The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Editor’s Note
• Foreword to the Fourth Edition
• Foreword to the Third Edition
• Introduction
• 1: Economics and Praxeology
• 2: The Epistemological Problem of a General Theory of Human Action
• 3: Economic Theory and the Practice of Human Action
• 4: Résumé
• Part 1. Human Action
• Chapter 1: Acting Man
• 1: Purposeful Action and Animal Reaction
• 2: The Prerequisites of Human Action
• On Happiness
• On Instincts and Impulses
• 3: Human Action As an Ultimate Given
• 4: Rationality and Irrationality; Subjectivism and Objectivity of Praxeological Research
• 5: Causality As a Requirement of Action
• 6: The Alter Ego
• On the Serviceableness of Instincts
• The Absolute End
• Vegetative Man
• Chapter 2: The Epistemological Problems of the Sciences of Human Action
• 1: Praxeology and History
• 2: The Formal and Aprioristic Character of Praxeology
• The Alleged Logical Heterogeneity of Primitive Man
• 3: The a Priori and Reality
• 4: The Principle of Methodological Individualism
• I and We
• 5: The Principle of Methodological Singularism
• 6: The Individual and Changing Features of Human Action
• 7: The Scope and the Specific Method of History
• 8: Conception and Understanding
• Natural History and Human History
• 9: On Ideal Types
• 10: The Procedure of Economics
• 11: The Limitations On Praxeological Concepts
• Chapter 3: Economics and the Revolt Against Reason
• 1: The Revolt Against Reason
• 2: The Logical Aspect of Polylogism
• 3: The Praxeological Aspect of Polylogism
• 4: Racial Polylogism
• 5: Polylogism and Understanding
• 6: The Case For Reason
• Chapter 4: A First Analysis of the Category of Action
• 1: Ends and Means
• 2: The Scale of Value
• 3: The Scale of Needs
• 4: Action As an Exchange
• Chapter 5: Time
• 1: Time As a Praxeological Factor
• 2: Past, Present, and Future
• 3: The Economization of Time
• 4: The Temporal Relation Between Actions
• Chapter 6: Uncertainty
• 1: Uncertainty and Acting
• 2: The Meaning of Probability
• 3: Class Probability
• 4: Case Probability
• 5: Numerical Evaluation of Case Probability
• 6: Betting, Gambling, and Playing Games
• 7: Praxeological Prediction
• Chapter 7: Action Within the World
• 1: The Law of Marginal Utility
• 2: The Law of Returns
• 3: Human Labor As a Means
• Immediately Gratifying Labor and Mediately Gratifying Labor
• The Creative Genius
• 4: Production
• Part 2: Action Within the Framework of Society
• Chapter 8: Human Society
• 1: Human Cooperation
• 2: A Critique of the Holistic and Metaphysical View of Society
• Praxeology and Liberalism
• Liberalism and Religion
• 3: The Division of Labor
• 4: The Ricardian Law of Association
• Current Errors Concerning the Law of Association
• 5: The Effects of the Division of Labor
• 6: The Individual Within Society
• The Fable of the Mystic Communion
• 7: The Great Society
• 8: The Instinct of Aggression and Destruction
• Current Misinterpretations of Modern Natural Science, Especially of Darwinism
• Chapter 9: The Role of Ideas
• 1: Human Reason
• 2: World View and Ideology
• The Fight Against Error
• 3: Might
• Traditionalism As an Ideology
• 4: Meliorism and the Idea of Progress
• Chapter 10: Exchange Within Society
• 1: Autistic Exchange and Interpersonal Exchange
• 2: Contractual Bonds and Hegemonic Bonds
• 3: Calculative Action
• Part 3: Economic Calculation
• Chapter 11: Valuation Without Calculation
• 1: The Gradation of the Means
• 2: The Barter-fiction of the Elementary Theory of Value and Prices
• The Theory of Value and Socialism
• 3: The Problem of Economic Calculation
• 4: Economic Calculation and the Market
• Chapter 12: The Sphere of Economic Calculation
• 1: The Character of Monetary Entries
• 2: The Limits of Economic Calculation
• 3: The Changeability of Prices
• 4: Stabilization
• 5: The Root of the Stabilization Idea
• Chapter 13: Monetary Calculation As a Tool of Action
• 1: Monetary Calculation As a Method of Thinking
• 2: Economic Calculation and the Science of Human Action

Immediately Gratifying Labor and Mediately Gratifying Labor

As a rule labor gratifies the performer only mediately, namely, through the removal of uneasiness which the attainment of the end brings about. The worker gives up leisure and submits to the disutility of labor in order to enjoy either the product or what other people are ready to give him for it. The expenditure of labor is for him a means for the attainment of certain ends, a price paid and a cost incurred.

But there are instances in which the performance of labor gratifies the worker immediately. He derives immediate satisfaction from the expenditure of labor. The yield is twofold. It consists on the one hand in the attainment of the product and on the other hand in the satisfaction that the performance itself gives to the worker.

People have misinterpreted this fact grotesquely and have based on this misinterpretation fantastic plans for social reforms. One of the main dogmas of socialism is that labor has disutility only within the capitalistic system of production, while under socialism it will be pure delight. We may disregard the effusions of the poor lunatic Charles Fourier. But Marxian “scientific” socialism does not differ in this point from the utopians. Some of its foremost champions, Frederick Engels and Karl Kautsky, expressly declare that a chief effect of a socialist regime will be to transform labor from a pain into a pleasure.10

The fact is often ignored that those activities which bring about immediate gratification and are thus direct sources of pleasure and enjoyment, are essentially different from labor and working. Only a very superficial treatment of the facts concerned can fail to recognize these differences. Paddling a canoe as it is practiced on Sundays for amusement on the lakes of public parks can only from the point of view of hydromechanics be likened to the rowing of boatsmen and galley slaves. When judged as a means for the attainment of ends it is as different as is the humming of an aria by a rambler from the recital of the same aria by the singer in the opera. The carefree Sunday paddler and the singing rambler derive immediate gratification from their activities, but not mediate gratification. What they do is therefore not labor, not the employment of their physiological functions for the attainment of ends other than the mere exercise of these functions. It is merely pleasure. It is an end in itself; it is done for its own sake and does not render any further service. As it is not labor, it is not permissible to call it immediately gratifying labor.11

Sometimes a superficial observer may believe that labor performed by other people gives rise to immediate gratification because he himself would like to engage in a kind of play which apparently imitates the kind of labor concerned. As children play school, soldiers, and railroad, so adults too would like to play this and that. They think that the railroad engineer must enjoy operating and steering his engine as much as they would if they were permitted to toy with it. On his hurried way to the office the bookkeeper envies the patrolman who, he thinks, is paid for leisurely strolling around his beat. But the patrolman envies the bookkeeper who, sitting on a comfortable chair in a well-heated room, makes money by some scribbling which cannot seriously be called labor. Yet the opinions of people who misinterpret other people’s work and consider it a mere pastime need not be taken seriously.

There are, however, also instances of genuine immediately gratifying labor. There are some kinds of labor of which, under special conditions, small quantities provide immediate gratification. But these quantities are so insignificant that they do not play any role at all in the complex of human action and production for the satisfaction of wants. Our world is characterized by the phenomenon of the disutility of labor. People trade the disutility-bringing labor for the products of labor; labor is for them a source of mediate gratification.

As far as a special kind of labor gives a limited amount of pleasure and not pain, immediate gratification and not disutility of labor, no wages are allowed for its performance. On the contrary, the performer, the “worker,” must buy the pleasure and pay for it. Hunting game was and is for many people regular disutility-creating labor. But there are people for whom it is pure pleasure. In Europe amateur hunters buy from the owner of the hunting-ground the right to shoot a definite number of game of a definite type. The purchase of this right is separated from the price to be paid for the bag. If the two purchases are linked together, the price by far exceeds the prices that can be obtained on the market for the bag. A chamois buck still roaming on precipitous rocks has therefore a higher cash value than later when killed, brought down to the valley, and ready for the utilization of the meat, the skin, and the horns, although strenuous climbing and some material must be expended for its killing. One could say that one of the services which a living buck is able to render is to provide the hunter with the pleasure of killing it.

[10. ]Karl Kautsky, Die soziale Revolution (3d ed. Berlin, 1911), II, 16 ff. About Engels see below, p. 591.

[11. ]Rowing seriously practiced as a sport and singing seriously practiced by an amateur are introversive labor. See below, pp. 587–88.