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The Writings of James Madison, comprising his Public Papers and his Private Correspondence, including his numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed, ed. Gaillard Hunt (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1900). Vol. 1.

Author: James Madison
Editor: Gaillard Hunt

Part of: The Writings of James Madison, 9 vols.

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TO JAMES MADISON.mad. mss.

Philadelphia, Monday March 20^th., 1780.2

Hon^d Sir,—

The extreme badness of the roads and frequency of rains rendered my journey so slow that I did not reach this place till Saturday last. The only public intelligence I have to communicate is that the great and progressive depreciation of the paper currency had introduced such disorder and perplexity into public affairs for the present and threatened to load the United States with such an intolerable burden of debt, that Congress have thought it expedient to convert the 200,000,000 of Dollars now in circulation into a real debt of 5,000,000 by establishing the exchange at 40 for 1: and taxes for calling it in during the ensuing year, are to be payable at the option of the people in Specie or paper according to that difference. In order to carry on public measures in future money is to be emitted under the combined faith of Congress and the several States, secured on permanent and specific funds to be provided by the latter. This scheme was finally resolved on on Saturday last. It has not yet been printed but will be immediately. I shall transmit a copy to you by the first opportunity. The little time I have been here makes it impossible for me to enter into a particular delineation of it. It will probably create great perplexity and complaints in many private transactions. Congress have recommended to the States to repeal their tender laws, and to take measures for preventing injustice as much as possible. It is probable that in the case of loans to the public, the state of depreciation at the time they were made will be the rule of payment, but nothing is yet decided on that point. I expect to be more at leisure to write fully by next post.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Philadelphia, March 27, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Nothing under the title of news has occurred since I wrote last week by express, except that the enemy on the first of March remained in the neighbourhood of Charleston, in the same posture as when the preceding account came away. From the best intelligence from that quarter, there seems to be great encouragement to hope that Clinton’s operations will be again frustrated. Our great apprehensions at present flow from a very different quarter. Among the various conjunctures of alarm and distress which have arisen in the course of the Revolution, it is with pain I affirm to you, sir, that no one can be singled out more truly critical than the present. Our army threatened with an immediate alternative of disbanding or living on free quarter; the public treasury empty; public credit exhausted, nay the private credit of purchasing agents employed, I am told, as far as it will bear; Congress complaining of the extortion of the people; the people of the improvidence of Congress; and the army of both; our affairs requiring the most mature and systematic measures, and the urgency of occasions admitting only of temporizing expedients, and these expedients generating new difficulties; Congress recommending plans to the several States for execution, and the States separately rejudging the expediency of such plans, whereby the same distrust of concurrent exertions that has damped the ardor of patriotic individuals must produce the same effect among the States themselves; an old system of finance discarded as incompetent to our necessities, an untried and precarious one substituted, and a total stagnation in prospect between the end of the former and the operation of the latter. These are the outlines of the picture of our public situation. I leave it to your own imagination to fill them up. Believe me, sir, as things now stand, if the States do not vigorously proceed in collecting the old money, and establishing funds for the credit of the new, that we are undone; and let them be ever so expeditious in doing this, still the intermediate distress to our army, and hindrance to public affairs, are a subject of melancholy reflection. General Washington writes that a failure of bread has already commenced in the army; and that, for any thing he sees, it must unavoidably increase. Meat they have only for a short season; and as the whole dependence is on provisions now to be procured, without a shilling for the purpose, and without credit for a shilling, I look forward with the most pungent apprehensions. It will be attempted, I believe, to purchase a few supplies with loan-office certificates; but whether they will be received is perhaps far from being certain; and if received will certainly be a most expensive and ruinous expedient. It is not without some reluctance I trust this information to a conveyance by post, but I know of no better at present, and I conceive it to be absolutely necessary to be known to those who are most able and zealous to contribute to the public relief.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Philadelphia, May 6, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I am sorry that I can give you no other account of our public situation, than that it continues equally perplexed and alarming as when I lately gave you a sketch of it. Our army has as yet been kept from starving, and public measures from total stagnation, by draughts on the States for the unpaid requisitions. The great amount of these you may judge of from the share that has fallen to Virginia. The discharge of debts due from the purchasing departments has absorbed a great proportion of them, and very large demands still remain. As soon as the draughts amount to the whole of the monthly requisitions up to the end of March, they must cease, according to the new scheme of finance. We must then depend wholly on the emissions to be made in pursuance of that scheme, which can only be applied as the old emissions are collected and destroyed. Should this not be done as fast as the current expenditures require, or should the new emissions fall into a course of depreciation, both of which may but too justly be feared, a most melancholy crisis must take place. A punctual compliance on the part of the States with the specific supplies will indeed render much less money necessary than would otherwise be wanted; but experience by no means affords satisfactory encouragement that due and unanimous exertions will be made for that purpose,—not to mention that our distress is so pressing that it is uncertain whether any exertions of that kind can give relief in time. It occurs besides, that as, the ability of the people to comply with the pecuniary requisitions is derived from the sale of their commodities, a requisition of the latter must make the former proportionably more difficult and defective. Congress have the satisfaction, however, to be informed that the legislature of Connecticut have taken the most vigorous steps for supplying their quota both of money and commodities; and that a body of their principal merchants have associated for supporting the credit of the new paper, for which purpose they have, in a public address, pledged their faith to the assembly to sell their merchandize on the same terms as if they were to be paid in specie. A similar vigor throughout the Union may perhaps produce effects as far exceeding our present hopes, as they have heretofore fallen short of our wishes.

It is to be observed that the situation of Congress has undergone a total change from what it originally was. Whilst they exercised the indefinite power of emitting money on the credit of their constituents, they had the whole wealth and resources of the continent within their command, and could go on with their affairs independently and as they pleased. Since the resolution passed for shutting the press, this power has been entirely given up, and they are now as dependent on the States as the King of England is on the Parliament. They can neither enlist, pay nor feed a single soldier, nor execute any other purpose, but as the means are first put into their hands. Unless the legislatures are sufficiently attentive to this change of circumstances, and act in conformity to it, every thing must necessarily go wrong, or rather must come to a total stop. All that Congress can do in future will be to administer public affairs with prudence, vigor and economy. In order to do which they have sent a committee to Head-Quarters with ample powers, in concert with the Commander-in-Chief and the heads of the Departments, to reform the various abuses which prevail, and to make such arrangements as will best guard against a relapse into them.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Philadelphia, June 2, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

It appears from sundry accounts from the frontiers of New York and other Northern States, that the savages are making the most distressing incursions, under the direction of British agents, and that a considerable force is assembling at Montreal for the purpose of wresting from us Fort Schuyler, which covers the northwestern frontier of New York. It is probable the enemy will be but too successful this campaign in exciting their vindictive spirit against us, throughout the whole frontier of the United States. The expedition of General Sullivan against the Six Nations, seems by its effects rather to have exasperated than to have terrified or disabled them. And the example of those nations will add great weight to the exhortations addressed to the more southern tribes.

Rivington has published a positive and particular account of the surrender of Charleston on the twelfth ultimo, said to be brought to New York by the Iris which left Charleston five days after. There are, notwithstanding, some circumstances attending it which, added to the notorious character for lying of the author, leave some hope that it is fictitious. The true state of the matter will probably be known at Richmond before this reaches you.

We have yet heard nothing further of the auxiliary armament from France. However anxiously its arrival may be wished for, it is much to be feared we shall continue to be so unprepared to co-operate with them, as to disappoint their views, and to add to our distress and disgrace. Scarce a week, and sometimes scarce a day, but brings us a most lamentable picture from Head-Quarters. The army are a great part of their time on short allowance, and sometimes without any at all, and constantly depending on the precarious fruits of momentary expedients. General Washington has found it of the utmost difficulty to repress the mutinous spirit engendered by hunger and want of pay: and all his endeavours could not prevent an actual eruption of it in two Connecticut regiments, who assembled on the parade with their arms, and resolved to return home or satisfy their hunger by the power of the bayonet. We have no permanent resource, and scarce even a momentary one left, but in the prompt and vigorous supplies of the States. The State of Pennsylvania has it in her power to give great relief in the present crisis, and a recent act of her legislature shows, they are determined to make the most of it. I understand they have invested the Executive with a dictatorial authority from which nothing but the lives of their citizens are exempted. I hope the good resulting from it will be such as to compensate for the risk of the precedent.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Philadelphia, June 23, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

The fact is confirmed that Clinton has returned to New York with part of the Southern army, and has joined Kniphausen. They are at present manœuvering for purposes not absolutely known, but most probably in order to draw General Washington to an action, in which they suppose he might be disabled from giving the necessary co-operation to the French armament. Could they succeed in drawing him from his strong position, the result indeed ought to be exceedingly feared. He is weak in numbers beyond all suspicion, and under as great apprehension from famine as from the enemy. Unless very speedy and extensive reinforcements are received from the Eastern States, which I believe are exerting themselves, the issue of the campaign must be equally disgraceful to our councils and disgustful to our allies. Our greatest hopes of being able to feed them are founded on a patriotic scheme of the opulent merchants of this city, who have already subscribed nearly £NA, and will very soon complete that sum, the immediate object of which is to procure and transport to the army NA rations, and three hundred hogsheads of rum. Congress, for the support of this bank, and for the security and indemnification of the subscribers, have pledged the faith of the United States, and agreed to deposit bills of exchange in Europe to the amount of £150,000 sterling, which are not, however, to be made use of, unless other means of discharging this debt should be inadequate.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.1

Philadelphia, September 12, 1780.2

Dear Sir,—

Congress have at length entered seriously on a plan for finally ratifying the Confederation. Convinced of the necessity of such a measure, to repress the hopes with which the probable issue of the campaign will inspire our enemy, as well as to give greater authority and vigor to our public councils, they have recommended, in the most pressing terms, to the States claiming unappropriated back lands, to cede a liberal portion of them for the general benefit. As these exclusive claims formed the only obstacle with Maryland, there is no doubt that a compliance with this recommendation will bring her into the Confederation. How far the States holding the back lands may be disposed to give them up, cannot be so easily determined. From the sentiments of the most intelligent persons which have come to my knowledge, I own I am pretty sanguine that they will see the necessity of closing the Union, in too strong a light to oppose the only expedient that can accomplish it.

Another circumstance, that ought greatly to encourage us under disappointed expectations from the campaign, is the combination of the maritime powers in support of their neutral rights, and particularly the late insolent and provoking violation of those rights by the English ships at St. Martin’s. It is not probable that the injured will be satisfied without reparations and acknowledgments which the pride of Britain will not submit to; and if she can once be embroiled in an altercation with so formidable a league, the result must necessarily be decisive in our favor. Indeed it is not to be supposed, after the amazing resources which have been seen in Great Britain, when not only deprived of, but opposed by, her ancient Colonies, and the success of the latter in resisting for so long a time the utmost exertion of these resources against her, that the maritime powers, who appear to be so jealous of their rights, will ever suffer an event to take place which must very soon expose them to be trampled on at the pleasure of Great Britain.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, September 19, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Yesterday was employed by Congress in discussing the resolutions you left with them. The first and second were passed after undergoing sundry alterations.1 The clause in the second for allowing the expense of maintaining civil government within the ceded territory, was struck out by the committee, and an attempt to get it re-inserted in the House was negatived. It was surmised, that so indefinite an expression might subject Congress to very exorbitant claims. With respect to Virginia, I believe that expense has not been so considerable as to be much worth insisting on. The principal expenses may properly be included under the military head. The consideration of the last resolution, annulling Indian purchases, was postponed, with an intention, I believe, of not resuming it. It is supposed by some to be unnecessary; by others, to be improper, as implying that without such previous assurance Congress would have a right to recognize private claims in a territory expressly given up to them for the common benefit. These motives prevailed, I am persuaded, with more than the real view of gratifying private interest at the public expense. The States may annex what conditions they please to their cessions, and by that means guard them against misapplication; or if they only annul all pretended purchases by their own laws before the cessions are made, Congress are sufficiently precluded, by their own general assurance that they shall be applied to the common benefit, from admitting any private claims which are opposed to it.

The Vermont business has been two days under agitation and nothing done in it, except rejecting a proposition for postponing the determination of Congress till Commissioners should enquire into the titles and boundaries of New Hampshire and New York. Congress having bound themselves so strongly by their own act to bring it to an issue at this time, and are pressed by New York so closely with this engagement, that it is not possible any longer to try evasive expedients. For my own part, if a final decision must take place, I am clearly of opinion that it ought to be made on principles that will effectually discountenance the erection of new Governments without the sanction of proper authority, and in a style marking a due firmness and decision in Congress.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^r Sep^r 19^th 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I was in hopes when I wrote my last that I should be able by this post to congratulate you on the arrival of the French fleet from the W. Indies But so far is this from being the case that it comes from authority which seems to have a just claim to our faith that Admiral Rodney is actually at the Hook with 12 sail of the line & 4 frigates. It is still said however that a french fleet is somewhere on the coast. The arrival of Rodney is certainly an evidence that it had quited the Islands and was suspected to be coming hither. It is also given out at New York that a reinforcement of 4000 troops will arrive next month from England. Another part of our reports is that 5 or 6000 troops will embark at N. York on the 25^th inst. for Virg^a. or S. Carolina: but it is not to be supposed that such a measure will be hazarded in the present ticklish state of things—22 sail of the Quebec fleet are carried prizes into N. England.

I am D^r Sir with sincere respect
Y^r ob^t friend & servt.

P. S. The mortality in this place exceeds any thing ever remembered. The only person of note that occurs at present is the Lady of President Reid who fell a victim to it yesterday morning.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^a Sep^r 26^h 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Yesterday’s post disappointed me of the pleasure of a line from you. I hope the next will not fail to make amends for it.

I have nothing to add to the inclosed paper except that Ternay is yet unreinforced, Graves at Sea no one knows where, or for what purpose, and Rodney with 10 ships of the line still at the Hook, though according to some private accounts he also is gone to sea. In this state of uncertainty conjectures & speculations abound as usual. I shall not trouble you with them, because, as far as they are founded in reason they will be much better formed by yourself. We hear nothing further of an intended visit from N. Y. to Virginia. With sincere respect & regard

I am D^r. S^r. Yrs &c.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Phil^a Oc^r 3^d 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 25 ul^o. yesterday and am sorry it is not in my power to gratify your hopes with any prospect of a successful issue to this campaign. The reports of the approach or arrival of a French fleet continue to be circulated, and to prove groundless. If any foreign operations are undertaken on the continent it will probably be against the Floridas by the Spaniards. A Spanish Gentleman who resides in this City has received information from the Governor of Cuba that an armament would pass from the Havannah to Pensacola towards the end of last month, and that 10 or 12 ships of the line and as many thousand troops would soon be in readiness for an expedition against St. Augustine. It would be much more for the credit of that nation as well as for the common good, if instead of wasting their time & resources in these separate and unimportant enterprises, they would join heartily with the French in attacking the Enemy where success would produce the desired effect.

The enclosed papers contain all the particulars which have been received concerning the apostacy & plot of Arnold. A variety of his iniquitous jobs prior to this chef d’œuvre of his villainy, carried on under cover of his military authority, have been detected among his papers, and involve a number of persons both within & without the Enemies lines. The embarkation lately going on at N. York, and given out to be destined for Virginia or Rhode Island, was pretty certainly a part of the plot against W. Point; although the first representation of it has not yet been officially contradicted.

With sincere regard, I am, etc.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Phil^a Oct^r 10^th 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Your favor of the first Inst. came safe to hand yesterday. The enclosed was sent to Mr. Pendleton who is still in town.

All we know of the several fleets in the American seas is that Rodney with a few ships is at N. York, the remainder having joined Graves & Arbuthnot whom we know nothing about. Ternay is still at Rhode Island. The main French fleet under Guichen left the West Indies about the time first mentioned with a large fleet of merchantmen under its convoy, and has not since been heard of. The residue of the french fleet is in the W. Indies but we do not hear of their being any way employed. It is said an English expedition is preparing at Jamaica against some of the Spanish settlements. The Spanish expeditions against the Floridas I believe I mentioned in my last.

We have private accounts, through a channel which has seldom deceived that a very large embarkation is still going on at N. York. I hope Virginia will not be surprised, in case she should be the meditated victim. André was hung as a spy on the 2d inst. Clinton made a frivolous attempt to save him by pleading the passport granted by Arnold. He submitted to his fate in a manner that showed him to be worthy of a better one. His coadjutor Smith will soon follow him. The Hero of the Plot, although he may for the present escape an ignominious death must lead an ignominious life which if any of his feelings remain will be a sorer punishment. It is said that he is to be made a Brigadier and employed in some predatory expedition against the Spaniards in which he may gratify his thirst for gold. It is said with more probability that his baseness is universally despised by those who have taken advantage of it, and y^t. some degree of resentment is mixed with their contempt on account of the loss of their darling officer to which he was accessory.

With sincere regard, I am, etc.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^l. Oct. 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Your favour of the 8^th. which ought to have been here on Monday week did not arrive till thursday; that of the 17^th. came yesterday according to expectation. I know not how to account for your disappointment on the last post day having not omitted to write once since the institution of our correspondence.

Although the stroke of good fortune you mention does not appear to have been duly represented, it was only mistaken for one of equal importance which I doubt not is fully known to you by this time. Our joy on this event has been somewhat abated by intelligence of an opposite complexion from the State of N. York. Two parties from Canada composed of regulars tories Canadians and savages and amounting to about 1000 each have entered their frontiers, the one by the way of lake George, the other by the way of the Oneida lake. They have already done some mischief, and as they are pursuing their incendiary plan, will involve the inhabitants in very great distress, (it being now the eve of winter) unless a speedy check can be given to their progress. It is supposed that this expedition was intended to take advantage of the consternation in that state expected to result from the success of Arnolds treason.

We had information some days ago from Gen^l Washington that a fleet with about 2000 troops on Board had fallen down towards the Hook, which it was supposed was destined either for Virginia or N. Carolina. As nothing further has come from the General it is to be inferred that they have not yet sailed. It is said the fleet consisting of upwards of 100 sail has at last safely arrived. The capture of the British fleet from Jamaica rests upon the same evidence as mentioned in my last. I am D^r S^r

Affec yr. ob^t Serv^t

P. S. The President has just communicated a letter from M^r. Harrison1 at Cadiz confirming the capture of the B. fleet. Some of the Pris[oners were] in that bay when he wrote. The number taken was not known. The fleet amounted to 60 or 70 sail, having on board military stores provisions dry goods & 1000 Highland troops for the East Indies. You will have the particulars by the next post. 5 or 6 ships also attempting to get into Gibralter with provisions have been taken by the Spanish [illegible] stationed off that place. 30 sail of French merchantmen had arrived safe from S^t Domingo. The post is this moment starting. Adieu.

TO JOSEPH JONES.2

Philadelphia, October, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I wish it was in my power to enable you to satisfy the uneasiness of people with respect to the disappointment in foreign succours. I am sensible of the advantage which our secret enemies take of it. I am persuaded also that those who ought to be acquainted with the cause are sensible of it; and as they give no intimations on the subject, it is to be inferred that they are unable to give any that would prevent the mischief. It is so delicate a subject, that, with so little probability of succeeding, it would perhaps be hardly prudent to suggest it. As soon as any solution comes out you shall be furnished with it.

We continue to receive periodical alarms from the commissary’s and quarter-master’s departments. The season is now arrived when provision ought to be made for a season that will not admit of transportation, and when the monthly supplies must be subject to infinite disappointments, even if the States were to do their duty. But instead of magazines being laid in, our army is living from hand to mouth, with a prospect of being soon in a condition still worse. How a total dissolution of it can be prevented in the course of the winter is, for any resources now in prospect, utterly inexplicable, unless the States unanimously make a vigorous and speedy effort to form magazines for the purpose. But unless the States take other methods to procure their specific supplies than have prevailed in most of them, the utmost efforts to comply with the requisitions of Congress can be only a temporary relief. This expedient, as I take it, was meant to prevent the emission of money. Our own experience, as well as the example of other countries, made it evident that we could not by taxes draw back to the treasury the emissions as fast as they were necessarily drawn out. We could not follow the example of other countries by borrowing, neither our own citizens nor foreigners being willing to lend as far as our wants extended. To continue to emit ad infinitum, was thought more dangerous than an absolute occlusion of the press. Under these circumstances, the expedient of specific requisitions was adopted for supplying the necessities of the war. But it is clear the success of this expedient depends on the mode of carrying it into execution. If, instead of executing it by specific taxes, State emissions or commissary’s and quarter-master’s certificates, which are a worse species of emissions, are recurred to, what was intended for our relief will only hasten our destruction.

As you are at present a legislator,1 I will take the liberty of hinting to you an idea that has occurred on this subject. I take it for granted that taxation alone is inadequate to our situation. You know as well as I do, how far we ought to rely on loans to supply the defects of it. Specific taxes, as far as they go, are a valuable fund, but from local and other difficulties will never be universally and sufficiently adopted: purchases with State money or certificates will be substituted. In order to prevent this evil, and to ensure the supplies, therefore, I would propose, that they be diffused and proportioned among the people as accurately as circumstances will admit; that they be impressed with vigor and impartiality; and paid for in certificates not transferable, and to be redeemable, at some period subsequent to the war, at specie value, and bearing an intermediate interest. The advantage of such a scheme is this, that it would anticipate during the war the future revenues of peace, as our enemies and all other modern nations do. It would be compelling the people to lend the public their commodities, as people elsewhere lend their money to purchase commodities. It would be a permanent resource by which the war might be supported as long as the earth should yield its increase. This plan differs from specific taxes in this, that as an equivalent is given for what is received, much less nicety would be requisite in apportioning the supplies among the people, and they would be taken in places where they are most wanted. It differs from the plan of paying for supplies in State emissions or common certificates, in this, that the latter produce all the evils of a redundant medium, whereas the former, not being transferable, cannot have that effect, and moreover do not require the same degree of taxes during the war.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, October 17, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

The post having failed to arrive this week, I am deprived of the pleasure of acknowledging a line from you.

Congress have at length been brought to a final consideration of the clause relating to Indian purchases, [by the land companies.] It was debated very fully and particularly, and was, in the result, lost by a division of the House. Under the first impression of the chagrin, I had determined to propose to my colleagues to state the whole matter to the Assembly, with all the circumstances and the reasonings of the opponents to the measure; but, on cooler reflection, I think it best to leave the fact in your hands, to be made use of as your prudence may suggest. I am the rather led to decline the first determination, because I am pretty confident, that, whatever the views of particular members might be, it was neither the wish nor intention of many who voted with them, to favor the purchasing companies. Some thought such an assurance from Congress unnecessary, because their receiving the lands from the States as vacant and unappropriated, excluded all individual claims, and because they had given a general assurance that the cession should be applied to the common benefit. Others supposed that such an assurance might imply, that without it Congress would have a right to dispose of the lands in any manner they pleased, and that it might give umbrage to the States claiming an exclusive jurisdiction over them. All that now remains for the ceding States to do, is to annex to their cessions the express condition, that no private claims be complied with by Congress. Perhaps it would not be going too far, by Virginia, who is so deeply concerned, to make it a condition of the grant, that no such claim be admitted even within the grants of others, because, when they are given up to Congress, she is interested in them as much as others, and it might so happen, that the benefit of all other grants, except her own, might be transferred from the public to a few landmongers. I cannot help adding, however, that I hope this incident in Congress will not discourage any measures of the Assembly, which would otherwise have been taken [for the object] of ratifying the Confederation. Under the cautions I have suggested, they may still be taken with perfect security.

Congress have promoted Col. Morgan to the rank of a Brigadier, on the representations in favor of it from Governors Rutledge, and Jefferson, and General Gates. The latter is directed to be made a subject of a Court of Inquiry, and General Washington is to send a successor into the Southern department. The new arrangement of the army, sent to the General for his revision, has brought from him many judicious and valuable observations on the subject, which, with the arrangement, are in the hands of a committee.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Phild^a Oc^r 17^th 1780.

Dear Sir,—

The Southern post having not yet arrived, I have not the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of your favor, which I have found you too punctual to doubt has been [illegible].

The best news I have to give you is contained in the enclosed paper in a letter from Eustatia, which comes from a person known to many Gentlemen here who say it may be fully credited. The Saratoga a Continental vessel of 16 guns is just returned from a cruise on which she took several Jamaica prizes with a prodigious quantity of rum & sugar on board. She parted from them in a fog near the coast, and as they have not yet been heard of it is feared they have fallen back into the possession of the Enemy.

Baron Stuben just come to town brings a report that an embarkation left N. York on thursday, but no confirmation has yet arrived from G^l. Washington or any other official source.

Adieu.

By a letter just rec^d. from the continental ag^t. as stated by the Commercial Committee the capture of the British fleet by the Spaniards is brought pretty nearly to certainty.

INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN JAY.cont. cong.

BOUNDARIES AND FREE NAVIGATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI.1

[Oct. 17, 1780.]

The Committee appointed to draught a letter to the Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, explaining the reasons and principles on which the instructions to M^r Jay of the 4^th. inst. are founded report the following to M^r Jay, a copy of which with the resolution directing the draught to be also inclosed to D^r Franklin

Sir

Congress having in their instructions of the 4^th inst.; directed you to adhere strictly to their former instructions relating to the boundaries of the United States, to insist on the navigation of the Mississippi for the Citizens of the United States in common with the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, as also on a free port or ports below the Northern limit of W. Florida & accessible to Merchant ships, for the use of the former, and being sensible of the influence which these claims on the part of the United States may have on your negotiations with the Court of Madrid, have thought it expedient to explain the reasons and principles on which the same are founded, that you may be enabled to satisfy that Court of the equity and justice of their intentions.

With respect to the first of these articles by which the river Miss: is fixed as the boundary between the Spanish settlements and the United States, it is unnecessary to take notice of any pretentions founded on priority of discovery, of occupancy or on conquest. It is sufficient that by the definitive treaty of Paris 1763 Art. 7 all the territory now claimed by the United States was expressly and irrevocably ceded to the King of G. Britain—and that the United States are in consequence of revolution in their Government entitled to the benefits of that cession.

The first of these positions is proved by the treaty itself. To prove the last, it must be observed that it is a fundamental principle in all lawful Governments and particularly in the constitution of the British Empire, that all the rights of sovereignty are intended for the benefit of those from whom they are derived and over whom they are exercised. It is known also to have been held for an inviolable principle by the United States whilst they remained a part of the British Empire, that the Sovereignty of the King of England with all the rights & powers included in it, did not extend to them in virtue of his being acknowledged and obeyed as King by the people of England or of any other part of the Empire, but in virtue of his being acknowledged and obeyed as King by the people of America themselves; and that this principle was the basis, first of their opposition to, and finally of their abolition of, his authority over them. From these principles it results that all the territory lying within the limits of the States as fixed by the Sovereign himself, was held by him for their particular benefit, and must equally with other rights and claims in quality of their sovereign be considered as having devolved on them in consequence of their resumption of the Sovereignty to themselves.

In support of this position it may be further observed that all the territorial rights of the King of G. Britain within the limits of the United States accrued to him from the enterprises, the risks, the sacrifices, the expence in blood and treasure of the present inhabitants and their progenitors. If in latter times expences and exertions have been borne by any other part of the Empire in their immediate defence it need only be recollected that the ultimate object of them was the general security and advantage of the empire, that a proportionate share was borne by the States themselves, and that if this had not been the case, the benefits resulting from an exclusive enjoyment of their trade have been an abundant compensation. Equity and justice therefore perfectly coincide in the present instance with political and constitutional principles.

No objection can be pretended against what is here said, except that the King of G. Britain was at the time of the rupture with his Catholic Majesty possessed of certain parts of the territory in question, and consequently that his C. M. had and still has a right to regard them as lawful objects of conquest. In answer to this objection it is to be considered. 1^st. that these possessions are few in number and confined to small spots. 2. that a right founded on conquest being only coextensive with the objects of conquest, cannot comprehend the circumjacent territory. 3. that if a right to the said territory depended on the conquest of the British posts within it the United States have already a more extensive claim to it, than Spain can acquire, having by the success of their arms obtained possession of all the important posts and settlements on the Illinois and Wabash, rescued the inhabitants from British domination, and established civil government in its proper form over them. They have moreover established a post on a strong and commanding situation near the mouth of the Ohio, whereas Spain has a claim by conquest to no post above the Northern bounds of W. Florida except that of Natches, nor are there any other British posts below the mouth of the Ohio for their arms to be employed against. 4. that whatever extent ought to be ascribed to the right of conquest, it must be admitted to have limitations which in the present case exclude the pretentions of his Catholic Majesty by the King of G. Britain. If the occupation of posts within the limits of the United States as defined by charters derived from the said King when constitutionally authorised to grant them, makes them lawful objects of conquest to any other power than the United States, it follows that every other part of the United States that is now or may hereafter fall into the hands of the Enemy is equally an object of conquest. Not only N. York Long Island & the other islands in its vicinity, but almost the entire States of S. Carolina and Georgia, might by the interposition of a foreign power at war with their Enemy be forever severed from the American Confederacy and subjected to a foreign Yoke. But is such a doctrine consonant to the rights of nations or the sentiments of humanity? does it breathe that spirit of concord and amity which is the aim of the proposed alliance with Spain? would it be admitted by Spain herself if it affected her own dominions? Were for example a British armament by a sudden enterprise to get possession of a sea port a trading town or maritime province in Spain and another power at war with Britain should before it could be reconquered by Spain wrest it from the hands of Britain, would Spain herself consider it as an extinguishment of her just pretentions? or would any impartial nation consider it in that light?

The right of the United States to Western territory as far as the Mississippi having been shewn, there are sufficient reasons for them to insist on that right as well as for Spain not to wish a relinquishment of it.

In the first place the river Mississippi be a more natural more distinguishable and more precise boundary than any other that can be drawn eastwardly of it, and consequently will be less liable to become a source of those disputes which too often proceed from uncertain boundaries between nations.

Secondly. It ought to be conceeded that although the vacant territory adjacent to the Mississippi should be relinquished by the United States to Spain, yet the fertility of its soil and its convenient situation for trade might be productive of intrusions by the Citizens of the former which their great distance would render it difficult to restrain and which might lead to an interruption of that harmony which it is so much to the interest and wish of both should be perpetual.

Thirdly. As this territory be within the charter limits of particular States and is considered by them as no less their property than other territory within their limits, Congress could not relinquish it with out exciting discussions between themselves & these States concerning their respective rights and powers which might greatly embarrass the public councils of the United States and give advantage to the common enemy.

Fourthly. The territory in question contains a number of inhabitants who are at present under the protection of the United States and have sworn allegiance to them. These could not by voluntary transfer be subjected to a foreign jurisdiction without manifest violation of the common rights of mankind and of the genius and principles of the American Governments.

Fifthly. In case the obstinacy and pride of G. Britain should for any length of time continue an obstacle to peace a cession of this territory rendered of so much value to the United States by its particular situation would deprive them of one of the material funds on which they rely for pursuing the war against her, on the part of Spain, this territorial fund is not needed for and perhaps could not be applied to the purposes of the war and from its situation is otherwise of much less value to her than to the United States.

Congress have the greater hopes that the pretentions of his Catholic Majesty on this subject will not be so far urged as to prove an insuperable obstacle to an alliance with the United States, because they conceive such pretentions to be incompatible with the treaties subsisting between France and them which are to be the basis and substance of it. By Art; 11 of the Treaty of Alliance eventual and defensive the Possessions of the United States are guarantied to them by his most Il^s Majesty. By Art; 12 of the same treaty intended to fix more precisely the sense and application of the preceeding article, it is declared that this guarantee shall have its full force and effect the moment a rupture shall take place between France and England. All the possessions therefore belonging to the United States at the time of that rupture, which being prior to the rupture between Spain and England must be prior to all claims of conquest by the former, are guarantied to them by his most Il^s Majesty. Now that in the possessions thus guarantied was meant by the Contracting parties to be included all the territory within the limits assigned to the United States by the Treaty of Paris, may be inferred from Art: 5 of the Treaty above mentioned, which declares that if the United States should think fit to attempt the reduction of the British power remaining in the Northern parts of America, on the Islands of Bermudas &c., those countries shall in case of success be considered with or dependent upon the United States; for if it had not been understood by the parties that the Western territory in question known to be of so great importance to the United States and a reduction of it so likely to be attempted by them, was included in the general guarantee, can it be supposed that no notice would have been taken of it when the parties extended their views not only to Canada but to the remote & unimportant Islands of Bermudas. It is true these acts between France and the United States are in no respect obligatory on his Catholic Majesty until he shall think fit to accede to them. Yet as they shew the sense of his most Il^s Majesty on this subject with whom his C. M is intimately allied, as it is in pursuance of an express reservation to his C. M in a secret act subjoined to the treaties aforesaid of a power to accede to those treaties that the present overtures are made on the part of the United States, and as it is particularly stated in that Act, that any conditions which his C. M shall think fit to add are to be analogous to the principal aim of the Alliance and conformable to the rules of equality reciprocity & friendship, Congress entertains too high an oppinion of the equity moderation & wisdom of his C. M not to suppose, that when joined to these considerations they will prevail against any mistaken views of interest that may be suggested to him.

The next object of the instruction is the free navigation of the Mississippi for the citizens of the United States in common with the subjects of his C. M.

On this subject the same inference may be made from Art: 7 of the Treaty of Paris which stipulates this right in the amplest manner to the King of G. Britain and the devolution of it to the United States as was applied to their territorial claims, of the latter. Nor can Congress hesitate to believe that even if no such right could be inferred from that treaty, that the generosity of his C. M would suffer the inhabitants of these States to be put into a worse condition in this respect by their alliance with him in the character of a sovereign people, than they were when subjects of a power who was always ready to turn their force against his Majesty; especially as one of the great objects of the proposed alliance is to give greater effect to the common exertions for disarming that power of the faculty of disturbing others.

Besides as the United States have an indisputable right to the possession of the East bank of the Mississippi for a very great distance, and the navigation of that river will essentially tend to the prosperity and advantage of the Citizens of the United States that may reside on the Mississippi or the waters running into it, it is conceived that the circumstance of Spain’s being in possession of the banks on both sides near the mouth, cannot be deemed a natural or equitable bar to the free use of the river. Such a principle would authorize a nation disposed to take advantage of circumstances to contravene the clear indications of nature and providence, and the general good of mankind.

The usage of nations accordingly seems in such cases to have given to those holding the mouth or lower parts of a river no right against those above them except the right of imposing a moderate toll and that on the equitable supposition that such toll is due for the expence and trouble the former may have been put to.

“An innocent passage (says Vattel) is due to all nations with whom a State is at peace, and this duty comprehends troops equally with individuals.” If a right to a passage by land through other countries may be claimed for troops which are employed in the destruction of mankind; how much more may a passage by water be claimed for commerce which is beneficial to all nations.

Here again it ought not to be concealed that the inconvenience that must be felt by the inhabitants on the waters running westwardly under an exclusion from the use of the Mississippi would be a constant and increasing source of disquietude on their part, of more rigerous precautions on the part of Spain and, of an irritation on both parts, which it is equally to the interest and duty of both to guard against.

But notwithstanding the equitable claim of the United States to the free navigation of the Mississippi and its great importance to them, Congress have so strong a disposition to conform to the desires of his C. M that they have agreed that such equitable regulations may be entered into as may be a requisite security against contraband; provided the point of right be not relinquished and a free port or ports below the 31^st degree of N. L. and accessible to merchant ships be stipulated to them.

The reason why a port or ports as thus described was required must be obvious, without such a stipulation the free use of the Mississippi would in fact amount to no more than a free intercourse with New Orleans and the other ports of Louisiana. From the rapid current of this river it is well known that it must be navigated by vessels of a peculiar construction and which will be unfit to go to sea. Unless therefore some place be assigned to the U. S. where the produce carried down the river and the merchandise returning from abroad may be reposited till they can be respectively taken away by the proper vessels there can be no such thing as a foreign trade.

There is a remaining consideration respecting the navigation of the Mississippi which deeply concerns the maritime powers in general but more particularly their Most Il^s and Catholic Majesties. The Country watered by the Ohio with its large branches having their sources near the lakes on one side, and those running N. Westward and falling into it on the other side, will appear from a single glance on a map to be of vast extent. The circumstance of it being so finely watered added to the singular fertility of its soil and the other advantages presented by a new country, will occasion a rapidity of population not easily conceived. The spirit of emigration has already shewn itself in a very strong degree, notwithstanding the many impediments which discourage it. The principal of these impediments is the war with Britain which can not spare a force sufficient to protect the emigrants against the incursions of the Savages. In a very few years after peace shall take place this Country will certainly be overspread, with inhabitants. In like manner as in all other new settlements agriculture, not manufactures will be their employment. They will raise wheat corn Beef Pork tobacco hemp flax and in the Southern parts perhaps rice and indigo in great quantities. On the other hand their consumption of foreign manufactures will be in proportion, if they can be exchanged for the produce of their soil. There are but two channels through which such commerce can be carried on, the first is on the river Mississippi—the other is up the rivers having their sources near the lakes, thence by short portages to the lakes or the rivers falling into them, and thence through the lakes and down the St. Lawrence. The first of these channels is manifestly the most natural and by far the most advantageous. Should it however be obstructed, the second will be found far from an impracticable. If no obstructions should be thrown in its course down the Mississippi, the exports from this immense tract of Country will not only supply an abundance of all necessaries for the W. Indies Islands, but serve for a valuable basis of general trade, of which the rising spirit of commerce in France & Spain will no doubt particularly avail itself. The imports will be proportionally extensive and from the climate as well as other causes will consist in a great degree of the manufactures of the same countries. On the other hand should obstruction on the Mississippi force this trade into a contrary direction through Canada, France and Spain and the other maritime powers will not only lose the immediate benefit of it to themselves, but they will also suffer by the advantage it will give to G. Britain. So fair a prospect should not escape the commercial sagacity of this nation. She would embrace it with avidity; she would cherish it with most studious care; and should she succeed in fixing it in that channel, the loss of her exclusive possession of the trade of the United States might prove a much less decisive blow to her maritime preeminence and tyranny than has been calculated.

The last clause of the instructions respecting the navigation of the waters running out of Georgia through West Florida, not being included in the ultimatum, nor claimed on a footing of right requires nothing to be added to what it speaks itself. The utility of the privilege asked to the State of Georgia and consequently to the Union is apparent from the geographic representation of the Country. The motives for Spain to grant it must be found in her equity generosity and disposition to cultivate our friendship and intercourse.

These observations you will readily discern are not communicated, in order to be urged in all events and as they here stand in support of the claims to which they relate. They are intended for your private information and use and are to be urged so far and in such form only as will best suit the temper and Sentiments of the Court at which you reside, and best fulfil the object of them.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.1

Philadelphia, October 31, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Congress have felt a becoming resentment of the barbarous treatment of the gentlemen in captivity at Charleston, and have directed General Washington to require of Clinton an explanation of the matter. Nothing has yet been done in consequence of it, except an application to Clinton, which, as he had at that time not been officially informed of the fact, he evaded by general assurances of the humanity, &c., of Cornwallis. General Washington had very luckily, between the application and the answer, received two of the Earl’s bloody proclamations, which he very handsomely communicated to Sir Henry.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, November, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Many attempts have been made to bring the Vermont dispute to an issue, but the diversity of opinions that prevail on one side, and the dilatory artifices employed on the other, have frustrated them. All the evidence has been heard, and the proposition for including it within the jurisdiction of some one of the States, debated for some time, but the decision was suspended. An arrangement of the army founded on General Washington’s letter has passed Congress, and is now with the General for his observations on it. It includes a recommendation to the States to fill up their quotas. No arrangement of the civil departments has taken place. A new medical system has been passed. Shippen is again at the head of it. Craig and Cochran have not been forgotten. The instructions relating to the Mississippi have passed entirely to my satisfaction. A committee is now preparing a statement of the reasons and principles on which they stand.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.1

Philadelphia, November 7, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Doctor Lee and Mr. Izard, particularly the latter, have been here sometime, and I believe are not very reserved in their reflections on the venerable philosopher at the Court of Versailles. Mr. Izard, I understand, is particularly open in his charges against him. Doctor Lee on his arrival applied to Congress for a hearing on the subject of Mr. Dean’s allegations, if any doubt remained of the falsehood and malice of them, but nothing final has been done as yet in consequence of it. I have had great anxiety lest the flame of faction, which on a former occasion proved so injurious, should be kindled anew; but, as far as I can judge, the temper of Congress is in general by no means prone to it, although there may be individuals on both sides who would both wish and endeavour it.

Congress have just finished an estimate of supplies for the ensuing year, requiring of the States the value of six millions of dollars in specie. The principal part of the requisition consists of specific articles, the residue of specie or the new emissions, receivable as specie. If the States fulfil this plan punctually, there is no doubt that we shall go smoothly through another campaign; and if they would forbear recurring to State emissions and certificates, in procuring the supplies, it may become a permanent and effectual mode of carrying on the war. But past experience will not permit our expectations to be very sanguine. The collection and transportation of specific supplies must necessarily be tedious and subject to casualties; and the proceedings of separate popular bodies must add greatly to the uncertainty and delay. The expense attending the mode is of itself a sufficient objection to it, if money could by any possible device be provided in due quantity. The want of this article is the source of all our public difficulties and misfortunes. One or two millions of guineas properly applied, would diffuse vigor and satisfaction throughout the whole military departments, and would expel the enemy from every part of the United States. It would also have another good effect. It would reconcile the army and everybody else to our republican forms of government; the principal inconveniences which are imputed to them being really the fruit of defective revenues. What other States effect by money, we are obliged to pursue by dilatory and indigested expedients, which benumb all our operations, and expose our troops to numberless distresses. If these were well paid, well fed, and well clothed, they would be well satisfied, and would fight with more success. And this might and would be as well effected by our governments as by any other, if they possessed money enough, as in our moneyless situation the same embarrassments would have been experienced by any government.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philada., Nov. 14, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Your favor of the 6th inst. came to hand yesterday. Mr. Griffin by whom you appear also to have written has not yet arrived.

It gives me great pleasure to find that the enemy’s numbers are so much less formidable than was at first computed but the information from N. York makes it not improbable that the blank in the computation may shortly be filled up. Gen^l. Washington wrote to Congress on the 4^th. inst. that another embarkation was going on at that place, and in another letter of the 7^th he says that although he had received no further intelligence on the subject, he had reason still to believe that such a measure was in contemplation. Neither the amount nor the object of it however had been ascertained.

The inroads of the Enemy on the Frontier of N. York have been distressing & wasteful almost beyond their own example. They have totally laid in ashes a fine settlement called Schoarie which was capable Gen^l Washington says of yielding no less than 80,000 bushels of grain for public consumption. Such a loss is inestimable, and is the more to be regretted because, both local circumstances, and the energy of that Gov^t. left little doubt that it would have been applied to public use.

I fancy the taking of Quebec was a mere invention. Your letter gave me the first account of such a report. A different report concerning the 2^d. division of the French fleet has sprung up as you will see by the enclosed paper. It is believed here by many, and some attention given to it by all. It is also said that Rodney has sailed from N. York with 20 Ships for Europe. If he has sailed at all, & the first report be true also, it is more likely that he has gone out to meet the french.

The late exchange has liberated ab^t. 140 officers & all our privates at N. Y. amounting to 476. G. Washington has acceded to a proposal of a further exchange of the Convention officers without attaching any privates to them, which will liberate almost the whole residue of our officers at that place.

I am sir, etc.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, November 14, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I do not learn that any of the States are particularly attentive to prevent the evils arising from certificates and emissions from their own treasury, although they are unquestionably the bane of every salutary arrangement of the public finances. When the estimate for the ensuing year was on the anvil in Congress, I proposed a recommendation to the States to discontinue the use of them, and particularly in providing the specific articles required. It met, however, with so cool a reception, that I did not much urge it. The objection against it was, that the practice was manifestly repugnant to the spirit of the acts of Congress respecting finance; and if these were disregarded, no effect could be expected from any additional recommendations. The letters from General Washington and the Commissary General, for some time past, give a most alarming picture of the state and prospects of the magazines. Applications to the contiguous States on the subject, have been repeated from every quarter, till they seem to have lost all their force. Whether any degree of danger and necessity will rouse them to provide for the winter season now hastening upon us, I am unwilling to decide, because my fears dictate the worst. The inroads of the enemy on the frontier of New York have been most fatal to us in this respect. They have almost totally ruined that fine wheat country, which was able, and from the energy of their Government, was most likely, to supply magazines of flour, both to the main army and to the northwestern posts. The settlement of Schoharie, which alone was able to furnish, according to a letter from General Washington, eighty thousand bushels of grain for the public use, has been totally laid in ashes.

I make no apology for inaccuracies and bad writing, because you know the manner in which we are obliged to write for the post, and having been prevented by company from doing anything last night, I am particularly hurried this morning.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, November 21, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I am glad to find you have at last got a House of Delegates, and have made so auspicious a beginning, as an unanimous vote to fill up our line for the war. This is a measure which all the States ought to have begun with. I wish there may not be some that will not be prevailed on even to end with it. It is much to be regretted that you are not in a condition to discontinue another practice equally destructive with temporary enlistments. Unless an end can by some means or other be put to State emission and certificates, they must prove the bane of every salutary regulation. The depreciation in this place has lately run up as high as one hundred for one, and it cannot be satisfactorily accounted for, on any other principle than the substitution of certificates in the payment of those taxes which were intended to reduce its quantity and keep up a demand for it. The immediate cause of this event is said to have been the sudden conversion of a large quantity of paper into specie, by some tories lately ordered into exile by this State. It is at present on the fall, and I am told the merchants have associated to bring it down and fix it at 75. The fate of the new money is as yet suspended. There is but too much reason, however, to fear that it will follow the fate of the old. According to the arrangement now in force, it would seem impossible for it to rise above one for forty. The resolutions of Congress which establish that relation between the two kinds of paper, must destroy the equality of the new with specie, unless the old can be kept down at forty for one. In New Jersey, I am told, the Legislature has lately empowered the Executive to regulate the exchange between the two papers, according to the exchange between the old and the new, in order to preserve the equality of the latter with specie. The issue of this experiment is of consequence, and may throw light perhaps on our paper finance. The only infallible remedy, whilst we cannot command specie, for the pecuniary embarrassments we labor under, will, after all, be found to be a punctual collection of the taxes required by Congress.

I hope you will not forget to call the attention of the Assembly, as early as the preparations for defence will admit, to the means of ratifying the Confederation, nor to remind it of the conditions which prudence requires should be annexed to any territorial cession that may be agreed on. I do not believe there is any serious design in Congress to gratify the avidity of land mongers, but the best security for their virtue, in this respect, will be to keep it out of their power. They have been much infested, since you left us, with memorials from these people; who appear to be equally alarmed and perplexed. Mr. G. Morgan, as agent for the Indiana claimants, after memorializing Congress on the subject, has honored the Virginia delegates with a separate attention. He very modestly proposes to them a reference of the controversy between the company and Virginia to arbitration, in the mode pointed out in the Confederation for adjusting disputes between State and State. We have given him for answer, that as the State we represent had finally determined the question, we could not, with any propriety, attend to his proposition; observing at the same time, that if we were less precluded, we could not reconcile with the sovereignty and honor of the State an appeal from its own jurisdiction to a foreign tribunal, in a controversy with private individuals.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^a, Nov^r 21, 1789.

Dear Sir—

Your favor of the 13^th. came safe yesterday. The past week has brought forth very little of consequence, except the disagreeable and I fear certain information of the arrival of the Cape fleet. Our last account of the embarkation at N. York was that the Ships had fallen down to the Hook, that the number of troops was quite unknown, as well as their destination, except in general that it was Southwardly. It is still said that Philips is to command this detachment. If the projected junction between Leslie & Cornwallis had not been so opportunely frustrated by the gallant volunteers at King’s Mountain it is probable that Philips would have reinforced the former, as the great force in his rear would otherwise have rendered every advance hazardous. At present it seems more likely that the declining state of their Southern affairs will call their attention to that quarter. They can it is well known regain at any time their present footing in Virginia if it should be thought expedient to abandon it, or to collect in their forces to a defensible point. But every retrograde step they take towards Charleston proves fatal to their general plan. M. J. Adams in a letter of the 23^d. of Aug^st. from Amsterdam received yesterday, says that Gen. Prevost had sailed from England with a few frigates for Cape fear in order to facilitate the operations of their arms in N. Carolina, and that the Ministry were determined to make the Southern States the scene of a very active winter campaign. No intimation is given by Mr. Adams of the number of troops under Gen^l Prevost. The 2^d. division of the French fleet mentioned in my last to have been off the Bermudas has not yet made its appearance. It is now rather supposed to have been a British one. The death of Gen^l. Woodford is announced in a N. York paper of the 17th. I have not seen the paper, but am told that no particulars are mentioned. I suppose it will reach his friends before this will be rec^d., through some other channel.

Adieu.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, November 25, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I informed you some time ago that the instructions to Mr. Jay had passed Congress in a form which was entirely to my mind. I since informed you that a committee was preparing a letter to him explanatory of the principles and objects of the instructions. This letter also passed in a form equally satisfactory. I did not suppose that any thing further would be done on the subject, at least till further intelligence should arrive from Mr. Jay. It now appears that I was mistaken. The Delegates from Georgia and South Carolina, apprehensive that a uti possidetis may be obtruded on the belligerent powers by the armed neutrality in Europe, and hoping that the accession of Spain to the alliance will give greater concert and success to the military operations that may be pursued for the recovery of their States, and likewise add weight to the means that may be used for obviating a uti possidetis, have moved for a reconsideration of the instructions in order to empower Mr. Jay, in case of necessity, to yield to the claims of Spain in consideration of her guaranteeing our independence, and affording us a handsome subsidy. The expediency of such a motion is further urged, from the dangerous negotiations now on foot, by British emissaries, for detaching Spain from the war. Wednesday last was assigned for the consideration of this motion, and it has continued the order of the day ever since, without being taken up. What the fate of it will be I do not predict; but, whatever its own fate may be, it must do mischief in its operation. It will not probably be concealed that such a motion has been made and supported, and the weight which our demands would derive from unanimity and decision must be lost. I flatter myself, however, that Congress will see the impropriety of sacrificing the acknowledged limits and claims of any State, without the express concurrence of such State. Obstacles enough will be thrown in the way of peace, if it is to be bid for at the expense of particular members of the Union. The Eastern States must, on the first suggestion, take the alarm for their fisheries. If they will not support other States in their rights, they cannot expect to be supported themselves when theirs come into question.

In this important business, which so deeply affects the claims and interests of Virginia, and which I know she has so much at heart, I have not the satisfaction to harmonize in sentiment with my colleague.1 He has embraced an opinion that we have no just claim to the subject in controversy between us and Spain, and that it is the interest of Virginia not to adhere to it. Under this impression, he drew up a letter to the Executive, to be communicated to the Legislature, stating in general the difficulty Congress might be under, and calling their attention to a revision of their instructions to their delegates on the subject. I was obliged to object to such a step, and, in order to prevent it, observed that the instructions were given by the Legislature of Virginia on mature consideration of the case, and on a supposition that Spain would make the demands she has done; that no other event has occurred to change the mind of our constituents, but the armed neutrality in Europe, and the successes of the enemy to the southward, which are as well known to them as to ourselves; that we might every moment expect a third delegate here, who would either adjust or decide the difference in opinion between us, and that whatever went from the Delegation would then go in its proper form and have its proper effect; that if the instructions from Virginia were to be revised, and their ultimatum reduced, it could not be concealed in so populous an Assembly, and that every thing which our minister should be authorized to yield, would be insisted on; that Mr. Jay’s last despatches encouraged us to expect that Spain would not be inflexible if we were so, that we might every day expect to have more satisfactory information from him; that finally if it should be thought expedient to listen to the pretensions of Spain, it would be best, before we took any decisive step in the matter, to take the counsel of those who best know the interests, and have the greatest influence on the opinions, of our constituents; that as you were both a member of Congress and of the Legislature, and were now with the latter, you would be an unexceptionable medium for effecting this, and that I would write to you for the purpose by the first safe conveyance.

These objections had not the weight with my colleague which they had with me. He adhered to his first determination, and has, I believe, sent the letter above-mentioned by Mr. Walker, who will, I suppose, soon forward it to the Governor. You will readily conceive the embarrassments this affair must have cost me. All that I have to ask of you is, that if my refusing to concur with my colleague in recommending to the Legislature a revision of their instructions should be misconstrued by any, you will be so good as to place it in its true light; and if you agree with me as to the danger of giving express power to concede, or the inexpediency of conceding, that you will consult with gentlemen of the above description, and acquaint me with the result.

I need not observe to you that the alarms with respect to the inflexibility of Spain in her demands, the progress of British intrigues at Madrid, and the danger of the uti possidetis, may with no small probability be regarded as artifices for securing her object on the Mississippi. Mr. Adams, in a late letter from Amsterdam, a copy of which has been enclosed to the Governor, supposes that the pretended success of the British emissaries at Madrid is nothing but a ministerial finesse to facilitate the loans and keep up the spirits of the people.

This will be conveyed by Col. Grayson, who has promised to deliver it himself; or, if any thing unforeseen should prevent his going to Richmond, to put it into such hands as will equally ensure its safe delivery.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, November 28, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Yours of the eighteenth came yesterday. I am glad to find the Legislature persist in their resolution to recruit their line of the army for the war; though without deciding on the expediency of the mode under their consideration, would it not be as well to liberate and make soldiers at once of the blacks themselves, as to make them instruments for enlisting white soldiers?2 It would certainly be more consonant to the principles of liberty, which ought never to be lost sight of in a contest for liberty; and with white officers and a majority of white soldiers, no imaginable danger could be feared from themselves, as there certainly could be none from the effect of the example on those who should remain in bondage; experience having shewn that a freedman immediately loses all attachment and sympathy with his former fellow-slaves.

We have enclosed to the Governor a copy of an act of the Legislature of Connecticut, ceding some of their territorial claims to the United States, which he will doubtless communicate to the Assembly. They reserve the jurisdiction to themselves, and clog the cession with some other conditions which greatly depreciate it, and are the more extraordinary as their title to the land is so controvertible a one.

The association of the merchants for fixing the depreciation seems likely to prove a salutary measure; it reduced it from 90 and 100 to 75 at once, which is its present current rate; although it is observed that many of the retailers elude the force of it by raising the price in hard money.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^a., Dec^r 5^th, 1780.

D^r. S^r.,—

I have your favor of the 27th ult., and congratulate you on the deliverance of our Country from the distresses of actual invasion. The spirit it has shewn on this occasion will I hope in some degree protect it from a second visit.

Congress yesterday received letters from Mr. Jay & Mr. Carmichael as late as the 4 & 9th of Sep^r. The general tenor of them is that we are not to rely on much aid in the article of cash from Spain, her finances & credit being scarcely adequate to her own necessities, and that the B. emissaries are indefatigable in misrepresenting our affairs in that kingdom and in endeavoring to detach it from the war. The character however of the Catholic King for steadiness and probity, and the entire confidence of our allies in him, forbid any distrust on our part. Portugal on the pressing remonstrances of France & Spain has at length agreed to shut her ports ag^st. English prizes but still refuses to accede to the armed neutrality. Mr. Adams writes that the [news of the] fate of the Quebec and Jamaica fleets arrived in London nearly about the same time and had a very serious effect on all ranks as well as on stocks and insurance.

Our information from the W. Indies gives a melancholy picture of the effects of the late tempest. Martinique has suffered very considerably both in shipping & people. Not less than 600 houses have been destroyed in S^t. Vincents. The Spaniards in Cuba also have not escaped, and it is reported that their fleet on its way from the Havannah to Pensacola has been so disabled & dispersed as to defeat the expedition for the present. On the other side our Enemies have suffered severely. The Ajax a ship of the line and two frigates stationed off S^t. Lucie to intercept the Martinique trade are certainly lost with the greatest part, if not the whole, of their crews; and there is great reason to believe that several other capital ships that have not been since heard of have shared the like fate. The Island of S^t. Lucie is totally defaced. In Barbadoes also scarce a house remains entire and 1500 persons at least have perished. One of the largest towns in Jamaica has been totally swept away and the island otherwise much damaged. The consequences of this calamity must afford a striking proof to G. Britain of her folly in shutting our ports against her W. India commerce and transferring the advantage of our friendship to her Enemies.

I am, etc.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^a, Decem^r., 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I had the pleasure of yours of the 2^d. instant yesterday. We have not heard a word of the fleet which lately left the Chesapeake. There is little doubt that the whole of it has gone to the Southward.

Our intelligence from Europe confirms the accession of Portugal to the Neutral league; so far at least as to exclude the English from the privileges which their vessels of war have hitherto enjoyed in her ports. The Ariel commanded by P. Jones which had on board the cloathing &c., which has been long expected from France was dismasted a few days after she sailed and obliged to return into port; an event which must prolong the suffering which our army has been exposed to from the delay of this supply. Mr. Sartine, the Minister of the French Marine has been lately removed from the administration of that departm^t. His successor is the Marquis de Castries, who is held out to us as a man of greater activity, & from whom we may hope for more effectual co-operation.

An Irish paper informs us that M^r. Laurens was committed to the Tower on the 6^th of Oct^r. by the three Secretaries of State on suspicion of high treason. As the warrant with the names of the Secretaries subscribed with some other particulars is inserted, no hope remains of the fact being a forgery.

With very sincere regard, I am, etc.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, December 5, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I had yours of the twenty-fifth ultimo, by yesterday’s post. I congratulate you on the deliverance of our country from the distresses of actual invasion. If any unusual forbearance has been shown by the British commanders, it has proceeded rather I presume, from a possibility that they may some time or other in the course of the war repossess what they have now abandoned, than from a real disposition to spare. The procedings of the enemy to the southward prove that no general change of system has taken place in their military policy.

We had letters yesterday from Mr. Jay and Mr. Carmichael as late as the fourth and ninth of September. Mr. Jay informs us that it is absolutely necessary to cease drawing bills on him; that 150,000 dollars, to be repaid in three years, with some aid in clothing, &c., is all that the Court will advance for us. The general tenor of the letters is, that our affairs there make little progress, that the court is rather backward, that the navigation of the Mississippi is likely to prove a very serious difficulty; that Spain has herself been endeavouring to borrow a large sum in France on which she meant to issue a paper currency, that the terms and means used by her displeased Mr. Neckar, who in consequence threw such discouragements on it, as in turn were not very pleasing to the Spanish Minister; that Mr. Cumberland is still at Madrid laboring in concert with other secret emissaries of Britain to give unfavorable impressions of our affairs, that he is permitted to keep up a correspondence by his couriers with London, that if negotiations for peace should be instituted this winter, as Spain has not yet taken a decided part with regard to America, England will probably choose to make Madrid rather than Versailles the seat of it. However unfavorable many of these particulars may appear, it is the concurrent representation of the above ministers that our disappointment of pecuniary succor at Madrid is to be imputed to the want of ability and not of inclination to supply us, that the steadiness of His Catholic Majesty is entirely confided in by the French Ambassador, and that the mysterious conduct of Mr. Cumberland and of the Court of Spain towards him, seems to excite no uneasiness in the Ambassador. The letters add, that, on the pressing remonstrances of France and Spain, Portugal had agreed to shut her ports against English prizes, but that she persisted in her refusal to accede to the armed neutrality.

The receipt of the foregoing intelligence has awakened the attention of the Georgia delegates to their motion, of which I informed you particularly by Col. Grayson. It has lain, ever since it was made, undisturbed on the table. This morning is assigned for the consideration of it, and I expect it will without fail be taken up. I do not believe Congress will adopt it without the express concurrence of all the States immediately interested. Both my principles and my instructions will determine me to oppose it. Virginia, and the United States in general, are too deeply interested in the subject of controversy to give it up, as long as there is a possibility of retaining it. And I have ever considered the mysterious and reserved behaviour of Spain, particularly her backwardness in the article of money, as intended to alarm us into concessions, rather than as the effect of a real indifference to our fate or to any alliance with us. I am very anxious, notwithstanding, to have an answer to my letter by Grayson.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, December 12, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Agreeably to your favor of the second instant, which came to hand yesterday, I shall send this to Fredericksburg. I am sorry that either your own health or that of your lady should oblige you to leave the Legislature before the principal business of the session is finished. I shall be more sorry, if either of these causes should disappoint my hopes of your return to Philadelphia at the promised time. I am the more anxious for your return, because I suppose it will supersede the proposed measure of sending an Envoy to Congress on the business you mention. If the facts are transmitted by the Speaker of the Assembly or the Executive, may they not be laid before Congress with as much efficacy by the established Representatives of the State as by a special messenger? And will not the latter mode in some measure imply a distrust in the former one, and lower us in the eyes of Congress and the public? The application to the Court of France has been anticipated. Congress have even gone so far as to appoint an Envoy Extraordinary to solicit the necessary aids. Colonel Laurens was invested yesterday with that office. I leave the measure to your own reflection. How far it may be expedient to urge Spain to assist us, before she is convinced of the reasonableness of our pretensions, ought to be well weighed before it be tried. The liberty we took in drawing on her for money, excited no small astonishment, and probably gave an idea of our distress, which confirmed her hopes of concession on our part. Accounts received since my last, repeat her inflexibility with regard to the object1 in question between us. It is indispensable that we should in some way or other know the ultimate sense of our constituents on this important matter.

Mr. Laurens is certainly in captivity. An Irish paper tells us he was committed to the Tower on the sixth of October, under a warrant from the three Secretaries of State. Portugal has acceded to the neutral league so far as to exclude the English from the privileges her armed vessels have hitherto enjoyed in her ports. The Ariel, with Paul Jones, and the clothing &c., on board, was dismasted a day or two after she sailed, and obliged to put back into port. If General Washington detaches no further aid to the southward, it will be owing to the reduction of his force by the expiration of enlistments. The Pennsylvania line is mostly engaged for the war, and will soon form almost the whole of the army under his immediate command.

Mr. Sartine, it seems, has been lately removed from the administration of the Naval Department, in consequence of his disappointing the general hopes formed from the great means put into his hands. When it was mentioned to me by Mr. Marbois, I took occasion to ask whether the deception with regard to the second division ought to be ultimately charged upon him, observing to him the use the enemies of the alliance had made of that circumstance. From the explanation that was given, I believe, the blame rests upon his head, and that his removal was the effect of it in a great measure; though it is possible, he may, like many others, have been sacrificed to ideas of policy, and particularly in order to cancel the unfavorable impression which the disappointment left on America. A high character is given, as might be expected, of his successor, the Marquis de Castries, particularly with respect to those qualities in which Mr. Sartine is charged with having been most deficient.

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Philadelphia, December 19, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

Yours of the eighth instant came to hand yesterday. I was sorry to find the Assembly had not then taken up the recommendation of Congress on the subject of the western lands. Its being postponed so late will, I fear, prevent the result of their deliberations from being communicated to Maryland before the rising of their Legislature; in which case much time must be lost, unless their Delegates be authorized to accede to the Confederation, on a cession satisfactory to themselves,—a liberality of proceeding hardly to be expected from that State, after the jealousy and reserve it has shown. I am no less sorry to find so little progress made in the plan for levying soldiers. The regular force for the southern department must be principally, it seems, contributed by Virginia, the North Carolina Assembly having broken up without making any effectual provision of that sort. One would have supposed that the fatiguing service exacted of the militia in that State, would have greatly facilitated such a measure, and yet that is assigned as the obstacle to its practicability.

I wish anxiously to hear from you on the subject stated in my letter by Grayson, and in my subsequent one by the post. Circumstances which I do not choose unnecessarily to hazard by the post, have made it expedient to lay the matter before the Assembly, that their former instructions may not be invalidated by a supposed effect of a change of situation, or may be rescinded if real. This went by W. Jones, Esquire, on his return to North Carolina, who, I suppose, will not be at Richmond till nearly Christmas. I wish it could have reached the Assembly before your leaving it.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^a Dec^r 19, 1780.

Dear Sir,—

You preserve your character for punctuality so well that I always have the pleasure to begin with acknowledging the receipt of a favor from you. That of the 11 instant came to hand yesterday. As the sufferings of your Militia are ascribed to the conduct of their commanding officer, I hope the disgust will be only local. A general disgust would be a very serious misfortune.

We are informed from good authority that an embarkation is taking place at N. York. From the number of Regiments & corps mentioned, it probably consists of about 4000 troops. Knyphausen & Philips it is said are to have the command of them. Their course will without doubt be directed to the Southern States.

We have a probable story from the Southward, corroborated by a paper from N. York, that Tarlton has had an encounter with Sumpter, in which he lost upwards of 100 men including the wounded & received a mortal wound himself. Sumpter is said also to have been wounded but slightly and to have lost one man only. The personal wound of Tarlton is omitted in the N. Y. Paper, but his loss otherwise is represented as greater than our own account makes it.

I am D^r S^r Y^rs sincerely.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Philad^a, Dec^r. 26. 1780.

Dear Sir,—

I have your favor of the 18^th. inst: inclosing another relating to Capt: C. Taylor with a certificate of his situation, to which I shall pay the necessary attention but cannot undertake to predict certain success.

The Danish Declaration with the step taken in consequence by the C^t of London mentioned in the inclosed are the chief news of this week. There is a report that Arnold is gone up the sound with 4000 troops towards N. London. Wishing you the compliments of the season

I am D^r S^r. yours sincerely

[2 ]Monday, March 20, 1780, “Mr. James Madison, jun. a delegate from Virginia, attended and produced credentials of his appointment, which were read.”—Journals of Congress, iii., 444.

[1 ]Then Governor of Virginia. The letter is from the Madison papers (1840). It marks the beginning of the correspondence with Jefferson.

[1 ]From the Madison papers (1840).

[1 ]From the Madison papers (1840). Pendleton was chosen President of the Virginia Court of Appeals in 1779, and held the office until his death in 1803.

[2 ]It would appear that shortly before this date Madison was offered an opportunity of representing the United States abroad. His kinsman, Rev. James Madison, wrote to him from Williamsburg, August 3, 1780.

“But is it true that I had like to have lost my valuable Correspondent & Friend. We hear that you have refused an important place in a foreign Embassy.—If so, yr Refusal does you Honour, but at your Time, I think, it wd have been ye highest Gratification to a Person who wd. have viewed ye Improvement & ye. [torn out] with a philosophical Eye.—And no Doubt all ye Honours America could confer wd. in Time have succeeded.”—Mad. MSS.

[1 ]From the Madison papers (1840). Jones served in Congress from 1780 to 1783, and was temporarily absent in Virginia during September and October. See Letters of Joseph Jones, Department of State, 1889.

[1 ]“I think you acted very prudently in declining to press on the part of Virginia the Resolutions I left for the consideration of Congress. Had I been present, I should have done the same, as I had no intention when they were offered that Virginia should appear anxious about them.”—Jones to Madison, October 9, 1780, Letters of Joseph Jones, 30.

[1 ]Under date of August 2, 1780, George Mason wrote to Madison, saying that if Congress decided to appoint a consul to Spain he would recommend Richard Harrison for the place.—Mad. MSS.

[2 ]From the Madison papers (1840).

[1 ]Jones was a member of the Virginia Legislature as well as of the Continental Congress.

[1 ]From the Madison papers (1840).

[1 ]Endorsed: “Report of Comee appd to Draught a letter to the Ministers at the courts of Versailles and Madrid &c.” The whole paper is in Madison’s hand.

[1 ]From the Madison Papers (1840).

[1 ]Colonel Theoderick Bland. He and Madison were the only two delegates from Virginia then in attendance on Congress. Their differences on this subject culminated in the following request for instructions:

His Excellency Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Governor of Virginia

Philadelphia, December 13th 1780.

Sir,—

The complexion of the intelligence received of late from Spain, with the manner of thinking which begins to prevail in Congress with regard to the claims to the navigation of the Mississippi, makes it our duty to apply to our constituents for their precise, full and ultimate sense on this point. If Spain should make a relinquishment of the navigation of that river on the part of the United States an indispensable condition of an alliance with them, and the State of Virginia should adhere to their former determination to insist on the right of navigation, their delegates ought to be so instructed, not only for their own satisfaction, but that they may the more effectually obviate arguments drawn from a supposition that the change of circumstances, which has taken place since the former instructions were given, may have changed the opinion of Virginia with regard to the object of them. If, on the other side, any such change of opinion should have happened, and it is now the sense of the State that an alliance with Spain ought to be purchased even at the price of such a cession if it can not be obtained on better terms, it is evidently necessary that we should be authorized to concur in it.—It will also be expedient for the Legislature to instruct us in the most explicit terms whether any and what extent of territory on the East side of the Mississippi and within the limits of Virginia, is in any event to be yielded to Spain as the price of an alliance with her.—Lastly, it is our earnest wish to know what steps it is the pleasure of our Constituents we should take, in case we should be instructed in no event to concede the claims of Virginia either to territory or to the navigation of the above-mentioned river, and Congress should without their concurrence agree to such concession.

We have made use of the return of the Honble W. Jones to N. Carolina to transmit this to your Excellency, and request that you will immediately communicate it to the General Assembly.

We have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem,

Yr Excellys most obt & humble servants,

James Madison, JunrTheok Bland

The foregoing is a true copy of a document communicated by Governor Jefferson to the General Assembly, and filed in my office.Wm Mumford, Keeper of the Rolls.—Mad. MSS.Richmond, Augt 31st 1819.

[1 ]From the Madison Papers (1840).

[2 ]The scheme of a negro bounty was discussed on several occasions in the Virginia legislature, as Jones’s letters show. “But my notion is,” he says in the letter to which Madison alludes, “and I think the mode would be more just and equally certain in procuring the men, to throw the militia into divisions as by the last law, and require the divisions to find a negro of a certain value or age, or money equivalent to that value * * * But the negro bounty cannot fail to procure men for the war under either scheme, with the draught as the dernier resort.” In reply to this letter of Madison’s, Jones wrote Dec. 8: “The negro scheme is laid aside upon a doubt of its practicability in any reasonable time, and because it was generally considered as unjust, sacrificing the property of a part of the community to the exoneration of the rest. It was reprobated also as inhuman and cruel. How far your idea of raising black regiments, giving them freedom would be politic, in this and the negro States, deserves well to be considered, so long as the States mean to continue any part of that people in their present subjection; as it must be doubtful whether the measure would not ultimately tend to increase the army of the enemy as much or more than our own. For if they once see us disposed to arm the blacks for the field they will follow the example and not disdain to fight us in our own way, and this would bring on the southern States inevitable ruin. At least it would draw off immediately such a number of the best labourers for the culture of the earth as to ruin individuals, distress the State, and perhaps the Continent, when all that can be raised by their assistance is but barely sufficient to keep us jogging along with the great expence of the war. The freedom of these people is a great and desirable object. To have a clear view of it would be happy for Virginia; but whenever it is attempted, it must be, I conceive, by some gradual course, allowing time as they go off for labourers to take their places, or we shall suffer exceedingly under the sudden revolution which perhaps arming them would produce.”—Letters of Joseph Jones, 48, 63, 64.

[1 ]From the Madison Papers (1840).

[1 ]The free navigation of the Mississippi.

[1 ]From the Madison Papers (1840).

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TO JAMES MADISON.mad. mss.

Hond Sir,—

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Dear Sir,—

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Dear Sir,—

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Dear Sir,—

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.1

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.1

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

I am Dr Sir with sincere respect Yr obt friend & servt.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

I am Dr. Sr. Yrs &c.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

Affec yr. obt Servt

TO JOSEPH JONES.2

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN JAY.cont. cong.BOUNDARIES AND FREE NAVIGATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI.1

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.1

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.1

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dr. Sr.,—

I am, etc.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.mad. mss.

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

TO JOSEPH JONES.1

Dear Sir,—

Hon^d Sir,—

I am D^r Sir with sincere respect
Y^r ob^t friend & servt.

I am D^r. S^r. Yrs &c.

Affec yr. ob^t Serv^t

INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN JAY.cont. cong.

BOUNDARIES AND FREE NAVIGATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI.1

D^r. S^r.,—

I am D^r S^r Y^rs sincerely.

I am D^r S^r. yours sincerely