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SECTION I.: ANALOGY BETWEEN THIS AND THE PREVIOUS CASE. - Jeremy Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 3 [1843]

Edition used:

The Works of Jeremy Bentham, published under the Superintendence of his Executor, John Bowring (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843). 11 vols. Vol. 3.

Part of: The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 vols.

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SECTION I.

ANALOGY BETWEEN THIS AND THE PREVIOUS CASE.

We come now to the case of Ireland. In the case of the United States, what we have been seeing is—as the cause of the effects in question, representative democracy—pure democracy. This is not exactly the same state of things as that which we have been stating as the natural, the necessary, the desirable effect of radical reform—namely, democratic ascendency. But though not exactly and exclusively that, it is that and more: and if so it were, that radical reform, with its inseparable fruit democratic ascendency, were in any degree mischievous or dangerous, pure democracy would to a much higher degree, be mischievous or dangerous.

In the United States, for the cause of the effects in question, we have seen pure democracy: for its effects of the negative kind, instead of the alleged subversion of the rights of property, no such subversion; effects of the positive kind, condition in respect of the rights of property better, much better, than under Matchless Constitution, with the benefit of English institutions the whole mass of them: condition in respect of general felicity as dependent on the possession of its several elements and external instruments, generally superior likewise.

In the case of Ireland, we shall see a case still more exactly in point. For a length of time quite sufficient for experiment—quite sufficient for the support of every inference,—we shall see democratic ascendency established and maintaining itself: maintaining itself, not indeed under the name of parliamentary reform—radical parliamentary reform—but what is more, with the essential characters of it. So much for the cause of the effects inquired after: as to the effects themselves, they will be found still in their nature the same as in the United States. Subversion of the rights of property, none—subversion of the constitution, none. Thus much for the merely negative effects: look now to the positive effects. Here, on the side of Ireland, we shall find a brilliant superiority:—the average mass of felicity exalted to a pitch unknown before or since—public and private felicity; and, as at once a cause and consequence of it, public and private virtue.