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SECTION VI.: DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THIS AND THE ORIGINAL EDITIONS OF RADICAL REFORM. - Jeremy Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 3 [1843]

Edition used:

The Works of Jeremy Bentham, published under the Superintendence of his Executor, John Bowring (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843). 11 vols. Vol. 3.

Part of: The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 vols.

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SECTION VI.

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THIS AND THE ORIGINAL EDITIONS OF RADICAL REFORM.

So much for absolute views: now for a comparative one.

In the above explained list of principal arrangements—taking ten for the number—I find in the original editions of Radical Reform, these following, viz.—

I. Applying to the situation of elector, these three, viz.—1. Comprehension of all interests; 2. Virtual universality of suffrage; 3. Practical equality of suffrage:—these three—unless the first and second should be regarded as the same object under two different names.

But, in these same original plans, neither secresy of suffrage, nor therefore (as it seems to me) freedom of suffrage, are included.

II. Applying to the situation of Representative, these three, viz.—1. Operating in the character of an instrumental security, impermanence of the situation, viz. by means of annuality; and,—in so far as this suffices,—the two principal securities, viz. due dependence, and, to the extent of its operation, due independence; 2. Due dependence as towards electors; 3. Due independence as towards C—r-General and Co.

But, referable to this last head, in this same original plan two other securities which I do not find,—but which, in the character of instrumental securities, with reference to those principal ones, have presented themselves to my view as indispensable,—are—1. Exclusion of placemen from the right of voting; 2. Universal constancy of attendance.

Here, then, are four additional securities: two of them applying to the one situation, two of them to the other,—four additional securities, in respect of which I hold myself more particularly responsible.

Taking the other edition,—or, in case of difference, those other editions,—of Radical Reform, for the original edition or editions,—the edition composed of these same securities, with the addition of the four others, which, in the character of instrumental, and indeed indispensable securities, I have thus ventured to propose, may be distinguished by the name of my edition of Radical Parliamentary Reform, by anybody that pleases.*

Arrangements for the simplification of the process of election,—and thereby for the diminution of delay, vexation, expense, drunkenness, and disturbance,—are to be found not only in the radical reform system, but moreover, in principle at least, in some of the moderate reform plans: in so far as they are in this case, they belong not to the present head.

Of the Radical Reform Plan—so far as concerns annuality of election,—the unknown member of the House of Commons, at whose instance the rest of the House joined in that petition—(such in those days was the form)—to which Edward the Third twice, in the shape of a law, gave his sanction,—may be considered as the original inventor. In the late reign, viz. as above mentioned, in 1744, it found in Thomas Carew a parliamentary reviver, and in him and Sir John Phillipps (not to mention others) two most powerful advocates: on which occasion, as hath been seen, it did not want much of being carried. Within the compass of the present reign, has this same arrangement found in the Lords an advocate in the person of the late Duke of Richmond;* and, since his death, viz. anno 1809, in the Commons, in the person of Sir Francis Burdett: but, of the degree of extension insisted upon by the Duke of Richmond, no inconsiderable part appears to have been given up by Sir Francis Burdett.

Finding that limitation already proposed, and from a quarter so respectable; finding it already proposed, and regarding it as promising—at any rate in a degree sufficient for a first proposal—to be effectually conducive to the purpose,—finding it already thus proposed,—and preferring, on every occasion in which a regard for the end in view will admit of such preference, union to dissension,—hence it was that, in the annexed Plan, drawn up anno 1809—and word for word as it stands at present—I adopted this same limitation. With the arrangement in that same state, I should, after the closer consideration recently bestowed upon the subject, be to a considerable degree satisfied. At the same time, after maturer consideration, on the one hand not seeing in it any source of danger, even though it were in a state of extension still more ample than that in which it was prescribed by the Duke of Richmond:—on the other hand, beholding in a limitation which I have ventured to propose a specific one—and that in my eyes a very important one, which will be brought to view under the appropriate head,—hence it is, that, to give a general intimation of the difference, the name which, in this my edition, is given to universal suffrage, is, virtually universal suffrage.

[* ]Since writing the above, I have become sufficiently assured, that long before the time when the ensuing Plan of mine was drawn up, the expedient of the ballot had, in more publications than one, been advocated by Major Cartwright: but none of these publications having been seen by me, more than this I am not enabled to say.

[* ]See Appendix.

[]Ibid.