been within the district before the Election; but the length of the Session has disappointed me. By pushing directly on I might indeed now affect it. But it would be at the risk of my health, which is not at present very firm, and would be particularly exposed on a long & rapid journey at this season of the year. I shall consequently remain in this place for a few weeks presuming that the circumstance of my being present or absent will weigh little with my constituents in deciding whether they will again confide their interests to my representation—

With great respect & regard I am Sir Your mo. obedt hble St.

Js Madison Jr.

Be so good as not to let this fall into any hands from which it may find its way to the press.

A. Rose

G. Paine

T. Underwood

G. Thomson

W. C. Nicholas

G. Gilmer

of Louisa

Mann Page Esq.

Js. Pendleton Esq.—Mad. MSS.