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Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow APPENDIX A.: Government ought to have the Monopoly of Paper Money, as well as of Metallic Money. - The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 3

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APPENDIX A.: Government ought to have the Monopoly of Paper Money, as well as of Metallic Money. - Jeremy Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 3 [1843]

Edition used:

The Works of Jeremy Bentham, published under the Superintendence of his Executor, John Bowring (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843). 11 vols. Vol. 3.

Part of: The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 vols.

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APPENDIX A.

Government ought to have theMonopolyofPaper Money,as well as ofMetallic Money.

Bank Notes, though bearing no interest, circulate at par. Even private notes—the notes of country bankers, do the same:—Government paper not without interest, and even when carrying interest, not at a corresponding premium.

To what causes are we to attribute a contrast thus striking, and so much to the disadvantage of government? Is the disadvantage remediable, or irremediable? If remediable, are there any efficient reasons against employing a remedy? If a remedy can be found, is it not an event to be wished for upon the whole? Instead of bearing a share comparatively so minute as that which government bears in the business of issuing paper currency, and that upon terms comparatively so disadvantageous, ought it not rather to possess the whole?—is it not to be wished that it did possess the whole? How stand these questions with reference to general constitutional principles?—how stand they upon the footing of particular expediency—of expediency with reference to the circumstances of the particular case in question, independently of the general expediency of adhering to constitutional principles? If obtainable and desirable, by what means can such an extension of the government currency be attempted with the greatest prospect of advantage and success? Of what nature are the advantages to be derived from it, and to what length are they capable of being carried?

The advantage is the first object in the order of importance. Whatever may be the present amount of paper circulating without interest,—upon the supposition that government possessed the monopoly of the issue of such paper, the saving of the interest upon such amount, whatever be the current rate of interest, would be the advantage accruing from such monopoly.

If, then, the whole of this advantage, or any part of it, could be gained, would there be any harm in gaining it? Let us open, in the first place, the great book of the constitution. To be the same in principle at all times, constitutional laws must vary as the times, and adapt themselves to the times.

Among the most unquestioned, innocent, and unobjectionable prerogatives of the crown, acting in this as in all other instances under the controul of parliament, is the monopoly of the coinage.* When there was no currency but metal, the crown had the sole issuing of that currency. To metal currency is now added paper currency: the crown, therefore, to preserve the prerogative in statu quo, ought to have the sole issuing of that currency; at any rate, unless the extension of the monopoly to this modern branch be attended with greater inconveniences than what accompany its application to the old one.

Nor let it be thought that the expediency of this extension rests upon the mere general ground of adherence to established principles, sanctioned by general acquiescence—upon the propriety of keeping matters in respect of government as they are—in a word, of keeping up the vis inertue of government. If the prerogative had utility for its support in its original shape, it is recommended by equal utility in the proposed supplemental one. The use of the prerogative in respect of metal money, was to guard the people against loss by the suppression of counterfeits: in the instance of paper currency, the use and reed of it are the same.

The loss to which the subject was exposes by metal money coined by individuals, was that of the difference between genuine metal and of full weight, and the coin of light weight and base alloy, which it might be apprehended would be issued by individuals. The loss to which the subject is exposed from bad paper currency is of the same kind, but much heavier in degree. Loss by bad metal currency distributes itself in small parcels, and by the minuteness of the portions to which it adheres, falls with a gentle and almost imperceptible stroke. Loss by bad paper falls in much larger masses. Loss by bad copper is as nothing—loss by bad silver is no great matter—even loss by bad gold is light, in comparison of the average rate of loss upon bad bills.

The justification of the monopoly in the new case is stronger than in the old one, in every point of view. By the monopoly of the metal coinage, the government succeeds but very imperfectly in saving the subject from loss. Coiners were punished as traitors; and yet the country swarmed with coiners. A few years ago, and the copper was three-fourths bad:—the pretended silver, a great deal of it base, and scarcely a piece of genuine silver that was not either counterfeit or light. By the monopoly of the paper currency, government might most perfectly protect the subject from bad paper. Let it but supply the market with its own paper, and a simple prohibition will keep all other paper out of the market most effectually. Against the fabrication of bad coin, capital punishment has been expended in vain: against the fabrication of paper, which under the danger of its turning out so much worse than bad coin, it seems expedient to prohibit, a pecuniary penalty would be perfectly sufficient.

If, then, in the whole scheme of government, there be an instance in which it is expedient to bring back institutions to the standard of first principles, the present will, I believe, be found among the number. Compare the advantage resulting to the community from the monopoly in the respective instances of the two species of currencies, we shall find it in every point of view greatly superior in the instance of the paper currency of fictitious value, to what it is in the instance of the currency of natural value, the metallic currency. Will the prerogative be abused? No more when extended to paper, than it is now that it confines itself to coin. Good faith as towards subjects is a jewel so deeply set in the British crown, that it can as little be expected to shake in any one part, as to drop out altogether.

[* ]This branch of the prerogative, like most others, had its origin in force, with little or no regard to public utility: the king took it, not from any view of the general advantage the nation would reap from his taking it, but because he found his private advantage in taking it. But the utility of the institution is not the less real;—the advantage is not less really among its effects, though it were not the final cause of the institution. It has at times in this country, and regularly in several other countries, produced a profit to government; but its constant object has been the guarding individuals against loss by fraud from the substitution of coin of inferior value to that indicated by the exterior appearance of the pieces.

The monopoly of the metal coinage, it is to be observed, is confined to the fabrication of such coin as shall be legal tender; i. e. as a creditor shall be obliged to receive in satisfaction of his debt:—for as to the fabrication of medals of the same intrinsic value, or purporting to be of the same intrinsic value, there is nothing against it in law, so long as the impression upon them is not an imitation of the medals made on government account. The monopoly consists in the taking the coin fabricated on the king’s account for the sole subject of that part of the law of contracts which prescribes what acts shall amount to the payment of a debt.