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• Introduction
• A Note On the Text
• Acknowledgments
• The Present State of Germany
• Pufendorf’s Preface to the First Edition of 1667 1
• Preface to the Second Edition (1706) 1
• A Letter of Monsieur Mézeray Concerning the Manuscript On the State of the German Empire, Written to a Bookseller of Paris. 1
• To the Reader
• Chapter I: Of the Origine of the German Empire.
• Chapter II: Of the Members of Which the Present German Empire Is Composed .
• Chapter III: Of the Origine of the States of the Empire, and By What Degrees [ Stages ] They Arrived to That Power They Now Have.
• Chapter IV: Of the Head of the German Empire, the Emperor; and of the Election and the Electors .
• Chapter V: Of the Power of the Emperor, As It Now Stands Limited By Treaties; and the Laws and Customs of the Empire; and the Rights of the States of Germany.
• Chapter VI: Of the Form of the German Empire. 1
• Chapter VII: Of the Strength and Diseases of the German Empire.
• Chapter VIII: [of the German State-interest.] a

chapter vii

Of the Strength and Diseases of the German Empire.

1. The Forces of any State may be considered as they are in themselves, or [as by reason of the elegant Structure of its Form or Constitution they may be used].a Forces considered in themselves, consist in Men and Things.

The Subjects of Humane Force.As to the first of these, Men, Germany has no reason to complain that it wants numbers of them, or they Wit or Ingenuity. There is so great a multitude of the principal Nobility, and they too are in such splendid circumstances, that there is scarcely the like to be found elsewhere in all the World. The Gentry or Inferiour Nobility are neither for want of Ground, or by their over-great number compell’d to condescend [descend] to the exercise of mean and sordid Arts (Trades). Perhaps yet there are more of them employed in Learning [letters] than is convenient, though [amongst the many Graduates there are not many eminent Scholars].b Of Merchants, Tradesmen, and Mechanicks there is a great plenty: But then in many places there is now <156> a want ofHusbandmen most wanted. Husbandmen, considering the largeness of the Country. This is owing partly to the Thirty years War, by which Germany was most miserably desolated; and partly because the Countrymen [rustics] are of that Temper, that as soon as they arrive at any considerable Estate, they put out their Children [sons] to Trades, as thinking those that live in the Cities much more happy than themselves.

Though I can scarce think that any Man [had so much leisure as to take an exact account]a of the Cities and Burroughs [villages] of Germany, yet I believe no man would be suspected [of boasting] by one that knew that Country [regionis], if he should say, that anA vast Army may be easily levyed. Army of Two Hundred Thousand Men might be levied, by taking out of every City five men [soldiers], and out of every Burrough-Town one, or two at most. For a Specimen of this, there are some Authors that say, That in the Ten Circles there are 1957 Cities, Towns, and Castles, besides the Kingdom of Bohemia, in which, according to Hagec,1 in the Reign of Ferdinand I.2 there were 102 Cities, and 308 Towns, and 258 considerable Castles, 171 Monasteries, and of Villages 30363. {In Silesia [there are]b 411 Cities, 863 Towns, and 51112 Villages. In Moravia there are 100 Cities, 410 [lesser] Towns, 30360 Villages.} And before the Protestants destroyed [so many of] them, there were 11024 [Monasteries, Priories, Abbies, and Nunneries].c Thus Ferdinand II.3 is, by his Zeal for the [Church of Rome],d said to have brought [back] into her Communion One [hundred thousand]e men<, though that number was greatly augmented by the crude adulation of priests>.

This Nation4 [is not only thus wonderfully Populous, <157> but]⁺ from all times of which any memory has been preserved, it has been ever famous forThe Inhabitants as warlike as numerous. War, and greedy of Military Glory [eager for military service], spending freely, for [a little]⁺ Money, its Blood in [all the Nations]a of Europe. As they are not over-hot in their Passions, so they are very constant, [and have Souls]b very capable of Discipline and Instruction. Nor is this Nation less [to be admired and commended for their Mechanick Arts and Ingenious Manufactures]:c And which [Steddy and constant in their Humours. crowns all, and tends wonderfully to the Security and Welfare of Societies],d they are not at all inclined to promote Changes in their Governments, and [can with Patience and Submission endure the most Rigid Government].e

The Temper of the English different.//I cannot forbear saying, the English Nation has all the German Virtues, which they brought over with them, but these last; for no Government will long please us, being too much addicted to hope for better days in other Publick Circumstances: And we are certainly the Nation in the whole World that can the worst bear an overloose remiss Government, or a rigid severe one, especially if not regulated exactly by Laws.

In the point of Strength the Country first to be considered.2. Amongst [the things in which the Strength of a Nation consisteth, the first that is to be considered is, the Country]f it self: As to the extent of it, that may easily be known, by travelling from Cassuben upon the Baltick Sea, in the further Pomerania, to Montpelgart, upon the River Alain, 33 Miles from Basil to the West; or from [the furthest parts of]⁺Holstein, N.W. to the <158> farthest part of Carniola, S.E. or from Liege in the W. to the utmost Eastern Border of Silesia.g In this vast-extended Region, if you except the top of the Alps, there are very few places which produce nothing useful to [cultivation of] the Life of Man; but there are every where that Plenty of Necessaries, that it [life] wants nothing from abroad, but what may promote Luxury and Superfluous Pleasures.

The Mines, and some Rivers, afford a little Gold, and all its [Germany’s] Precious Stones are of small value: But then there is some Silver, and great plenty of Copper, Tin, Lead, Iron, Quicksilver, and other Metals [minerals] of less price, digged out of the Earth in very many places. The Fountains afford as much Salt as the Country needeth, though in all the Countries [places] bordering on the Sea, and the Navigable Rivers, they generally use Salt brought from France, Portugal, and Holland. They have great Plenty of Corn and Fruits of all sorts, Wood, [Cloathing, both Linen and Woollen];a as also Horses, great Cattel and small,b and Wild Beasts. And they want not those Liquors that will make them drunk. So that in the whole, Germany may be esteemed a Wealthy Region, because it not only produceth those Metals of which Money is minted, but all other things too, which are required to the Support [necessitatem] or Pleasure of Humane Life, in that plenty, that it can serve all its own Inhabitants, and afford great quantities to be transported to Foreign Nations,

And those that are imported from abroad [elsewhere], are either <159> [much less in value],c or such things as the Germans might conveniently live without, if they knew how to suppress their Luxury, or lay by their Laziness and Folly. As for example: How easie were it for them to be well content with their own Wine and Beer? Or if they are not sufficient to make them drunk enough, they might quicken the operation thereof with the hellish steamsd of Brandy, and in the mean time never know or regard the Spanish and French Wines. How easie were it for the Germans to cloath themselves with their own Cloth, made of their own Wools, and leave the Spanish, English, and Hollanders to wear theirs too? Or if they are taken with the beauty and fineness of them, then they ought to have encouraged their own Workmen to [mend the Manufacture].a Nor would it be any Grievance to the Germans to want [lack] the Italian Silks: Or if they must needs be well and finely clad, the parts about the Rhine [could] produce sufficient quantities of Mulberry Trees; [and so they might have Silk too, if the Inhabitants could once perswade themselves to mind]b something besides their Vineyards: Thus having Mulberries and Silkworms, they might (if they pleased) learn [from us]c the Art of making Silks. |[And though it may perhaps be reasonable to impute the Germans affecting the French Fashions to the simplicity of this Nation [gentis], as believing it becomes them much more than their own: Yet it [cannot be denied, but it is a piece of intolerable Folly to fetch <160> their Stuffs, which are not fit for us];d nay, the very Name of French Goods enhaunceth the value and esteem [among them] of what would otherwise be slighted]|:e The [Frenchmens]f varying so often the [Figures and Forms of their Stuffs],g is not an Argument of their Levity [superficiality] and Inconstancy, [as some think,]⁺ but a very crafty Design, for by this means they prevent the German Workmen from ever imitating them.

Though in truth the greatest part of the Artificers of Germany [are so dull-witted as to] think it a Sin to vary from the received method they have once setled in their Trades; [nor can they possibly perswade themselves, that there is any thing in the new Inventions which is good, or to be imitated],a because forsooth it was not known to their Grandsires. Lastly, If Germany could possibly [command and rule]b its own Luxury, much less Sugar and Spices, which with other things of that nature are brought from the East and West Indies, would then serve [it].c

Germany well stored with what will carry on a Trade.3. Nor doth Germany want the means of drawing to it self the Riches of other Countries by Commerce: To that purpose it is required, that the Situation of a Country be convenient for the passage of its Inhabitants to other Nations, and also the reception of Strangers amongst them; and lastly, that the Inhabitants may have something to spare, which they may export into Foreign Nations<, beside their skill>.d Now all those Cities are very conveniently seated for a Trade, which stand upon the Ocean [North Sea] and the <161> Baltick Sea, and the Inland Towns which stand upon great and navigable Rivers [only somewhat less so], on the account of the [cheapness of Carriage]:e [for all]⁺ Merchandise which is carried by a Land-Carriage, affords little profit[, by reason of the charge]⁺. The Goods which are exported out of Germany are these that follow.Their Commedities.Iron, wrought and unwrought, Lead, Quick silver, Wine, Beer, Brandy, Corn, Wool, Course [woollen] Cloth, and several sorts of [Cloth],fLinens, Horses, Sheep, &c.

Yet she wants Money, and the Reasons why.And yet I cannot deny, but after all, there appears a far greater plenty of Money in [other Countries],g than in Germany; and there seems to be many reasons for it: For, (1.)h What wonder is it, that a Country [region] should appear exhausted, {at least in part,}i which |[has endured a War of Thirty years continuance, and has in all that time been exposed to the Ravage of its own and]|a foreign Souldiers<, and endured severe attacks thereafter>. (2.) There are other Countries [regions of Europe] which are placed much better for a Trade [with outsiders] than Germany, because there are [very few, in comparison of the German Cities, which stand well for it];b when as on the contrary, the Sea favoureth much more England, Italy, Spain, Portugal, France, and the Netherlands. (3.) There are [other Countries which have Countries subject to them that are no parts of them, and so represent the Wealth of many Nations in a small room crowded together].c This is the case of Spain, Portugal, England, and Holland; but Germany has no Dominions without its own Bounds [to enrich it]⁺. (4.) The Beauty <162> and Greatness of the capital Cities in [some] other Countries [kingdoms], in which the Wealth of a whole Nation is sometimes contracted, strikes the Eyes, and excites the Wonder of a Stranger. Thus many ignorant [inexperienced] People judge of the Riches of France by Paris; by London and Lisbonne they judge of England and Portugal; but in so vast a Country as Germany, the Riches, which are so very much dispersed, must necessarily seem less than indeed they are. (5.) Much of the Money of Germany is by the Folly of its Natives carried into foreign Countries, for Commodities they might either have [produced] at home, or easily be without.5

(6.) I know not whether I ought not to add, That the Travels of the German Youth into Foreign Countries, spends much of their Money, which is drawn over into those parts; [for though perhaps it is not amiss]d to have the German |[Rusticity and Dulness]|e allayed and tempered by [the Conversation of]a Foreigners. Yet I think on the other side they deserve Scorn or Pity, who bring [home] out of Italy [no other Improvements, but a Sett of Sins,]b unknown before in their native Country, together with some new and unheard-of forms of Swearing[, and Blaspheming God]⁺. Nor doth France for the most part return those that travel in it with any better Accomplishments than that of [a sordid Luxury],c and an exact experimental knowledge [review] of the various degrees and kinds of the Venereal Mange: Yet there are some [who had not the patience to <163> earn the Title of a Doctor at home, by many years Study and Applications, but having taken a great turn in Italy, or France, are ever after counted wonderfully learned: And a Foreigner too may purchase the Title of Doctor much cheaper in Italy than in Germany, and with less Breach of his Modesty; and this and their Ignorance is all they bring home with them, though in truth for their Honour it may be said, There are a great many German Doctors as errant Blockheads as they].d

The Strength of Germany compared with its Neighbours.4. But then, seeing no man can properly and truly be said to be strong or weak, till he is compared with others, let us in the next place compare the Forces of Germany with its neighbour Nations. Germany bordereth to the South-East upon the Ottoman Empire in Stiria, Hungary and Croatia, these two, [though not parts of Germany,]⁺ being [like] its Ramperts[, whose preservation is greatly in its interest]. Now, tho’ theFirst, with the Turks.Turks, from their large Dominions, can raise [much more Money and Men],a yet there is no great reason for the Germans to fear them. For [he can only assault a corner of this Empire],b where it terminates in a sharp Angle like a Wedg, and that at a great distance from the Heart or Regal City of Turkey; so that they never make an Hungarian War, but at a vast Charge and Expence. Nor are the Turkish Souldiers<, except for the janissaries [praetorianum militem],> to be compared with the German, when they are well exercised, [for Strength or Hardiness]⁺; and therefore the Asian Forces are with great difficulty <164> brought hither, where they cannot bear the [unaccustomed] coldness and sharpness of the Air. And whilst all their Forces are thus drawn to the Extremity of the Turkish Empire, the opposite parts [are left naked and defenceless to the Inroads of the Persians, who seldom fail to take these favourable Opportunities].c And then, because Servia, Bulgaria, and that part of Hungary which is possessed by the Turks, is not sufficient to maintain those great Armies [they must employ against the Germans]⁺, the rest of their Provisions, and all their Ammunition, must be brought by a Land-Carriage, with vast Labour and Expence; for, to the great Good of Germany, the Danube[, and all the other considerable Rivers,]⁺ run towards the East. So that Germany has very rarely employed above aA fourth part of the German Forces equal to the Turks. fourth part of her Forces against the Turks, and those too much [mostly] weakened by the Cowardice and [or] Discord of their Commanders [leaders], and the want of Money and good Discipline; and yet, after all, the Germans have oftner beat the Turks, than the Turks have the Germans.

Yet the very Name of the Turks is become terrible to the common People [of Germany]⁺, both on the score of their barbarous and outragious Customs and Manners, heightned by the Artifice of |[the Austrian Family, which by that means [fright] the more easily drain their Purses]|;a as also by the [zealous Preachments of the Friars, who find their profit in these Terrors, which they raise in the minds of their Hearers:]b //An Addition. And also on the account <165> of the dreadful Devastations they have made whenever they have broke in upon that Nation, by wasting all they could over-run with Fire and Sword, and carrying the Inhabitants into Slavery: But within the last Seven years,6 the Germans have had so continual a Torrent of Victory attending upon their Arms, that now the Turks are become contemptible to the Germans, and by the Blessing of God in a few years, might have been driven over the Hellespont into Asia, from whence they first came, if the French King, who began the present War, by his Arts, had not, to prevent their utter ruine, in the year 1688, began as destructive a War on the other side of the German Empire, which will in all probability force the Emperor to sit down contented with Hungary, Transylvania, Wallachia, Servia, and Bosnia, and leave the Turks in the Possession of Bulgaria, Thrace, and Macedonia, and a part of Albania and Dalmatia, but much-sunk in Courage, Reputation, Strength, and Wealth, so that he is never likely to recover his Loss again.

Germany compared with Italy,5. Italy is very much inferiour to Germany, both as to Men and Wealth, and being divided into many small [impuissant States],c is not in a condition to offer any Violence to [its neighbour Nations];d so that the Italians are very well pleased, if [the Emperor will but sit down with the loss of his ancient Pretences to their Country];a especially now that [the Pope’s Thunderbolts, <166> which heretofore were very dreadful, are now for want of the former Zeal, become weak and contemptible].b

<There is no neighbor more pleasant than Switzerland, which follows the principles [lex] of merely protecting its own property, without striving after anything that belongs to others, and of being useful instead of harmful.>c

And Poland.Nor is Poland in a condition to compare her self in any respect with Germany. And seeing the Interest of the Polish State is, rather to defend what they have, than to [make any Conquests upon]d their Neighbours, and that the Necessity [condition] of the German Affairs must needs teach them [the Germans] the selfsame modesty: there can hardly be supposed any [Case in which the German Princes can be tempted to make a War upon Poland, except any of the Emperors]e should intermeddle with their private internal Quarrels and Civil Wars<, or the Poles are bought by French gold and dare to fall upon Germany from the rear>.

With the Danes.The Danes were never yet in a condition [strong enough] to subdue [even] their neighbour Hamburgers, <whose cession to the Danes is not at all in the interest of either of the Saxonies>; much less are they able to attack the Forces of all Germany, |[who tremble at every motion of the Swedes]|.f

With England.The Germans are nothing concerned to see the English Masters of her own Ocean, and, [just] as it were folly in the English to attempt the subduing [of] the Continent, so the Germans have no Naval Forces that [can dispute their Soveraignty of the Ocean, or ought at all to be compared with the English Royal Navies].a

With the Hollanders.The United States of Holland have neither Will nor Power to attempt any thing against the Empire of Germany, for these Water-Rats [aquatiles animantes] are altogether unfit for Land-service; and although they have Money in abundance, yet it is not [for the Security of]b their own Liberty, to maintain |[too great a Land-Army]|:c <167> {So that they are well pleased, if the Germans will but suffer them to enjoy the Forts and Cities they have taken and garrison’d to defend themselves [their borders] from the Spaniards[, though belonging to the Empire]⁺.} //An Addition. These Towns belonged to the Dukedoms of Cleves and Juliers, and to the Archbishoprick of Cologne, and were all taken by the French, in the year 1672, and in the Treaty of Nimmegen restored all to their proper Owners, except Maestriect, which yet belongs rather to the Spaniards than the German Empire, which having happened since our Author wrote, was here to be taken notice of.7

With Spain.The Spaniards have no Territories which border upon Germany, which are [in any respect] worthy to be compared with it; and Spain it self is so very remote, and her Forces so exhausted, that she is not able to reconquer the small Kingdom of Portugal. Even Charles V. when Spain was in the height of all its Glory and Power, though Master of it and all the Austrian Dominions, and Emperor of Germany too, [yet after all, he was not able to oppress]d the rest of Germany.

With Sweden.As to Sweden, [though you consider all those Provinces she has conquered on the South side of the Baltick Sea],a yet she is not to be compared to [the rest of] Germany in Men or Monies: For whereas some [simple-minded] men have been so much mis-led on the account of the old Proverb, which called Scandinavia, now Sweden, Vagina Gentium, the Sheath of Nations8 (and on the score also of the late <168> great Victories obtained by the Swedes in Germany[, under the Conduct of Gustavus Adolphus their King]⁺) as to think it is superiour, or at least equal to Germany in Men; yet wise men do very well see and understand [the true Reasons of those great Successes, and that they proceeded neither from the Numbers nor extraordinary Valour of the Swedes].b For in the space of Eighteen years, there was not brought over out of Sweden into Germany, above Seventy thousand men, [the far greatest part of which]c returned back [home] again, and yet, during that War, there was scarce ever less than an Hundred thousand men[, indeed, often more,] of the Germans [in pay];d so that the true cause of that [wonderful]⁺ Progress was the Discord of the Germans, the opportunity of the Times [situation], [which favoured the Swedes,]⁺ and because all the Protestants being oppressed [hard pressed] by the Austrians, looked upon Gustavus Adolphus as a Deliverer sent to them for their Preservation, from Heaven.

With France.But as to the now most flourishing Kingdom of France, we may with greater probability doubt, whether it be not a Match for Germany. And yet if the Forces of both Nations be well considered [in themselves], [without their Advantages or Weaknesses, (France being the stronger for being a regular Kingdom, and Germany the weaker for being a knot of Independent States)]aGermany is certainly the strongest of the two. For, (1.)b It is much greater [larger] than France; and though we should suppose it only equal to France, in <169> point of Fertility, yet even then it would [far] excell France as to its Minerals. (2.) It has more Men than France, and the Germans have on many occasions proved themselves the better Souldiers of the two. (3.) As to the quantity of Money, it is very difficult to determine on which side the Advantage lieth, for [it is not to be guessed how much Gold the present King of France has squeezed out of the old Horseleaches of his Kingdom, and how much he has encreased his [annual] Revenues, which is not to be taken into consideration without wonder]:c But then, at the same time, it is to be observed, that the [common] People of France are much more harass’d, oppress’d, and ruin’d by their excessive Taxes [and tolls], than the People of Germany are, and that all the Wealth of France runs in one Channel<, which would shrink considerably if outsiders stopped desiring French merchandise that they could easily do without>; whereas in Germany it is divided amongst many Princes, and so it will not so easily be computed or estimated[, as it might if it were paid all into one Prince]⁺.

An Addition.//Since this Author wrote, there have been two Wars between Germany and France, and the second is now depending.9 In the first the Germans were ever too hard for the French, whilst they fought them in the Field, but the French drawing on the War, the Germans were at last worsted for want of Money, and much more worsted in the Treaty, and after it by the Treachery of the French. But now the Turks are reduced to such an ebb, and all Christendome is united against France, <170> so that all their Trade is cut off: The Germans have apparently at present the Advantage, and it is not denied by the French, who do what they can to separate the Allies one from another; if they fail in this, another Summer may, by God’s Blessing, shew the World, the German Nation is much superiour to the French, and force that King to disgorge Lorrain, Strasburg, both the Alsatia’s, and the Franche Comte, which have been got more by Purchace and Surprize, than by the Force of a generous and open War.

<It is evident, however, that beside the Turks, who have now been repulsed, no enemy threatens Germany more than France. In former times, when Burgundy, Lorraine, Luxemburg, and the still united Dutch provinces were arrayed before it like defensive outposts, it did not dare even to make a sound against Germany. But now that all of these have been subjugated, as well as Alsace (with [the cities of] Breisach and Straßburg) and a large part of the territory west of the Rhine, and it is surrounded by a strong line of fortifications, it is all the more threatening to the Germany east of the Rhine, [especially] because it seems to have lost all respect for treaties and trustworthiness. And unless the Germans force it back to its former limits and oppose it with equal fortifications, they will be exposed to its constant incursions and, perhaps, will [one day] be entirely subjected to it.>

The Strength of Germany compared with its Neighbours, united against her.6. But though we suppose Germany superiour to any of its Neighbours when singly taken, what may be the event, if they should unite against her? Here, in the first place we ought to consider, that Interest of State will not suffer many [some] of her Neighbours to [unite]a against her; and that the Forces of others are so much inferiour to Germany, that there is no reason for her to be concerned how they behave themselves: And lastly, it ought to be considered, that the other Princes [states] will not sit still, and suffer Germany to fall into the hands of any one [Prince],a who would then be in a condition [to oppress and enslave the rest of the European Princes]:b So that there will [for ever be some Princes found, who will join with the Germans, and help them to preserve their Liberty for their own sakes].c So that |[there is in effect but three Princes in the World, who <171> at present are in capacity of subduing]|dGermany, viz. The Turks, the House of Austria, and the King of France.

|[Now, it is not probable any Christian Prince will openly join with the Turks against Germany, no, not [even] the King of France; for the old Leagues the French had with the Turks [during the previous century], were only for the curbing the over-great Forces of Charles V. who was then much too powerful for [Francis I. King of France].e But we are never to fear a League, in which these two Princes shall unite their Forces, and jointly at once invade Germany, to the end to make a Conquest of it; because it would be both wicked and foolish to promote the Affairs of that barbarous Prince [the Turk] to that degree, who bears an immortal hatred to all that is call’d Christian. Besides, as it is better for France, that Germany should continue as it is, than that any considerable share of it should fall into the hands of the Turks; so it is better too for the Turks, that it should continue in this divided [ill formed] state, which makes it unfit to wage a War for Conquest upon its Neighbors, rather than to have it [brought by the French into the state of a well-formed Monarchy];f because if [France and Germany were once throughly united in one Prince’s hand],g the Turk would have too much reason to fear what Fortune might betide his Constantinople.]|h

Nor is it the Interest of any of [the European Princes],a to suffer the House of Austria to reduce the rest of Germany under their Dominion [monarchical rule]; and therefore I <172> cannot think any of them would be so mad, as to promote them in it, or lend their Assistance to it. And as the Spaniard[, who is under a Branch of this Family, might possibly be contented to do it, so the French would certainly oppose it with all their Power, with whom, in that Case, the Swedes and Hollanders would join]b the more readily, because they never defended the German Liberty, but to their own very great advantage. Nor would the Pope [Supreme Shepherd] in this Case be over-forward to assist the House of Austria, because though it would be very glorious to him[, and profitable too,]⁺ to reduce [lead back] so many [myriads of] straying Sheep<, as he regards them,> into the Church’s Fold; yet let the hazard or loss of Souls be what it will, he [is not to hazard the loss of the Italian Liberty, by making either the Emperor or the King of Spain Masters of that Country]:c

And if now the French should attempt the Conquest of Germany; Spain, England, Italy, and Holland would all [unite with the Empire against him].a |[The Danes perhaps would not be much concerned at it, so be they might be delivered from the Terror of Sweden, though they for ever truckled under France]|:b But then [the assistance of the Swedes would in this case]c be very considerable, especially if that Nation happened to have then a Martial and a Warlike Prince. But then it has been long since observed [by the wiser sort], that [the French must pay the Swedes very well]d for their assistance; the French would also expect to be the only Gainers in the end <173> [of the War]⁺; for the French would never be pleased to see the Swedes [enlarge their Conquests in Germany, with their Money],e to that degree especially, that they might ever after [despise the French Monarch].f And on the other side, the Swedes are very sensible how foolish it is to spend their Bloods [exert themselves] to the Advantage of the French, and not at all for their own Benefit. Nor are they so dull, but that they very well know and consider, that when the French are once Masters of [the greatest part of]⁺Germany, they will then pretend to give Laws to the Swedes, as well as to [the Germans]:a ,10

|[And from this Consideration it is, that there has for some time been a very moderate and luke-warm Friendship between these twoAn Addition. Nations [peoples],b [and] the French King growing weary of the distant Swedes, thought it more for his Interest, [before this,]⁺ to draw]|c some of the [neighboring] German Princes on the Rhine into Leagues with him, and <174> as the Report goes, [has not been sparing in his Pensions to them],d and upon all occasions shews himself very solicitous for [the general Liberty of]⁺Germany; offering himself as a Mediator, to compose any Differences that happen to arise between one Prince and another, and is ever ready to send Money or Men to every one of them that desireth either of them; and in short, makes it his great business to shew them, that [if they need assistance of any sort,] they may certainly expect more [protection] from his Friendship than from the Emperor’s, or from the Laws of the Empire.

|[Now, the man must be very stupid, who doth not see, that the End of all this Courtship is the opening a Way to the Ruin of the German Liberty, especially if the Male Line of the House of Austria should happen to fail.]|a //An Addition. And the French King should there upon obtain the Empire. When this Author wrote, the Emperor of Germany had no Son: The Princes of the Rhine he here hints at, are, the Elector of Cologne, and the Duke of Bavaria, to whose Sister he [Louis XIV] afterwards married the Dauphin his Son, to fix him for ever to France; but all would not do, that Prince has since seen his true Interest, as all the German Princes too by this time do; and now France finding the wheeling way will never do, has taken the way of Rage and Conquest, having disobligeda the whole World, and what the event [outcome] will be, is in the Hand of God.11 <175>

Germany weak by reason of its irregular Constitution.7. This bulky and formidable Body, which is thus united in the common Appellation of the German Empire, and if it were reduced under the Laws of a regular [justi] Monarchy, would be formidable to all Europe, is yet, by reason of its own Internal Diseases and Convulsions, so weakened, that it is scarce able to defend it self. //Nay, it is certain, if it were not powerfully assisted by its Neighbours, it is not able to defend it self against the French. The principal Cause of this [Impuissance and Weakness]b is its irregular [inconcinna] and [ill-compacted Constitution or Frame of Government].c The most numerous multitude of men is not stronger than one single man, as long as every man acts singly by himself and for himself; all [its extraordinary Strength is from its Union and]d Conjunction. And [as]e it is not possible that [many should join in]f one natural Body, [so they may certainly be united into one Force, whilst they are governed by one Council as a common Soul].g By how much the closer and more regular this Union is, so much the stronger this Society or Body is: But on the contrary, Weakness and Diseases [ever follow upon a loose Conjunction and an ill-combined and irregular Union].h

Monarchy the best and most lasting Government.A well [rite] composed Kingdom or Monarchy is certainly the most perfect Union, and the best fitted for duration or continuance; for as for Aristocrasies, besides that, they can scarce ever conveniently subsist, except when the [main] force of a Commonwealth is <176> collected into one single City, yet even then in their own nature they are much weaker [more fragile] than Monarchies{; for the serene Commonwealth of Venice is to be reputed amongst the Miracles of the World}.

A System of many Cities [states] united by a League, is much more loose in its conjunction, and may more easily be [disturbed and] dissolved[, (which is the Case of the States of Holland)]⁺. And here, that there may be someWherein the Strength of a System of States consisteth. strength [firmness] in these kinds of Systems, it is in the first place necessary, that the Associated [Cities or]⁺ States have the same form of Government, and be not overmuch disproportioned in their Strength, and that the same or equal Advantages may from the Union arise to every one of them. And lastly, It is necessary, in this case, that they have come together, upon [well weighed and great Reasons],a and associated upon well-considered Laws or Conditions; for they that unite in a Society rashly, and as it were [in a hurry],b without [first] bethinking themselves very seriously what their future state shall be, |[can no more form a [regular well compacted Society],c than a Taylor can make a beautiful Garment after he has cut his Cloth all into Shreds and small Pieces, before he has resolved whether he will form it into a Man’s or a Woman’s Garment]|:d

And it has long since been observed, that Monarchs very rarely enter into [a sincere friendship with Commonwealths(v) or Free Cities],e though it be for a short time: And it is yet much more difficult <177> to make a perpetual or lasting League, because [all]⁺ Princes hate [abhor] Popular Liberty; and the People[, or Popular States,]⁺ do equally detest the Pride or Grandeur of Kings. And such is the Perverseness of Humane Nature, that no man doth willingly see one inferiour to himself in point of Power, live by him in an equal degree of Liberty; and Men very unwillingly [contribute to the Common Charges, if they reap nothing, or but a very little Advantage from the Common Profit].a

The Diseases of Germany.8. Now [the State of]⁺Germany is so much the more deplorable, because all the Diseases of an ill-formed Kingdom, and of an ill digested [arranged] System of [associated] States, are conjunctly to be found in it; nay, it is to be reckon’d as the principal Calamity of Germany, that it is neither a Kingdom, nor a System of States. The outward Appearance and {vain} Images represent the Emperor as a King[, and the States as Subjects]⁺; and in the most ancient times he was without doubt a King, as he was call’d. After this, the Authority of the Emperor was from time to time diminished, and the Liberties and Riches of the States were encreased, till at last the Emperor had nothing but a shadow of the Kingly Power{, as at this day it is, and seems liker the General of an Association than a King}.b |[From hence proceeds a most pernicious Convulsion in the Body of the <178> Empire, whilst the Emperor and the States draw counter each to the other]|;c for he, with might and main, by all waies,The Princes and the Emperor distrust each other. endeavoureth to regain the old Regal Power, and they, on the other side, are as solicitous to preserve the [Liberties and Wealth]d they have got the possession of. From whence there must necessarily follow Suspicions, Distrust, and underhand Contrivances to [hinder each others Designs, and break each others Power]:e The [first]⁺ effect of this is, the rendering this otherwise strong and formidable Body unfit [powerless] to invade others, or to make any Additions to its own bulk by Conquest, because the States are not willing that any thing should be added to the Emperor’s Dominions, and yet it is not possible to distribute it equally amongst them. [This alone is monstrous, that the head [of the Empire] should confront its members in partisan disputes.]a

The States embroiled one with another.And there are very many distracting [divisive] Differences between the States themselves, on divers accounts, [and this makes them less happy than a well united System of States might be].b The [States are under]c different forms of Government [reipublicae], some of them being Princes, and the rest Free Cities [civitates], and these are [not well] intermixed one with another. The Free Cities [urbes] drive, for the most part, a considerable Trade, and their Wealth excites the Envy of the Princes, but especially when a great part of their Trade and Wealth ariseth from any of the Princes Dominions. Nor can it be denied, but that some Cities, like the Spleen, have <179> swell’d too much to the damage of their Neighbour Princes, their Subjects being drained away, and their States impoverish’d to augment the Cities. The Nobility are [also] apt to despise the common People, and they [these] are as prone to value themselves on the account of their Money, [and to undervalue the Nobilities]d old Titles and exhausted Dominions. Lastly, some of the Princes look on these Cities as a reproach to their Government [absolute rule], and think their own Subjects would live more contentedly under their Command, if these Instances of Popular Liberty were removed, and all occasions of comparing their own Condition with that of their Neighbours in these Cities were taken away. From hence proceed Envy, Contemt, Mutual Insults, Suspicions, secret Contrivances against each other, all which Mischiefs are yet more manifest, and outragiously [vehemently] prosecuted between the Bishops and the Cities in which the Cathedral Churches are fixed: Yea, [even] in the Diets the Princes do ever express a great Contemt of the [college of the] Cities, but the Emperor, on the contrary, doth alwaies cherish and protect them, because he finds them [generally] more observant of his Orders [authority] than the other States.

Nor do the [Princes themselves bear that mutual kindness each to other they ought, especially the Secular and the Ecclesiastical Princes].a [Though in the same class,] the Spiritual Princes have the Preheminence or Precedence of the Temporal, on the account of the <180> Sanctity of their Office [muneris], |[and also because their great Experience in the World and Learning is supposed to make them better able than the Laymen to advise, which in the barbarous times begat them a great Authority in the State]|.b But then the Temporal Princes are now very much concerned [annoyed] to see these Prelates, which are for the most part the Sons of meaner Families than themselves, in a few years time equal, yea, and mount above them as if they had more of the Grace of God than themselves. They are yet more aggrieved, because these men cannot transmit their Estates [dignity] to their Posterity, but [and] their Families continue in the same [low] estate it was before, but that many [of these Holy Fathers have learned from the Pope to enrich]c their Kindred by Ecclesiastical Benefices and large Donations[, out of the Revenues of the Church]⁺: On the other side, the Prelates have [more]⁺ reason to be offended with the Temporal Princes, [who have intercepted and cut off so many of their old Preferments]d {; of which I shall say more hereafter}.e

Besides all these that I have represented, the [great] Inequality of their Estates and Riches is another [Fountain of Discontent betwixt them]:a For first, [as is common],b the more potent contemn [disdain] the weaker, and [are but too apt]c to oppress them; and the weaker[, on the other hand,] are as ready to complain and suspect, and sometimes to boast unseasonably, that they are equally free with <181> the most powerful. The very exalting the Electors above the other Princes, is [also] a great cause of Discontent [disagreement]; whilst [in that] the other States [are displeased at their Dignity],d and charge them with usurping some things they have no Right to; and the Electors as stifly maintain what they have got as their Right and Due [autoritate].

The Differences of Religion cause great Disturbances and Disquiet.9. [These would not be sufficient Principles of Disorder, if the most effectual active Ferment, which can possibly affect the Minds of Men, I mean the Difference of Religion, were not added to all I have mentioned, which at this day divides Germany, and distracts it more than all the rest.]e Nor is the diversity of Opinions and the commonly practised, excluding [each other]f out of the Kingdom of Heaven, (as Priests of diverse and contrary Opinions use to do) the only cause of their mutual hating each other: [The Roman Catholicks charge the Protestants, That they have deprived them]g of a great part of their Wealth and Riches, [and they (good men) are]h night and day contriving how they shall recover what they have thus lost; and the other Party [are as well resolved to keep]i what they have got: [Nay, they think they have still too much, and that the Revenues of the Church, at this day, are]j a Burthen to the State, [especially] seeing the Priests and Monks depend upon another Head, who is no part of the German Empire, |[but a Foreigner, and an ever-<182>lasting Enemy to their Country, nay, to all the Laity in the World, which he would fain impoverish, that so his own Followers might flourish, and flant it with their Spoils]|.a [If he could bring this about, there would then be a State within the State, and an Head to each of them]:b |[And this, to those that love their Country more than the Church of Rome, seems the greatest Mischief that can betide any State.]|c

The Princes of Germany enter into Domestick and Foreign Leagues.Nor is this a less [pernicious] Disorder than the last, viz. That [some of] the Princes [Estates] of Germany enter into [special] Leagues, not only one with another, but with [Foreign Princes]d too, |[and the more securely, because they have reserved to themselves a Liberty to do so in the Treaty of Westphalia, which not only divides the Princes of Germany into Factions, but [also] gives]|e those [Strangers an opportunity]f to mould Germany to their own particular Interest and Wills, and [ultimately, when given an appropriate opportunity,] by the assistance of their [German] Allies, to [insult on all the rest of the Princes],a especially when [the Design of those Leagues is not levell’d against other Foreign Princes],b which might [somehow] be born, but [also] against the Members of the Empire [itself].

There are scarce any Footsteps or Trace of Justicec neither left in the Empire. For if anyThe want of Justice, another cause of Disquiet. Controversie arise between the States themselves, (which must often happen where there is such a number of them, and their Dominions lie intermixed one with another) if they commence a Suit in the Chamber of Spire, it is an Age [century] before <183> they can hope to see an end of it. In that of Vienna, (the Palace-Court) [it is feared that] there is too much [opportunity for] Partiality and Bribery, and after all, it [i.e., the Court] is suspected to think more than is fit of the Place it is seated in: |[So that in Germany men for the most part right themselves by their Swords, and he that is strongest, has the best Cause, and feareth not to do his own business]|.d

The want of a Common Treasure.Lastly, How weak must that Government [societatem]e needs be, that has no common Stock or Treasure, nor any Army to resist the Invasions [attacks] of Strangers, or for the acquiring some Provinces to bear the publick Charge. And how much better were it for Germany to spend her valiant men, who cannot live in Peace, in her own Service, than to have them, as they now do, [run into foreign Countries, and there sell their Blood at cheap rates, to those who will employ them as mercenary Souldiers of Fortune].f

The Emulations and Contests between the States and Princes of Germany.10. There are also a vast number [non paucae] of Emulations and Controversies, between [the Inferiour]a States and Princes, which do much weaken the strength of the whole Body. {It will be enough for us here only to touch the principal of these Differences.

The House of Austria has raised a Spirit of Jealousie and Envy in all the other Princes of Germany, by its long Possession of the Imperial Dignity, and [the vast Dominions it has by that means acquired in the Empire and elsewhere]:b Besides the old Quarrel between the Houses of the Elector <184> Palatine and that of Bavaria, there is a new one concerning the Administration of the Publick Affairs during the Vacancy of the Empire,c which [will hardly]d be determin’d, the one House relying on its Power, and the other on its Right. In the House of Saxony [there is a Contest and Heart-burning between the Lines of Ernest and Albert, because the former stripp’d the latter of the Electoral Dignity, in the Reign of Charles V].e The Elector of Brandenburg will never [genuinely] forgive the Swedes, for their usurping from him the best part of Pomerania.12 The Elector Palatine [is hated by many]f of his Neighbours, on the account of some [disputed]⁺ Rights he claims [has] in their Territories, [so that very lately they were for Arming against him to recover them].a And I cannot believe the memory of that old Controversie is extinguished wholly, which [formerly] embroiled the Family of [Nassaw, with that of]⁺Hesse, for the Territory of Marpurg. Nor will there ever be a sincere Friendship [fida pax] between the Elector of Brandenburg and the [House]b of Newburg, [(which, since our Author wrote, has succeeded in the Electorate of the Lower Palatinate of the Rhine)]⁺ on the account of the Inheritance of [the Dukedom of]⁺Juliers [Jülich]. [Beside these,] who can number now the smaller Controversies depending [pending] between them? [The empty]c vain Contests about Precedence have kindled lasting Hatred in the Hearts of some of the Princes against each other.}

To this vast Inundation [morass] of Diseases [in this <185> Politick Body]⁺ we may add (although of less consequence) the tedious Proceedings [especially] in all Civil Causes, by which the most manifest and apparent Right is [disputed and deluded]d for many years: And the great variety of Monies which is current in Germany, [which being neither of good allay or due weight],e brings great damage to the Commerce or Trade of Germany, and [sinks the value of the Estates of private men very sensibly].f {But then we are to ascribe the Luxury of some of our Princes, who being too much addicted to Hunting, take little or no care of their [Estates and Subjects],a more to [the Men than to the Form of that State];b and we [must grant, other States are as liable as Germany to these kinds of Miscarriages, and we see them suffer as much by it].}c <186>

[a ]Rather: according to the employment they can easily have in an ordered form of state

[b ]Rather: there are few Apollos to be found amongst the many laurel-bearers

[a ]Rather: has taken a count

[1 ]Wenceslaus Hagecius, Böhmische Chronica . . . Jetzt aus Böhmischer in die Deutsche Sprache . . . tranßferiret . . . Durch Johannem Sandel (Prague, 1596).

[2 ]Ferdinand I (1503–64) was emperor from 1556.

[b ]Rather: they count

[c ]Rather: abbeys and monasteries [Coenobiorum]

[3 ]Ferdinand II (1578–1637) was emperor from 1619.

[d ]Rather: Catholic Church

[e ]Rather: ten million

[4 ]The following account anticipates Pufendorf’s Introduction to the History, in which he describes the respective strengths and weaknesses of the main European states in the context of an explicit reason-of-state analysis.

[a ]Rather: almost all

[b ]Rather: courageous, and

[c ]Rather: skilled in all types of manual arts

[d ]Rather: contributes much to the stability of states

[e ]Rather: patiently endure any rule [imperii] that is not too strict

[f ]Rather: things, the first place [in importance] belongs to the region

[g ]Bohun adds some geographical details in each case. Cassuben was settled by the Kassuben (Kaschuben, Pomeranians) and was wedged between Danzig and eastern Pomerania, on the Baltic Sea; Mümpelgard is today’s Montbéliard; and Carniola (Krain) was an Austrian hereditary possession located in Slovenia. [Ed.]

[a ]Rather: whatever is needed to make clothing

[b ]That is, smaller domesticated animals, such as are herded in flocks. [Ed.]

[c ]Rather: less in quantity than those exported

[d ]Referring to the “burning” sensation in the throat. [Ed.]

[a ]Rather: to cultivate that art better

[b ]Rather: if those people could shake off their sluggishness and bring themselves to devote some care to the cultivation of

[c ]E.p.: from the Italians

[d ]Rather: is gross foolishness to obtain from the French even fabrics that are often thin or inappropriate

[e ]E.p.: Indeed, it is a considerable foolishness [on the part of Germans] that they seek from France not only the styles that change almost monthly, but often also fabrics that are thin and inappropriate, believing that nothing is elegant unless it expresses the current French standard / Pufendorf’s younger friend, Christian Thomasius, wrote a Diskurs von der Nachahmung der Franzosen (Discourse on imitating the French) in 1687. [Ed.]

[f ]Rather: French artisans’

[g ]Rather: types of cloth and fabric

[a ]Rather: and they believe that they should not produce anything more refined

[b ]Rather: bridle

[c ]Rather: its uses

[d ]That is, by emigrating and working abroad. [Ed.]

[e ]Rather: burdensome tolls

[f ]Rather: woollen fabric

[g ]Rather: some other regions of Europe

[h ]The enumeration was inserted by Bohun. Parentheses are added by the editor to distinguish Bohun’s item numbers from Pufendorf’s section numbers. [Ed.]

[i ]Bohun omits this phrase, which Pufendorf then removed from the e.p. [Ed.]

[a ]E.p.: was exposed for thirty years to the ravages of

[b ]Rather: only a few German cities that enjoy an advantageous position along the ocean

[c ]Rather: regions, besides, which have subject to themselves other lands [terras] whose entire wealth is [thereby] pressed together, as it were, and presented to a single gaze

[5 ]Breßlau (“Einleitung,” 11, note 3) takes this sentence as evidence that Pufendorf subscribed to mercantilism, an early modern economic system that emphasized exports and the accumulation of precious metals and monetary reserves.

[d ]Rather: though perhaps it is not useless

[e ]E.p.: character [ingenium]

[a ]Rather: interaction with

[b ]Rather: only some pleasurable vices

[c ]Rather: knowing how to stuff themselves / A reference to vulgar, gluttonous eating. [Ed.]

[d ]Rather: whom it pays to have visited Italy and France, because they find it tedious to aspire to empty scholastic titles in their fatherland by so many detours [cf. “jumping through hoops” (Ed.)]. For it is possible in Italy to bring home a doctoral title, and one’s ignorance [i.e., the title is worthless (Ed.)], with less shame and expense, even though plenty such Mercuries are also hewn out of rough wood among the Germans. / Bohun’s translation does not reflect Pufendorf’s contempt for German academia. The latter declined to earn a doctorate at Leipzig in 1658 and left for Swedish service with only the Magister (master of arts) title. Mercury was the Roman Hermes, associated with commerce, border crossings, and deceit. [Ed.]

[a ]Rather: a far heavier amount of gold, and perhaps inundate battlefields with greater masses of men

[b ]Rather: the Turk grazes Germany with only a small and distant edge of his empire

[c ]Rather: bordering on Persia tend to rise up [intumescere]

[a ]E.p.: those who by means of such fright have made the Germans more willing to hand over their money

[b ]Rather: bellowing of priests, and their itch to prophesy doom. For it is in the latter’s interest to have the minds of the common people agitated by dread.

[6 ]Hostilities began in 1683, when Vienna repulsed a large Turkish attack with the help of the empire and Jan Sobieski, king of Poland (see IV.1, note 2, p. 97); and they continued for sixteen years until 1697, finally ending with the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699), by which the Turks ceded most of their former European possessions. French incursions along the Rhine did much to prolong the war, while William III’s deposition (in 1688) of England’s James II, a French ally, worked in the empire’s favor.

The textual reference to the “last seven years” (i.e., since 1683) clearly places the first (anonymous) publication of Bohun’s translation in 1690.

[c ]Rather: pieces

[d ]Rather: others

[a ]Rather: only the Emperor does not seek to renew his ancient right to Italy

[b ]Rather: fear of the Pope’s bans, which heretofore were very dreadful to the Emperors, has completely faded because of the impiety [e.p.: culture] of the age

[c ]According to Salomon and Breßlau, this insertion already appeared in several editions prior to the e.p. (Severinus, ed. Salomon, 134; Monzambano, Über die Verfassung, trans. Breßlau, 113, note 3). [Ed.]

[d ]Rather: covet what belongs to

[e ]Rather: occasion for war between those two nations, unless perhaps a German prince

[f ]Rather: seeing that they tremble . . . / e.p.: and if they tried to create a disturbance at the instigation of others, they would be easily restrained by setting the Swedes, who are always hostile toward them, upon their rear

[a ]Rather: can have any significance when compared with those of England

[b ]Rather: conducive to

[c ]E.p.: a Land-Army greater than suffices for their defense

[7 ]Maestricht was under Spanish control until 1632, when it was retaken by the States General. Louis XIV overran it in 1672 but relinquished it again in 1679 according to the Treaty of Nijmegen, which ended the Dutch War.

[d ]Rather: sought in vain to subdue

[a ]Rather: despite the many German provinces it has lately acquired / This refers mainly to western Pomerania and Bremen-Verden, which Sweden received through the Westphalian settlement (1648), but also to various territories in the eastern Baltic acquired before and after that date. [Ed.]

[8 ]Jordanes, a historian of the sixth century , referred in his De origine actibusque Getarum [On the origin and deeds of the Goths], chapter 4, to Scandinavia as officina gentium, vagina nationum (the workshop of races, the womb of nations).

[b ]Rather: what is really the case

[c ]Rather: many of whom

[d ]Rather: under arms

[a ]Rather: apart from the advantages that arise for France from its regular monarchy and the illnesses that arise for Germany from its disjointed form of state,

[b ]Parentheses added to Bohun’s enumeration. [Ed.]

[c ]Rather: we behold with admiration how much gold the current king of France has amassed, especially by squeezing those old sponges, and what he has in annual revenues / e.p.: we behold with admiration how much it [France] has in annual revenues

[9 ]Probably a reference to the Dutch War (1672–78), which ended with the Peace of Nijmegen (1678–79), and to the War of the League of Augsburg (1688–97), which was concluded by the Treaty of Ryswick (1697). Note that the latter conflict went on at the same time as the war against the Turks (see note 6, p. 188, in this chapter).

[a ]Rather: conspire together

[a ]Rather: or other

[b ]Rather: that he could easily prescribe laws to all of Europe

[c ]Rather: never be a lack of those who will strive to preserve Germany

[d ]Rather: there are three [states] deemed capable of leading or heading an alliance to attack / e.p.: before the Turks were crushed, [only] three states were deemed capable . . .

[e ]Rather: the French

[f ]Rather: joined together with France and reformed according to the laws of a monarchy

[g ]Rather: those two empires really coalesced into one great body [massam]

[h ]E.p.: As we know, no Christian prince has openly conspired with the Turks against Germany, except that France has secretly consulted with them on some occasions. The alliances made with the Turks by Francis I. in the previous century may perhaps be excused, since any enemy whatsoever had then to be raised against the overbearing Charles V., lest France succumb to him entirely, and since any reason is considered justified when it comes to furthering one’s self-preservation [salutis expediendae quaevis ratio honesta habeatur]. However, Louis XIV. should have forfeited the title “most Christian” when, without necessity but merely desirous to expand his borders, he stirred up the Turks against the Emperor, resolved to attack Germany from the other side if they happened to overpower Vienna. After that hope had failed, he kept quiet until the north-German troops were far away and then unexpectedly poured [his armies] across the Rhine, not only to give the Turks—who otherwise seemed on the brink of being expelled from all of Europe—time to gather themselves, but also to bring whatever remained of Germany west of the Rhine under his control. Whether the treachery of this insatiably ambitious prince, who has been disturbing Europe for such a long time already, will remain unpunished, remains to be seen.

[a ]Rather: its neighbors

[b ]Rather: is on the side of the Austrians, so the French, the Swedes, and the Belgian Federation are openly opposed to them, all

[c ]Rather: will not allow such excessive power to give a German or a Spaniard any say over Italian affairs

[a ]Rather: openly oppose it, the latter being rightly mindful, perhaps, of the old saying that “one should be a friend of France, but not a neighbor” / See Vita Caroli Magni,scriptore Eginhardo [Einhard], in Johannes Joachimus Frantzius, Historia Caroli Magni Imperatoris Romani: ex praecipuis scriptoribus eorum temporum concinnata (Argentinae [Straßburg], 1644), cap. 16 (Verfassung des deutschen Reiches, ed. Denzer, 1994, 219, note 10; Severinus, ed. Salomon, 138, note 1). [Ed.]

[b ]Rather: The Danes would perhaps not be afraid to become a protectorate of France, so long as they could thereby dispel their constant fear of the hated Swedes= / e.p.: It is evident, at any rate, that if Germany were ever somehow combined with France into one empire, all of Europe would be threatened by servitude. No prince, I should think, would want to contribute to this result, unless he is pleased to exchange his high rank for servitude. Of the nations capable of attacking Germany from the rear, the Poles, at least, do not seem easily induced to prefer French gold to the interests of their own state, [since] after Germany has been subjugated they too would share that vile servitude. For the same reason, I think, the Danes too would hardly provide much help to France, if it is evidently trying to subjugate Germany, especially since anyone seeking to become monarch of Europe [as such] would need above all to control the straits of the Baltic Sea.

[c ]Rather: a [French] alliance with Sweden would

[d ]Rather: though the French are willing to pay the Swedes

[e ]Rather: increase their own power by means of French gold,

[f ]Rather: be able to do without the friendship of France

[a ]Rather: their other neighbors

[10 ]Sweden’s alliance with France (see III.3, note 6, p. 85; and VI.7, note 8, p. 171) lasted until 1682, when Charles XI established closer ties with Austria. This shift led Samuel’s older brother, Esaias (i.e., “Laelius”), to leave Swedish employ in 1684, after a long and distinguished diplomatic career there.

[b ]//“which since the War in 1672. in which the French exposed the Swedes to all the Forces of the Branden burgers, and at the same time seized the Dukedom of Deuxpont, which belongs to the King of Sweden, though it lies on the Borders of France, is so much abated, that it is verily believed the Swedes will now heartily join with the Germans, to humble France; and it is certain, in this present War he [the king of Sweden] has done what was possible to prevent the Danes from embroiling the North parts of Germany, which the French passionately desired.” / Bohun’s in-text elaboration interrupts Pufendorf’s thought and thus appears in this note instead. [Ed.]

[c ]E.p.: And noble nations [such as Sweden] have good reason to disdain the reproach of being for sale, with which an insolent people [France] customarily insults allies that depend on its financial support.

Finally, since it is in the common interest [bonum] of all Princes that none of them be so superior that he can insult the rest as he wishes, but that the strength of all be in equilibrium as far as possible, one who for some peculiar or temporary gain contributes to the establishment of a power [moles] formidable to all, must be seen as betraying the common liberty. More than anything, Germans must be careful not to contribute to their own servitude by assisting France, as happens when they do not conjoin their counsels and strength to repulse the enemy that threatens them all, but either incline together to ruin their fatherland because they have been bought by French gold, or sit by quietly, corrupted by noxious bribes, without a care for the public good—even though others are struggling and they, too, will be devoured by Polyphemus after the rest have been consumed. Certainly, one would have to be blind not to grasp the French king’s stratagems, whereby he initially presented himself in a milder fashion so as to have a pretext for interfering in German affairs, and then drew . . .

[d ]Rather: to bind them to himself by means of annual subsidies

[a ]E.p.: Soon, however, swelled by constant successes, he decided to seize whatever seemed opportune, either by treachery, absurd pretenses, or overt force, and adjoined to France the entire left side of the Rhine, securing it with awesome fortifications so that no army could make its way into France, though it remained open to him, as often as he pleased, to fall upon Germany and reduce it to a miserable condition. Given such designs, all those who take France’s side do openly betray their fatherland, and those who do not join in removing the common danger would be most deserving of French servitude if their citizens would not become involved in the same disaster. Above all, German princes should refrain from abusing their right to make treaties to the detriment of their common fatherland, and one wishes it were possible to enter upon a resolution suitable for preventing that abuse. Of course, sensible people should deem it weighty enough that once the Empire’s structure has been overturned, their own authority may also be hurled to the ground and trampled by French arrogance. And one should note well the statement of that French minister who said frankly to the envoy of a certain Elector negotiating a treaty with France, when he demanded an exclusionary clause acknowledging [his lord’s] obligation and bond to the Empire, “What need is there for words? Unless your lord is an Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, he is nothing.”

[a ]That is, set free from any obligation. [Ed.]

[11 ]Louis, dauphin of Viennois (1661–1711), was the eldest son and expected heir of Louis XIV, but he died four years before his father. In 1680 he married Maria Anna of Bavaria (1660–90), daughter of Elector Ferdinand Maria (1636–79). In 1671, for similar reasons, Liselotte (Elisabeth Charlotte) of the Palatinate, a daughter of Elector Karl Ludwig, had been married to Philippe I of Orleans, brother of Louis XIV.

[b ]Rather: malady [mali; ill, Übel]

[c ]Rather: ill-composed form [compage] of state

[d ]Rather: strength is from

[e ]Rather: though

[f ]Rather: several should coalesce into

[g ]Rather: the strengths of many are united insofar as they are governed by one counsel [consilio] as by one soul / See VI.8 and note 11, p. 175, on sovereignty as the soul of the state. [Ed.]

[h ]Rather: necessarily accompany a loose and ill-composed union of members

[a ]Rather: mature consideration

[b ]Rather: by some impulse

[c ]Rather: well-ordered body

[d ]E.p.: must admit many things not because they are useful or appropriate, but because they cannot be corrected

[(v) ]The Leagues between Kings and Commonwealths seldome lasting.

[e ]Rather: alliances with free states in good faith

[a ]Rather: bear common burdens if they perceive that there remains for them no part, or only a very small one, of the common advantages

[b ]Rather: , much like that discerned in leaders of an alliance

[c ]E.p.: Hence the Empire contains deep within itself the seeds of a most pernicious convulsion, in that the Emperor and the Estates are compelled to strive toward different objectives / The e.p. revision makes more clear that both sides are acting out the logic of their respective positions, and that the basic problem is a structural one. [Ed.]

[d ]Rather: might

[e ]Rather: keep the former’s power from increasing, or to break that of the rest

[a ]E.p.: This alone is irregular [in place of monstrosum (Ed.)], that the Empire’s very form should put the interests [rationes] of its head and members completely at odds with one another. / This sentence was omitted by Bohun. [Ed.]

[b ]Rather: so that Germany cannot even be regarded as a well-ordered system of confederates

[c ]Rather: Estates utilize

[d ]Rather: as the former are on account of their

[a ]Rather: secular and ecclesiastical princes regard one another with any favor

[b ]Rather: and also because the deity undoubtedly infuses itself more abundantly through bald pates than through unshorn heads, something that also accounts for their greater authority in the state [respublica] during the former, barbarian times [probably a reference to the Middle Ages (Ed.)] / e.p.: which has, according to its first institution and original function, nothing princely about it

[c ]Rather: bishops tend, according to the example of our Most Holy Father, to make very ample provision for / e.p.: . . . Pope . . .

[d ]Rather: because of whom they have started lacing up their bellies much more tightly

[e ]In VIII.8–10, which was also omitted from the e.p. [Ed.]

[a ]Rather: source of division among many of the Estates

[b ]Rather: by a flaw of human character [ingenii]

[c ]Rather: desire

[d ]Rather: find it hard to bear such great display [splendorem]

[e ]Rather: As if these illnesses were not enough, religion, which is otherwise the most effective bond among spirits, divides Germany into parts severely at odds with one another.

[f ]Rather: those who have different beliefs

[g ]Rather: but also the fact that the Protestants have driven Catholic priests out

[h ]Rather: the desire for which has them

[i ]Rather: deems it cowardly to give up

[j ]Rather: Indeed, there are those who think that in general the excessive wealth [opes] of priests is

[a ]Rather: and who never had any genuine love for Germans, and would be willing to have all the laity perish so long as his own followers enjoyed the flourishing of their own affairs / e.p.: . . . Germans, and values the welfare of the laity only insofar as, through them, he may provide richly for his own followers

[b ]Rather: It is obvious that in this manner a special state [statum] is produced in the middle of the state [Republica], which then becomes two-headed

[c ]E.p.: Indeed, the power of truth even caused Pope Pius to write in his Historia Australi that no exceptional evil occurs in the Catholic Church whose first origin does not depend on the clergy, unless it comes about by some hidden counsel of God. (Pandolfo Collenucio, Collectiones rerum Neapolitarum [Dordrecht, 1618], l. 4, p.m. 185.) / Salomon and Denzer have “p. 184,” though Dove and the e.p. have “p. 185” (Severinus, ed. Salomon, 143; Verfassung des deutschen Reiches, ed. Denzer, 1994, 231, note 17; Verfassung des deutschen Reiches, trans. Dove, 128). An Italian humanist, Collenuccio (1444–1504) was born in Pesaro, employed by Lorenzo the Magnificent, and wrote a number of works in Latin and Italian. [Ed.]

[d ]Rather: foreigners

[e ]Rather: . . . because it is expressly permitted by the Peace of Osnabrück, which . . . / e.p.: which leagues do not square well with the welfare of the Empire as a whole, since they give

[f ]Rather: foreign allies the ability

[a ]Rather: increase their power vis-à-vis the whole [of Germany]

[b ]Rather: such leagues with outsiders are sought not only against other outsiders

[c ]Rather: Astraea [the goddess of justice]

[d ]Rather: . . . and feareth not to carry out the judgment on his own / e.p.: Hence in Germany, one who is strong can enforce his own rights claims. But those who are not capable of war, even if they have the stronger case, are left with nothing but empty complaints against the more powerful

[e ]That is, Germany, understood as a collectivity or “association” that is weak because it is lame or “disjointed” [elumbem]. [Ed.]

[f ]Rather: sell their blood throughout almost all of Europe

[a ]Rather: individual [singulis]

[b ]Rather: its excessive power

[c ]That is, vicariatu Imperii. According to the Golden Bull (chapter 5), if the Emperor was a minor or incapacitated, as well as during an interregnum, imperial authority was exercised by two so-called vicars: the Saxon Elector and the Elector Palatine. The latter lost his vicariate and electoral status to Bavaria in 1623, but his restoration to electoral rank in 1648, by the addition of another (eighth) electorate, initiated an ongoing dispute with Bavaria over the vicarial role. This was complicated in 1659, when the Saxon Elector recognized Bavaria. Bohun’s order of mention obscures the respective claims: the Palatinate appealed to ancient right, while Bavaria was more powerful. [Ed.]

[d ]Rather: no one knows how it will

[e ]Rather: the Ernestine line resents the Albertine because its electoral dignity was transferred to it / The (Protestant) Albertine line (i.e., Moritz of Saxony) received the Ernestine’s (i.e., Johann Friedrich’s) electoral status in 1547, as a reward for supporting Charles V against the Smalkaldic League. See IV.4, note 15, p. 102; and V.10, note 8, p. 129. Bohun’s error here reflects the Latin. [Ed.]

[12 ]The duchy of Pomerania was divided into western and eastern portions in 1648, with the former (including the important Oder River port of Stettin) going to Sweden for its role during the Thirty Years’ War. See II.7 and III.3, note 6, p. 85.

[f ]Rather: has long been resented by some

[a ]Rather: on account of which they recently resorted to arms / Bohun’s addition of “disputed” and use of “claims” both obscure Pufendorf’s implied (and actual) support for the Palatinate position in the Wildfangstreit of the mid-1660s. See V.8 and Pufendorf’s 1667 preface, p. 7, note 12. [Ed.]

[b ]Rather: Palatine Count

[c ]Rather: Indeed, even

[d ]Rather: eluded

[e ]Rather: despite the commendable modesty of their coins, whose shame at being so thin is openly reflected in their very color / That is, they are made of cheap [reddish] metal, probably copper, which emerges through repeated handling. [Ed.]

[f ]Rather: to the patrimonies of private individuals

[a ]Rather: public or private affairs

[b ]Rather: a fault of men than of the state [reipublicae]

[c ]Rather: see that other states [civitates] are clearly not immune to this evil [malo]