Front Page Titles (by Subject) BOOK XLV. - The History of Rome, Vol. 6
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BOOK XLV. - Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Vol. 6 [10 AD]
The History of Rome by Titus Livius. Translated from the Original with Notes and Illustrations by George Baker, A.M.. First American, from the Last London Edition, in Six Volumes (New York: Peter A. Mesier et al., 1823). Vol. 6.
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Perseus taken prisoner in Samothrace, by Æmilius Paullus. Antiochus, on the peremptory requisition of the Roman ambassadors, ceases hostilities against Ægypt. The Rhodians apologize for their conduct during the war, their apologies not deemed satisfactory. Macedonia reduced to the form of a province. Prusias comes to Rome with congratulations, on occasion of the conquest of Macedonia. Recommends his son, Nicomedes, to the protection of the senate; his mean and despicable behaviour.
II. On the following day the senate voted a general supplication, and ordered, that the consul should disband all his troops, excepting the regulars and seamen; and that the disbandment should be taken into consideration as soon as the deputies from the consul Æmilius, who had sent forward the courier, should arrive in town. On the sixth day before the calends of October, about the second hour, the deputies came into the city, and proceeded directly to the tribunal in the Forum, drawing an immense crowd, who went forth to meet and escort them. The senate happened to be then sitting, and the consul introduced the deputies to them. They were detained there no longer than to give an account, “how very numerous the King’s forces of horse and foot had been; how many thousands of them were killed, how many taken; with what a small loss of men the Romans had made such havoc of the enemy, and with how poor an attendance Perseus had fled; that it was supposed he would go to Samothrace, and that the fleet was ready to pursue him; so that he could not escape, either by sea or land.” They were then brought out into the assembly of the people, where they repeated the same particulars, and renewed the general joy in such a degree, that no sooner had the consul published an order, that all the places of worship should be opened, and that they should proceed directly to return thanks to the immortal gods, than every temple in the city was filled with vast crowds, not only of men but of women. The senate, being re-assembled, ordered thanksgivings in all the temples, during five days, for the glorious successes obtained by the consul Lucius Æmilius, with sacrifices of the larger kinds of victims. They also voted, that the ships, which lay in the Tiber fit for sea, and ready to sail for Macedonia, in case the King had been able to maintain the dispute, should be hauled up, and placed in the docks, and the seamen belonging to them paid a year’s wages, and discharged; and, together with these, all who had taken the military oath to the consul; that all the soldiers in Corcyra and Brundusium, on the coast of the upper sea, and in the territory of Larinum, should be disbanded; for in all these places had troops been cantoned, in order that the consul Licinius might, if occasion required, take them over to reinforce his colleague. The thanksgiving was fixed, by proclamation in the assembly, for the fifth day before the ides of October.
III. Two deputies, Caius Licinius Nerva and Publius Decius, likewise arrived at this time, who brought intelligence that the army of the Illyrians was defeated, their King Gentius taken prisoner, and all Illyria reduced under the dominion of the Roman people. On account of these services, under the conduct and auspices of the prætor Lucius Anicius, the senate voted a supplication of three days’ continuance, and it was accordingly appointed, by proclamation, to be performed on the fourth, third, and second days of the ides of November. Some writers tell us, that the Rhodian ambassadors had not yet been admitted to an audience; and that, when the news of the victory was received, they were called before the senate in order to expose their absurdity and arrogance. On this occasion, Agesipolis, their principal, spoke to this effect: that “they had been sent by the Rhodians, with a commission, to effect an accommodation between the Romans and Perseus; the war then subsisting being injurious and burdensome to all Greece, and expensive and detrimental to the Romans themselves; but that the kindness of fortune, terminating the war after another manner, had afforded them an opportunity of congratulating the Romans on a glorious victory.” To this discourse of the Rhodians, the senate returned the following answer; that “the Rhodians, in sending that embassy, had not been actuated by concern either for the interests of Greece, or for the expenses of the Roman people, but merely by their wishes to serve Perseus. For, if their concern had been such as they pretended, the time for sending ambassadors would have been, when that monarch, leading an army into Thessaly, had continued, for two years, to besiege some of the cities of Greece, and to terrify others with denunciations of vengeance. All this time not the least mention of peace was made by the Rhodians; but when they heard that the Romans had passed the defiles, and penetrated into Macedonia, and that Perseus was held inclosed by them; then they sent an embassy, from no other motive whatever, but a wish to rescue Perseus from the impending danger.” With this answer the ambassadors were dismissed.
IV. About the same time Marcus Marcellus, coming home from Spain, where he had taken Marcolica, a city of note, brought into the treasury ten pounds weight of gold, and a quantity of silver, amounting to a million of sesterces.* While the consul Paullus Æmilius lay encamped at Siræ, in Odomantice, as mentioned above, a letter from King Perseus was brought to him by three ambassadors of mean appearance, the sight of whom, as we are told, excited in his mind such reflections on the instability of human affairs, as caused him to shed tears; that a prince, who, a short time before, not content with the kingdom of Macedonia, had invaded Dardania and Illyria, and had called out to his aid the whole Bastarnian nation, should now, after having lost his army, be expelled his kingdom, and forced to take refuge in a little island, where, as a suppliant, he was protected by the sanctity of the place, not by any strength of his own, occasioned him something like pain: but when he read the address, “King Perseus to the consul Paullus, greeting,” the seeming insensibility of his condition did away all compassion; so that, notwithstanding the letter consisted of entreaties couched in terms ill suited to royalty, yet the embassy was dismissed without any answer. Perseus, perceiving that it was expected he should, in his vanquished state, forget his pompous titles, sent another letter, inscribed simply with his name, in which he made a request, which was readily complied with, that some persons should be sent to him, with whom he might confer on the present condition of his affairs. Three ambassadors were accordingly dispatched, Publius Lentulus, Aulus Postumius Albinus, and Aulus Antonius; but their embassy effected nothing. For Perseus struggled with all his might to retain the regal title, while Paullus insisted on an absolute submission of himself, and every thing belonging to him, to the honour and clemency of the Roman people.
V. In the mean time, Cneius Octavius, with his fleet, put in at Samothrace; and presenting immediate danger to Perseus’s view, he endeavoured, at one time by menaces, at another by hopes, to prevail on him to surrender. In this design, he was greatly assisted by an occurrence, which it is uncertain whether it were accidental or designed. Lucius Atilius, a young man of good character, observing that the people of Samothrace were met in a general assembly, asked permission of the magistrate to address a few words to them; which being granted, he said,—“People of Samothrace, our good hosts; is the account which we have heard true or false, that this island is sacred, and the country holy and inviolable?” They all agreed in asserting the supposed sanctity of the place; whereupon he proceeded thus: “Why, then, has a murderer, stained with the blood of King Eumenes, presumed to profane it? And though, previous to every sacrifice, a proclamation forbids all who have not pure hands to assist at the sacred rites, will you, nevertheless, suffer your holy places to be polluted by the approach of an assassin?” The story of King Eumenes having been nearly murdered by Evander at Delphi, was now well known through all the cities of Greece. The Samothracians, therefore, besides the consideration of their being themselves, as well as the temple and the whole island, in the power of the Romans, were convinced, that the censure thrown on them was not understood; they, therefore, sent Theondas, their chief magistrate, whom they style King, to Perseus, to acquaint him, that “Evander the Cretan was accused of murder; that they had a mode of trial established among them, by the practice of their ancestors, concerning such as were charged with bringing impure hands into the consecrated precincts of the temple. If Evander was confident, that he was innocent of the capital charge made against him, let him come forth, and stand a trial; but, if he would not venture to undergo an inquiry, let him free the temple from profanation, and take care of himself, as well as he could.” Perseus, calling out Evander, told him, that he would by no means advise him to stand a trial, because he was no match for his accusers, either in the merits of the cause, or in influence. He had secret apprehensions, that Evander, on being condemned, would expose him, as the instigator of that abominable act. What then remained, he said, but to die bravely? Evander made, openly, no objection; but, telling the King that he chose to die by poison rather than by the sword, took measures in secret for effecting his escape. When this was told to the King, he was alarmed, lest the anger of the Samothracians should be turned against himself, as accessary to the escape of a guilty person, and he ordered Evander to be put to death. No sooner was this rash murder perpetrated, than his mind was immediately stung with remorse. He considered that “he had now drawn on himself the whole of the guilt, which before had affected Evander only; that the latter had wounded Eumenes at Delphi, and he had slain Evander in Samothrace; and thus the two most venerable sanctuaries in the world had, through his means alone, been defiled with human blood.” He contrived, however, to avoid the imputation of this deed, by bribing Theondas, to tell the people, that Evander had laid violent hands on himself.
VI. But such an atrocious act, committed on his only remaining friend, on one whose fidelity he had experienced on so many trying occasions, and who, in return for not proving a traitor, was himself betrayed, disgusted every one. A general defection and going over to the Romans ensued, so that he was left almost alone, and obliged, in that condition, to meditate the means of escaping. He applied to a Cretan, called Oroandes, who was acquainted with the coast of Thrace, having carried on traffic in that country, to take him on board his vessel and convey him to Cotys. At one of the promontories of Samothrace is a harbour called Demetrium; there the vessel lay. About sunset, every thing necessary for the voyage was carried thither, together with as much money as could be transported with secrecy; and at midnight the King himself, with three persons, who were privy to his flight, going out through a back door into a garden near his chamber, and having with much difficulty climbed over the wall, went down to the shore. Oroandes had set sail, at the first dusk, as soon as the money arrived, and was now steering for Crete. Perseus, not finding the ship in the harbour, wandered about for a long time on the coast; but, at last, fearing the approach of day, and not daring to return to his lodging, he hid himself in a dark corner at one side of the temple. Among the Macedonians, there was a band of boys of the highest birth, chosen out to wait on the King, and called the royal pages: this band had accompanied Perseus in his flight, and did not even now desert him, until Cneius Octavius ordered a herald to proclaim, that, “if the royal pages and other Macedonians, then in Samothrace, would come over to the Romans, they should have impunity, liberty, and all their property, both what they had in the island, and what they had left in Macedonia.” On this notice they came over, and made a formal surrender before Caius Postumius, a military tribune. The King’s younger children also were delivered up to Cneius Octavius, by Io of Thessalonica; nor was any one, now, left with Perseus, except Philip his eldest son. Then, after uttering many execrations against fortune, and the gods to whom the temple belonged, for not affording aid to a suppliant, he surrendered himself, and his son, to Octavius. He was put on board the prætor’s ship, and, with him, all his remaining money; and the fleet immediately returned to Amphipolis. From thence Octavius sent the King into the camp to the consul, having previously informed him by letter, that he was a prisoner, and on the road thither.
VII. Paullus, justly considering this as a second victory, offered sacrifices on the occasion; then, calling a council, and reading to them the prætor’s letter, he sent Quintus Ælius Tubero, to meet and escort the King; the rest he desired to remain assembled in the prætorium. Never, on any other occasion, did so great a multitude gather about a spectacle. In the time of their fathers, King Syphax had been made prisoner, and brought into the Roman camp; but, besides that he could not be compared with Perseus, either in respect of his own reputation, or that of his country, he was at the time a subordinate party in the Carthaginian war, as Gentius was in the Macedonian. Whereas Perseus was the principal in this war: and was not only highly conspicuous through his own personal renown, and that of his father, grandfather, and other relations in blood and extraction, but of these, two shone with unparalleled lustre;—Philip, and Alexander the Great; who acquired to the Macedonians sovereign dominion over the whole world. Perseus came into the camp, dressed in mourning, unattended by any of his countrymen, except his own son, whose being a sharer in the calamity added to the wretchedness of his situation. The crowd, which had collected to get a sight of him, prevented his advancing, until the consul sent his lictors, who cleared the way and opened a passage to the prætorium. At his coming, the consul arose, but ordered the rest to keep their seats, and, advancing a little, held out his right hand to the King at the entrance; when Perseus offered to fall at his feet, he held him up, nor would he suffer him to embrace his knees, but led him into the tent, and desired him to sit on the side opposite to the officers, assembled in council.
VIII. He began by asking, “what injuries had obliged him to enter into a war against the Roman people with such violent animosity, and to bring himself and his kingdom to the extremity of danger.” While all expected his answer, he kept his eyes fixed on the ground, and wept a long time in silence. The consul, again addressing him, said, “if you had acceded to the government in early youth, I should have less wondered at your not being sensible of the great importance of the friendship or enmity of the Roman people. But that was not the case, as you bore a part in the war which your father waged with us, and, afterwards, must have remembered the peace which we maintained towards him with the strictest sincerity. What motive, then, could induce you to prefer war to peace, with those, whose power in war, and whose good faith in peace, you had so fully experienced?” Neither questions nor reproaches could draw an answer from him: on which, the consul added, “Whatever cause may have produced these events, whether mistakes incident to humanity, or accident or necessity, suffer not your spirits to be dejected. The clemency of the Roman people, displayed in numerous instances towards kings and nations in distress, affords you not only hope, but almost perfect confidence of safety.” This he said in the Greek language to Perseus; and then, turning to his own people, he said, in the Latine tongue; “Do you not observe this striking instance of the instability of human affairs? To you, young men, principally, I address the observation. In the hour of prosperity, therefore, we ought to harbour neither sentiments of arrogance nor of rancour; nor to confide implicitly in present advantages; since we know not what the evening may produce. He alone will deserve the character of a man, who suffers not his spirit to be elated by the favourable gales of fortune, nor to be broken by its adverse blasts.” He then dismissed the council, and gave the charge of guarding the King to Quintus Ælius. Perseus was invited to dine that day with the consul, and received every mark of respect, which his present circumstances would admit.
IX. The troops were immediately sent off to their winter cantonments; the greater part were quartered in Amphipolis, and the rest in the towns in that neighbourhood. Thus ended the war between the Romans and Perseus, which had lasted, without intermission, four years; and thus ended a kingdom, long renowned through a great part of Europe, and throughout all Asia. From Caranus, their first king, they reckoned Perseus the fortieth. Perseus came to the crown, in the consulate of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius; received the title of king from the senate in that of Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius, and reigned eleven years. The fame of the Macedonians was but obscure, until the reign of Philip, son of Amyntas; and though, in his time, and by his means, it began to increase, yet it was still confined within the limits of Europe, extending only to all Greece, with a part of Thrace, and Illyria. Afterwards, the force of Macedon poured down like a deluge on Asia; and it was in the course of the thirteen years of the reign of Alexander, that they reduced under their dominion that almost immense tract which had constituted the empire of the Persians, and then overspread the Arabias, and India, as far as where the Red Sea forms the utmost boundary of the earth. At that time, their empire was the greatest in the world; but on the death of Alexander, it was torn asunder into a number of kingdoms, each of his successors struggling to grasp power to himself, and thereby dismembering the whole. From the time of its highest elevation to this its final downfall, it stood one hundred and fifty years.
X. When the news of the victory, obtained by the Romans, was carried into Asia, Antenor, who lay with a fleet of small vessels, at Phanæ, sailed over to Cassandrea. Caius Popillius, who staid at Delos to protect the ships bound to Macedonia, learning that the war there was at an end, and that the enemy’s fleet had left its station, sent home the Athenian squadron, and proceeded on his voyage for Egypt, to finish the business of the embassy, with which he was charged; for he wished to meet Antiochus before he should approach the walls of Alexandria. When the ambassadors, sailing along the coast of Asia, arrived at Loryma, a port somewhat more than twenty miles from Rhodes, and just opposite to that city, they were met by some of the principal Rhodians,—(for the news of the victory had by this time reached them too,) who besought them to sail over to their city; for that it was of the utmost consequence to the character and well-being of the Roman state that they should, in person, inform themselves of what had been done, and what was then passing at Rhodes; so as to carry home intelligence, founded on their own knowledge, and not on vague reports.” After refusing for a long time, they were at length prevailed on to submit to a short delay of their voyage, for the sake of the safety of an allied city. When they came to Rhodes, the same persons, by urgent entreaties, persuaded them to be present at a general assembly. The arrival of the ambassadors rather heightened, than allayed, the fears of the public. For Popillius enumerated all the hostile expressions and actions, both of the community, and of individuals, during the war; and, being naturally of an austere temper, he magnified the atrociousness of the matters which he mentioned, by the sternness of his countenance, and the harshness of his tone of voice; so that, as he had no cause of personal quarrel with their state, people judged, from the austerity of one Roman senator, what was the disposition of the whole senate towards them. Caius Decimius spoke with more moderation; and, respecting most of the particulars mentioned by Popillius, he asserted that “the blame lay, not on the nation, but on a few incendiary ringleaders of the populace, who, employing their tongues for hire, procured the passing of several decrees, full of flattery towards the King; and had sent several embassies, which always excited, in the minds of the Rhodians, both shame and sorrow, all which proceedings, however, if the people were disposed to act properly, would fall on the heads of the guilty.” His discourse gave great satisfaction; not only, because it extenuated the offences of the community, but because it threw the whole blame on the authors of their misconduct. When, therefore, their own magistrates spoke in answer to the Romans, the people were not so well pleased with those who endeavoured to exculpate them, in some measure, from the charges advanced by Popillius, as with those who advised to concur with the opinion of Decimius, and expiate their fault by the punishment of the chief offenders. A decree was therefore immediately passed, that all who should be convicted of having, in any instance, spoken or acted in favour of Perseus, against the Romans, should be condemned to die. Several of those concerned, had left the city on the arrival of the Romans; others put an end to their own lives. The ambassadors staid only five days at Rhodes, and then proceeded to Alexandria; but the trials instituted, pursuant to the decree passed in their presence, were still carried on at Rhodes, with the same activity; and this perseverance of the Rhodians, in the execution of that business, was entirely owing to the mild behaviour of Decimius.
XI. In the mean time, Antiochus, after a fruitless attempt against the walls of Alexandria, had retired; and being now master of all the rest of Egypt, he left, at Memphis, the elder Ptolemy, whose settlement on the throne was the pretended object of his armament, though, in reality, he meant to attack him, as soon as he should have vanquished his competitors; and, then, he led back his army into Syria. Ptolemy, who was not unapprised of this his intention, conceived hopes, that, while he held his younger brother under terror, and in dread of a siege, he might be able to manage matters so as to procure admittance into Alexandria, provided his sister favoured the design, and his brother’s friends did not oppose it. Accordingly, he never ceased sending proposals to all these, until he effected an accommodation with them. His suspicions of Antiochus were corroborated by this circumstance, that, when he gave him possession of the rest of Egypt, he left a strong garrison in Pelusium: a plain proof that he kept that key of Egypt in his hands, in order that he might be able whenever he pleased, to introduce an army, again, into the country; and he foresaw, that the final issue of a civil war with his brother, must be, that the conqueror, thoroughly weakened by the contest, would be utterly unable to contend with Antiochus. In these prudent observations of the elder brother, the younger, and those about him, concurred; while their sister greatly promoted the negotiation, both by her advice and entreaties. A friendly intercourse, therefore, took place, to the satisfaction of all the parties, and the elder Ptolemy was received in Alexandria. Nor was this unpleasing, even to the populace; who, during the war, had been severely distressed by a general scarcity, not only in consequence of the siege, but, after the enemy had retired, by all communication with every part of Egypt, being shut up. Although it was reasonable to suppose, that Antiochus would be rejoiced at these events, if he had really marched his army into Egypt, for the purpose of reinstating Ptolemy on the throne,—(the plausible pretext which he had professed to all the states of Asia and Greece, in his answers to their embassies, and in the letters that he wrote;) yet he was so highly offended, that he prepared to make war on the two brothers, with much greater acrimony and fury of resentment, than he had shown against the one. He instantly sent his fleet to Cyprus; and, as soon as the spring appeared, putting himself at the head of his army, he directed his route towards Egypt, and advanced into Cœlesyria. Near Rhinocolura, he was met by ambassadors from Ptolemy, who gave him thanks for the assistance, by means of which he had recovered the throne of his ancestors; and he requested him to secure to him the enjoyment of the benefit, which he had himself conferred; and rather to signify what he wished to be done, than from an ally to become an enemy, and proceed by force of arms. To this he answered, that “he would neither recall his fleet, nor stop the march of his army, on any other conditions, than that all Cyprus and the city of Pelusium, together with the lands adjoining the Pelusian mouth of the Nile, should be ceded to him;” and he even named a particular day, on or before which he expected to receive an answer, that these terms were complied with.
XII. When the time fixed for the suspension of hostilities, was elapsed, Antiochus ordered the commanders of his fleet to sail up the mouth of the Nile to Pelusium, while he himself entered Egypt, through the deserts of Arabia. He was amicably received by the people about Memphis, as he was, afterwards, by the rest of the Egyptians; some being led by inclination, others by fear; and he proceeded thus, by short marches, down to Alexandria. He had just crossed the river at Eleusine, four miles from that city, when he was met by the Roman ambassadors. At their coming, he saluted them, and held out his right hand to Popillius; but Popillius putting into his hand a written tablet, desired him first to peruse that. On reading it, he said, that he would call his friends together, and consult what was to be done; on which Popillius, with that roughness which generally marked his character, drew a line round the King, with a wand which he held in his hand, and said, “Before you go out of that circle, give such an answer as I may report to the senate.” Astonished at such a peremptory injunction, the King hesitated for some time; but, at last, replied, “I will do as the senate directs.” Popillius then thought proper to stretch out his right hand to him; as to a friend and ally. Antiochus having retired out of Egypt, on a day prefixed, the ambassadors employed their influence in establishing concord among the royal family, on a more firm basis than it had yet acquired; and then sailed to Cyprus, from whence they sent home the ships of Antiochus, and which had fought and defeated an Egyptian fleet. This embassy attracted a great share of respect from all nations; having manifestly rescued Egypt out of the hands of the Syrian, when he had it within his grasp, and restored to the race of Ptolemy, the kingdom of their forefathers. While one of the consuls of this year distinguished his administration, by a glorious victory, the other acquired no new lustre to his reputation, no object presenting itself to call forth his abilities. When, in the beginning of his administration, he had appointed his troops to assemble, he entered the consecrated place, without due auspices; and the augurs, on the matter being laid before them, pronounced the appointment improper. Going into Gaul, he lay encamped near the long plains, at the foot of the mountains Sicimina and Papirus, passing the winter in the same country with the troops of the Latine allies. The Roman legions staid all the while in the city, because their assembling had been irregularly ordered. The prætors went to their several provinces, except Caius Papirius Carbo, to whose lot Sardinia had fallen; the senate having commanded him to administer justice, at Rome, between natives and foreigners; a duty to which he had been already named.
XIII. When Popillius, with his colleagues in the embassy to Antiochus, returned to Rome, he gave information, that all disputes between the Kings were done away, and that the army had marched out of Egypt, into Syria. Soon after, arrived ambassadors, from the Kings themselves. Those of Antiochus represented, that “their King had considered a peace, which was agreeable to the senate, as preferable to a victory, how complete soever, and had, accordingly, obeyed the order of the Roman ambassadors, as implicitly, as if it had been a mandate of the gods.” They then offered his congratulations on their victory, “to which,” they said, “the King would have contributed with his utmost power, if he had received any orders to act.” The ambassadors of Ptolemy, in the joint names of that prince and Cleopatra, presented their thanks, acknowledging that “they were more indebted to the senate and people of Rome, then to their own parents, more than to the immortal gods; since, through their intervention, they had been relieved from a most distressing siege, and had recovered the kingdom of their fathers, when it was almost entirely lost.” The senate observed of Antiochus “that he had acted rightly and properly, in complying with the demand of their ambassadors; and that his conduct was pleasing to the senate and people of Rome.” To Ptolemy and Cleopatra, King and Queen of Egypt, they answered, that “the senate rejoiced very much, at having been, in any degree, instrumental to their benefit and advantage; and would take care, that they should always have reason to account the good faith of the Roman people the strongest support of their kingdom.” Caius Papirius, the prætor, was commissioned to send the usual presents to the ambassadors. A letter now arrived from Macedonia, which greatly added to the public joy, as it brought information, that “King Perseus was in the hands of the consul.” After the ambassadors were dismissed, the senate gave hearing to a controversy, between deputies from Pisa, and others from Luna; the former complaining that they were dispossessed of their lands, by the Roman colonists; while the latter insisted, that the lands in question had been marked out to them, by the triumvirs. The senate sent five commissioners to examine and fix the boundaries, Quintus Fabius Buteo, Publius Cornelius Blasio, Tiberius Sempronius Musca, Lucius Nævius Balbus, and Caius Appuleius Saturninus. A joint embassy from the three brothers, Eumenes, Attalus, and Athenæus, came with congratulations on the victory; and Masgaba, son of King Masinissa, having landed at Puteoli, Lucius Manlius, the questor, was immediately despatched to meet and conduct him to Rome at the public expense. As soon as he arrived, the senate was assembled to give him audience. This young prince enhanced the value of services, in themselves meritorious, by the engaging manner in which he mentioned them. He recounted what numbers of foot and horse, how many elephants, and what quantities of corn, his father had sent into Macedonia in aid of the Romans, during the last four years. “But there were two things,” he said, “that made him blush; one, the senate having sent, by their ambassadors, a request, instead of an order, to furnish necessaries for their army: the other, their having sent money, in payment for the corn. Masinissa well remembered, that the kingdom, which he held, had been acquired, and very greatly augmented, by the Roman people; and, contenting himself with the management of it, acknowledged the right and sovereignty to be vested in those who granted it to him. It became them, therefore, to take whatever grew in the country, and not to ask from him, nor to purchase, any of the produce of lands made over by themselves. Whatever remained, after supplying the Roman people, Masinissa thought fully sufficient for himself. These were the declarations,” he said, “of his father, at parting; but he was, afterwards, overtaken by some horsemen, who brought him an account of Macedonia being conquered, with directions to congratulate the senate on that event. He had, also, orders to acquaint them, that Masinissa was so overjoyed at it, that he wished to come to Rome, and, in the Capitol, to offer thanks to Jupiter, supremely good and great. He requested, therefore, that, if it were not disagreeable, the senate would give him permission so to do.”
XIV. Masgaba was answered, that “the conduct of his father, Masinissa, was such as became a prince of a benevolent and grateful disposition; while his manner of acknowledging the kindness of his friends, added value and dignity to it. The Roman people had been faithfully and bravely assisted by him in the Carthaginian war; by the favour of the Roman people, he had obtained his kingdom; and he had, afterwards, in the successive wars with the three kings, discharged, with his usual spirit, every duty. That it was no matter of surprise to them, that their successes should give joy to a king, who had so intimately blended his own interests, and those of his kingdom, with the interests of the Romans. That they wished him to return thanks for the same, in the temples of his own country, and which his son might do in his stead at Rome; as he had already said enough, in the way of congratulation, both in his own name, and in his father’s. But that the senate were of opinion, that by leaving his own kingdom, and going out of Africa, it might, besides being inconvenient to himself, prove detrimental to the Roman people.” On Masgaba making a request, that Hanno, son of Hamilcar, might be brought to Rome as a hostage, in the place of some other, the senate replied, that they could not reasonably require hostages from the Carthaginians, at the choice of any other person. The quæstor was ordered, by a vote of the senate, to purchase presents for the young prince, to the value of one hundred pounds weight of silver, to accompany him to Puteoli, to defray all his expenses while he staid in Italy, and to hire two ships to carry him and his retinue to Africa; every one of his attendants, both freemen and slaves, receiving gifts of clothes. Soon after this a letter was brought, concerning Masinissa’s other son, Misagenes, stating that, after the conquest of Perseus, he was directed, by Lucius Paulus, to go home, with his horsemen, to Africa; and that, while he was on his voyage in the Adriatic Sea, his fleet was dispersed, and himself in a bad state of health, driven into Brundusium with only three ships. Lucius Stertinius, the quæstor, was sent to him, to Brundusium, with presents of the same kind with those given to his brother at Rome, and he was ordered to provide lodgings for the prince and his retinue, and every thing necessary for his health and convenience.missing text * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
XV.missing text* * * * * * * * * The sons of freedmen had been enrolled in the four city tribes, excepting such as had a son more than five years old; all these the censors, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, ordered to be surveyed in the tribe wherein they hadd been surveyed the year before; and such as had a farm, or farms, in the country, exceeding in value thirty thousand sesterces,* were allowed the privilege of being included in the country tribes. Though this reservation was made in their favour, yet Claudius still insisted, that “a censor could not, without an order of the people, take away from any man, and much less from a whole class of men, the right of suffrage. For though he can remove a man from his tribe, which is nothing more than ordering him to change it, yet he cannot, therefore, remove him out of all the thirty-five tribes; which would be to strip him of the rights of a citizen, and of liberty; not to fix where he should be surveyed, but to exclude him from the survey.” These points were discussed by the censors, who at last came to this compromise: that out of the four city tribes, they should, openly in the court of the temple of liberty, select one by lot, in which they should include all those who had ever been in servitude. The lot fell on the Æsquiline tribe; on which Tiberius Gracchus published an order, that all sons of freedmen should be surveyed in that tribe. This proceeding gained the censors great honour with the senate, who gave thanks to Sempronius for his perseverance in so good a design, and also to Claudius for not obstructing it. These censors expelled from the senate, and ordered to sell their horses, greater numbers than their predecessors. They both concurred, in removing from their tribes, and disfranchising the same persons, in every instance; nor did one of them remove any mark of disgrace inflicted by the other. They petitioned that, according to custom, the year and half’s time, allowed for enforcing the repairs of buildings, and for approving the execution of works contracted for, should be prolonged; but Cneius Tremellius, a tribune, provoked at not having been chosen into the senate, protested against it. This year Caius Cicerius dedicated a temple on the Alban mount, five years after he had vowed it; and Lucius Postumius Albinus was inaugurated flamen of Mars.
XVII. They then constituted commissioners, with whose advice the generals, Lucius Paullus and Lucius Anicius were to regulate the affairs of their provinces; ten for Macedonia, and five for Illyria. Those nominated for Macedonia were, Aulus Postumius Luscus, Caius Claudius, both of whom had been censors, Caius Licinius Crassus, who had been colleague to Paullus in the consulship, and then held the province of Gaul, having been continued in command. To these, who were of consular rank, were added, Cneius Domitius Ænobarbus, Servius Cornelius Sulla, Lucius Junius, Caius Antistius Labeo, Titus Numisius Tarquiniensis, and Aulus Terentius Varro. The following were nominated for Illyria: Publius Ælius Ligus, a man of consular rank, Caius Cicereius, Cneius Bæbius Tamphilus, who had been prætor the last year, as had Cicereius, many years before, Publius Terentius Tusciveicanus, and Publius Manilius. The senate then recommended to the consuls that, as one of them must go into Gaul, in the room of Caius Licinius, appointed a commissioner, they should either settle their provinces between themselves, or cast lots, as might be agreeable to them. They chose to cast lots; when Pisæ fell to Marcus Junius, who was ordered to introduce to the senate the embassies that came to Rome, from all quarters, with congratulations, before he went to his province; and Gaul to Quintus Ælius.
XVIII. Although the commissioners were men of such characters as afforded confident hopes that, guided by their counsel, the generals would determine on nothing derogatory either to the clemency or dignity of the Roman people, yet the heads of a plan of settlement were considered in the senate, that the said commissioners might carry out to them a general idea of the whole. First, it was determined, that “the Macedonians and Illyrians should be enfranchised: in order to demonstrate to all the world, that the arms of the Roman people were employed not in rivetting chains, but in breaking them; and to convince those who already enjoyed freedom, that it would enure to them safe and permanent, under the protection of the Roman people; and farther to make known to such as now were subject to despotic rule, that their princes, under awe of the Roman people, would be, at the present, more just and mild; and that, should war break out at any time between their kings and the Roman people, the issue would bring victory to the latter, and liberty to themselves. It was also provided, that the farming both of the Macedonian mines, which produced a very large profit, and crown lands, should be abolished; as business of that kind could not be managed without the intervention of revenue farmers; and wherever people of that description were employed, either the rights of the public were invaded, or the freedom of the allies destroyed. Nor could the Macedonians themselves conduct such affairs; for while they afforded the managers opportunities of acquiring prey to themselves, there would never be an end of disputes and seditions. It was farther determined, that there should be no general council of the nation; lest the perverseness of the populace might, some time or other, convert into pestilent licentiousness the wholesome liberty granted by the senate; but, that Macedonia should be divided into four districts, each of which should have a council of its own; and that they should pay to the Roman people half the tribute which they used, formerly, to pay to their kings.” Similar instructions were given respecting Illyria. Other particulars were left to the generals and commissioners; who, by investigating matters on the spot, would be enabled to form more accurate plans.
XIX. Among the many embassies from kings, nations, and states, Attalus, brother to Eumenes, attracted the general attention in a very particular manner; for he was received, by those who had served along with him in the late war, with even greater demonstration of kindness, than could have been shown to the monarch himself. He had two reasons for coming, both, apparently, highly honourable; one to offer congratulations, which was quite proper, in the case of a victory to which himself had contributed; the other, to complain of disturbances raised by the Gauls, so as to endanger his brother’s kingdom. But he had, also, a private view; he entertained secret hopes of honours and rewards from the senate, which yet, he could scarcely receive as being more properly the claims of the King. There were some among the Romans who had given him ill counsel; and the prospects, which they opened to him, set his ambition at work. They told him, that “the general opinion concerning Attalus and Eumenes was, that one was a steady friend to the Romans, and that the other was not a faithful ally either to them or to Perseus. That it was not easy to say, with regard to any requests that he might make, whether the senate would have more pleasure in serving him, or in hurting his brother; so entirely were all disposed to gratify the one, and to grant nothing to the other.” As the event proved, Attalus was one of those who covet all that hope can promise to itself; and he would have been deluded by these suggestions, had not the prudent admonitions of one friend put a curb on those passions, which were growing wanton through prosperity. He had, in his retinue, a physician called Stratius, whom Eumenes, not perfectly assured of his brother’s fidelity, had sent to Rome, for the purpose of watching over his conduct, and for giving him faithful advice, if he should perceive his honour wavering. This man, although he had to address ears already prepossessed, and a mind labouring under a strong bias, yet, by arguments judiciously timed, he restored every thing to its proper state, even after the case had become almost desperate. He urged that “different kingdoms grew into power by different means. As to that of Eumenes, being lately formed, and unsupported by any long established strength, it was upheld, solely, by the concord of the brothers; for, while one bore the title, and the ornament which distinguishes the head of a sovereign, each of them was considered as a king. As to Attalus, in particular, being the next in years, was there any man who did not hold him as such? and that, not only because his present power was great; but because he must, unquestionably, ascend the throne, in a very short time, in consequence of the age and infirmity of Eumenes, who had no legitimate issue;” for he had not, at this time, acknowledged the son who afterwards reigned: “To what purpose, then, employ violence, to attain what of course must soon be his? Besides, a new storm had fallen on the kingdom, from the insurrection of the Gauls, which the most perfect harmony and union of the brothers would scarce enable them to withstand. But if to a foreign war dissensions were added, nothing but ruin could ensue; nor would his scheme produce any other effects, than that of hindering his brother from ending his life on the throne, and himself from ascending it. If both modes of acting were honourable,—either to preserve the kingdom for his relative, or to take it from him,—yet the honour that would derive to him from the first mentioned proceeding, as it arose in brotherly love, would be the greater. The latter, indeed, would be detestable, and bordering nearly on parricide; what room, then, could there be for deliberation? For, whether did he mean to demand a share of the kingdom, or to seize the whole? If a share were his object, it must follow, that both, by the separation of their strength, would be rendered feeble, and exposed to injuries of every kind; if the whole, would he then require his elder brother,—reduced to a private station, at his time of life, and under such infirmity of body,—either to live in exile, or to end his life? Not to speak of the tragical catastrophes, represented on the stage, the fate of Perseus was remarkably striking; who, having, by the murder of his brother, opened himself a way to the seizure of the crown, was obliged, on his knees, to lay it down, at the feet of a victorious enemy, in the temple of Samothrace; as if the gods, present on the spot, had demanded vengeance for his crimes. Those very men,” he continued, “who, from no motive of friendship for him, but of enmity to Eumenes, had instigated him to the adoption of such measures, would ultimately bestow praises on him, if he maintained his fidelity to his brother.”
XX. These arguments determined Attalus. On being introduced to the senate, after congratulating them on their success, he made mention of his own services during the war, and those of his brother; of the defection of the Gauls, which had lately happened, and which had caused violent commotions; and he entreated that ambassadors might be sent to those people, whose authority would oblige them to desist from hostilities. After delivering these messages, respecting the general interest of the state, he requested a grant of Ænus and Maronea to himself. Having thus disappointed the hopes of those who expected him to arraign his brother’s conduct, and solicit a partition of the kingdom, he retired from the senate-house. There have been few instances of any discourse, whether delivered by a private person or a king, being received with such a degree of favour and approbation by all who heard it; and presents and honours of every kind were conferred upon him, during his stay, and at his departure. Of the many embassies which came from Greece and Asia, that of the Rhodians engaged the greatest share of the public attention. At first they appeared in white, that colour being the best adapted to persons charged with a message of a joyful nature; for had they worn mourning, it might seem to be put on for the misfortunes of Perseus. Afterwards, on the question being put to the senate, by the consul Marcus Junius, (the ambassadors standing in the Comitium,) whether lodging and entertainment should be allowed them, it was voted, that no duty of hospitality was due to them. When the consul came out of the senate-house, the Rhodians told him, that they were come to congratulate the Romans on their late success, and to clear their state of the charges made against it. They then requested an audience of the senate, to which he returned this answer: that “it was the custom of the Romans both to grant audience in their senate, and to perform other acts of kindness and hospitality to their friends and allies; but that the conduct of the Rhodians, in the late war, had not entitled them to be ranked in the number of friends or allies.” On hearing this, they all prostrated themselves on the ground, beseeching the consul, and all present, not to suffer new and false imputations to operate more powerfully to their prejudice, than their long course of services, known to all present, in their favour. They immediately assumed a mourning dress, and, going round to the houses of the principal men, supplicated, with prayers and tears, that their cause might be heard before they were condemned.
XXI. Marcus Juvencius Thalna, the prætor who had the jurisdiction between natives and foreigners, stimulated the public resentment against the Rhodians, proposing an order, that “war should be declared against the Rhodians, and that the people should choose one of the magistrates of the present year, who should be sent with a fleet to carry on that war:” he hoped that himself should be the person chosen. This proceeding was opposed by two of the plebeian tribunes, Marcus Antonius and Marcus Pomponius. But the prætor, on his part, commenced the business in a manner highly unprecedented, and of very pernicious tendency; for, without first consulting the senate, and without acquainting the consuls, of his own sole judgment he proposed to the people the question, “Was it their will and order that war should be declared against the Rhodians?” whereas, it had ever, until then, been the practice, first to take the judgment of the senate on such a matter, and then to lay the business before the people. On the other side, the plebeian tribunes opposed this proceeding; although it was a received rule, that no tribune should protest against a proposal until opportunity was given to private citizens to argue for and against it; in consequence of which it had often happened that some, who had no intention of protesting, discovered improprieties in the question from the discourses of those who opposed it, and therefore did protest; and some, who came avowedly to protest, abstained from it, being convinced by the arguments adduced in its favour. On this occasion, the prætor and tribunes vied with each other in doing every thing out of time. While the tribunes blamed the hasty proceeding of the prætor, they imitated the example by a premature protest. The only pretence they alleged for it was, the necessity of adjourning the business of the Rhodians until the general, and the ten commissioners, should return from Macedonia.
XXII.missing text* * * * * * * * † . “Whether we have transgressed, or not, is yet doubtful; meanwhile, we suffer punishments and disgraces of all sorts. In former times, when we visited Rome, after the conquest of Carthage, after the defeat of Philip, and after that of Antiochus, we were escorted from a lodging, furnished us by the public, into the senate-house, to present our congratulations to you, Conscript Fathers; and, from the senate-house to the Capitol, carrying offerings to your gods. But now, from a vile and filthy inn, where scarcely could we get a reception for our money, treated as enemies, and forbid to lodge within the city, we come, in this squalid dress, to the Roman senate-house: we, Rhodians, on whom, a short time ago, you bestowed the provinces of Lycia and Caria; on whom you conferred the most ample rewards and honours. Even the Macedonians and Illyrians, you order, as we hear, to be free; though they were in servitude before they waged war with you. Not that we envy the good fortune of any; on the contrary, we acknowledge therein the usual clemency of the Roman people. But will you convert, from allies into enemies, the Rhodians, who, during the war, have maintained the strictest neutrality? You are the same Romans, who boast that your wars are successful, because they are just; who glory not so much in the issue of them (being, as you are, victorious,) as in the commencement of them, because undertaken not without cause. Your war with the Carthaginians was occasioned by their having attacked Messana, in Sicily. The rupture with Philip arose from his attempt to reduce Greece to slavery, and in giving assistance of men and money to Hannibal. Antiochus, on the invitation of the Ætolians, your enemies, came over in person, with a fleet from Asia to Greece; and, by seizing Demetrias, Chalcis, and the streight of Thermopylæ, endeavoured to dispossess you of a part of your empire. The motives to your war with Perseus were his attacks on your allies, and his putting to death the princes and leading members of certain states. But, if we are doomed to ruin, to what will our misfortune be ascribed? I do not yet separate the cause of the state from that of our countrymen, Polyaratus and Dino, with others, whom we have brought hither, in order to deliver them into your hands. But supposing every one of us were equally guilty, I ask what was our crime with respect to the late war? We favoured, it is said, the interest of Perseus. But have we supported that prince against you in like manner as, in the wars of Antiochus and Philip, we supported you against those kings? Now, in what manner we are accustomed to assist our allies, and with what vigour to conduct wars, ask Caius Livius and Lucius Æmilius Regillus, who commanded your fleets on the coasts of Asia. Your ships never fought a battle in which we did not co-operate. We, with our own fleet, fought one engagement at Samos, and a second on the coast of Pamphylia, against no less a commander than Hannibal. The victory which we gained in the latter, was the more glorious to us, as the loss of a great part of our navy, with a considerable number of the principal young men, in the unfortunate fight at Samos, did not deter us from venturing again to give battle to the King’s fleet on its return from Syria. These matters I have mentioned not out of ostentation, (that would ill become our present situation,) but to remind you in what way the Rhodians assist their allies.
XXIII. “When Philip and Antiochus were subdued, we received from you very ample rewards. If the same fortune, which the favour of the gods, and your own courage, have procured to you, had fallen to the lot of Perseus, and we were to go into Macedonia, to the victorious King, to demand rewards from him, what merit should we have to plead? Could we say, that we had assisted him with money, or with corn; with land or sea forces? Had we defended his garrison; or fought either under his generals, or by ourselves? If he should enquire among the land and sea forces, which we sent to act in concert with his, what answer could we give? Perhaps we might be brought to a trial before him, if successful, as we are now, before you. All that we have gained by sending ambassadors, to both, to mediate a peace, is, that we received no thanks from either party, and incurred from one of them accusations and danger. Perseus, indeed, might justly object to us, what cannot be objected by you, Conscript Fathers, that, at the commencement of the war, we sent ambassadors to Rome, promising supplies of all sorts requisite for the war, and engaging to be ready, as in former wars, with our ships, our arms, and our men. That we did not perform this, you were, yourselves, the cause; you, who, whatever was the reason, rejected our assistance on that occasion. We have, therefore, neither acted in any instance as enemies, nor been deficient in the duty of well-affected allies; which duty, had not you prevented us, we should have performed. What then shall we say? Rhodians, has there been nothing said, or done, in your country, which you disapprove of, and which might give just cause of offence to the Romans? Henceforward, I do not mean to defend what has been done, I am not so weak, but to distinguish the cause of the public from the guilt of private men. For there is no nation whatever that has not, generally, some ill-disposed members, and always an ignorant populace. I have heard, that, even among the Romans, there have been men who worked themselves into power by courting the multitude; that the plebeians sometimes seceded from you, and that you lost the power of directing the affairs of government. If it were possible for this to happen in a state where the rules of conduct are so well established, who can wonder at their being some among us, who, out of a wish to gain the King’s friendship, seduced our meaner people by bad advice? Yet their intrigues produced no farther effect than our remaining inactive, without infringing our duty. I shall not pass by that, which has been made the heaviest charge against our state during the war. We sent ambassadors at the same time to you, and to Perseus, to mediate a peace; and that unfortunate undertaking was, by a furious orator, as we afterwards heard, rendered foolish to the last degree; for it appears, that he spoke in such a manner as Caius Popillius, the Roman ambassador, would have spoken, when you sent him to the two kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, to induce them to cease from hostilities. But still, whether this conduct is to be called arrogance or folly, it was the same towards Perseus as towards you. States, as well as individuals, have their different characters; some are violent, others daring, others timid; some addicted to wine, others more particularly to women. The Athenian nation has the character of being quick and bold, beyond its strength, in beginning an enterprise; and the Lacedæmonian, of being dilatory and backward, in entering upon business, even when confident of success. I cannot deny that Asia, throughout its whole extent, produces men too much inclined to vanity, and that the speech of even the Rhodians is too much tinctured with vain-glory, which arises from our being supposed to hold some pre-eminence above the neighbouring states. That, however, is owing not so much to our particular strength, as to the marks of honour and esteem conferred on us by you. Our first embassy received a sufficient rebuke from you. But, if the disgrace which we then underwent was too trifling, surely the present mournful and suppliant embassy would be a sufficient expiation for the offence. Arrogance, it is true, creates disgust in some, and ridicule in others; more especially, if it be shown by an inferior towards a superior; but no one has ever yet thought it deserving of capital punishment. It was to be feared that the Rhodians should contemn the Romans! Some men have spoken, even of the gods, in terms too presumptuous; yet we have never heard of any one being struck with thunder on that account.
XXIV. “What charge, then, remains, of which we are to acquit ourselves, since there has been no hostile act on our part? Must the too haughty expressions of an ambassador, though they deserve the displeasure of the hearers, be punished by the ruin of the state? Conscript Fathers, I heard you debating on the penalty which we ought to pay for our secret wishes. Some assert that we favoured the King, and, therefore, that we should be punished with war; others, that we did indeed wish him success, but ought not, on that account, to be held criminal, since neither the practice nor the laws of any state admit, that simply desiring the destruction of a foe, should subject any one to the penalty of death. We are absolved from the punishment, but not from the crime; and for this it may be thought we should be thankful; but we lay down this law for ourselves: if we all entertained the wishes imputed to us, we will then make no distinction between the will and the deed; let us all be punished. If some of our people in power favoured you, and others the King, I do not demand, that, for the sake of us, who were on your side, the favourers of the King may be saved; but I pray you that we may not be ruined through them. You are not more inveterate against them, than is our state itself; and knowing this, most of them fled, or put themselves to death, the others have been condemned by us, and will soon be in your power, Conscript Fathers. The rest of us Rhodians, as we have merited no thanks during the war, so neither have we deserved punishment. Let our former services be set against our late inactivity. You have recently waged war with three kings: let not the domerit of our inaction, during one of these wars, outweigh the merit of having fought on your side in the other two. Consider Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus, as you would three votes; two of them acquit us, one is doubtful, but rather inclines to our side than otherwise. If they were to sit in judgment, they would give sentence against us. Conscript Fathers, you are to decide, whether Rhodes is to continue to exist or to be utterly destroyed. The issue of your deliberations will not be war; because, Conscript Fathers, though it is in your power to declare war, it is not in your power to wage it, as not a single Rhodian will take up arms against you. If you persist in your anger, we will beg time from you, until we carry home an account of this unhappy embassy. We will then, every free person of the Rhodians, both men and women, with all our wealth, embark in ships, and leaving the seats of our tutelar deities, both public and private, repair to Rome; where, heaping together in the Comitium, at the door of your senate-house, all our gold and silver, all the public and private property that we possess, we will submit our persons, and those of our wives and children, to your disposal; that, whatever we are to suffer, we may suffer here, and be far removed from the sight of the sacking and burning of our city. The Romans may pass a judgment, that the Rhodians are enemies; but we have also a right, in some degree, to judge ourselves; and we never will judge ourselves your enemies, nor do one hostile act, should we even suffer the last extremities.”
XXV. Such was their speech; after which they all prostrated themselves again, and, as supplicants, held out olive branches; but, at length, they were raised, and withdrew from the senate-house. The opinions of the senators were then demanded. The most inveterate against the Rhodians were those, who, as consuls, prætors, or lieutenant-generals, had acted in Macedonia, during the war; and the person who was most useful to their cause was Marcus Porcius Cato, who, though naturally austere, acted his part as a senator, on this occasion, with much mildness. It is not necessary, here, to give a specimen of his copious eloquence, by inserting his speech, as he has published it himself, in the fifth book of his Antiquities. The answer given to the Rhodians was, that “they should neither be declared enemies; nor, any longer, be considered as allies.” At the head of this embassy were Philocrates and Astimedes. Half their number, with Philocrates, were ordered to carry home to Rhodes an account of their proceedings; and the other half, with Astimedes, to remain at Rome, that they might be acquainted with what passed, and inform their countrymen. For the present, they were commanded to remove their governors out of Lycia and Caria, before a certain day. This news was, in itself, sufficiently afflicting; nevertheless, as it relieved the Rhodians from the dread of a greater evil, for they had feared a war, it occasioned even a degree of joy. They, therefore, immediately voted a present, amounting in value to twenty thousand pieces of gold, and deputed Theodotus, the commander of their fleet, to be the bearer of it. They wished to procure an alliance with the Romans; but, in such a manner, as that no order of the people should pass concerning it, nor any thing be committed to writing; so that, if they should fail of success, the disgrace of a refusal might appear the less. Theodotus was empowered, singly, to negociate that business, with the above proviso; for, during a considerable length of time, they had maintained a friendship with the Romans, without being bound by any treaty; their reason for which was, that they might neither preclude the kings from all hope of their assistance, if any of them should need it, nor themselves from a participation of the advantages which might accrue from the good fortune and liberality of the said kings. At this time, however, an alliance seemed particularly desirable, not so much for the sake of security against others, (for, excepting the Romans, they feared none,) as to render them less liable to jealousies, on the part of the Romans. About this time, the Caunians revolted from them, and the Mylassians seized on the towns of the Euromensians. The spirit of their community was not so totally broken, as to hinder their perceiving, that, if Lycia and Caria were taken from them by the Romans, their other provinces would either assert their own freedom, by a revolt, or be seized on by their neighbours; and that themselves would then be shut up in a small island; within the shores of a barren country, inadequate to the maintenance of the numerous people in so large a city. They therefore sent out, with all speed, a body of troops, and reduced the Caunians to obedience, though they had received succours from Cybara; and afterwards defeated in a battle at Orthosia the Mylassians and Alabandians, who, having seized the province of Euroma, had united their forces, and came to meet them.
XXVI. Such were the occurrences in Rhodes, in Macedonia, and in Rome. Meanwhile, in Illyria, Lucius Anicius, having reduced King Gentius under his power, as before mentioned, placed a garrison in Scodra, which had been the capital of the kingdom, and gave the command to Gabinius. He also garrisoned Rhizo, and Olcinium, towns very conveniently situated, and appointed Caius Licinius commander. Committing the government of Illyria to these two, he marched, with the rest of his forces, into Epirus. Here, Phanota was the first place which submitted to him; the whole multitude, with fillets on their heads, coming out to meet him. Placing a garrison there, he went over into Molossis, all the towns of which province, except Passora, Tecmo, Phylace, and Horreum, having surrendered, he marched first against Passora. The two men, of the greatest authority in that city, were Antinous and Theodotus, who were remarkable for their warm attachment to Perseus, and hatred to the Romans; into a revolt from whom, the whole nation had been hurried by their instigations. These men, conscious of their own delinquency, and despairing of pardon, shut the gates, that they might be buried under the general ruin of their country, and exhorting the multitude to prefer death to slavery. No man dared to open his lips against men of such transcendent power. At last, one Theodotus, a young man of distinction, (his greater dread of the Romans overpowering the lesser fear of his own leaders,) exclaimed, “What madness has seized you, to make the public accessary to the crimes of individuals, and only two in number? I have often heard mention made of men who offered themselves to death for the sake of their country; but never, before these, were any found, who required that their country should perish for theirs. Why not open our gates, and submit to that power, to which the whole world has submitted?” As he spoke thus, he was followed by the multitude; on which, Antinous and Theodotus, rushing out on the first advanced guards of the enemy, and freely exposing themselves to their weapons, were slain, and the city was surrendered to the Romans. Through a similar obstinacy in Cephalus, a man in power, the gates of Tecmo were shut; but he was soon put to death, and then the town capitulated. Neither Phylace nor Horreum stood a siege. Having thus reduced Epirus, Anicius distributed his troops in winter quarters, through the most convenient towns; and, returning into Illyria, held a general convention at Scodra, where the five commissioners had arrived from Rome, and to which place he had summoned the principal men, from all parts of the province. There, with advice of the council, he proclaimed from his tribunal, that “the senate and people of Rome granted freedom to the Illyrians; and that he would withdraw his garrisons from all their towns, citadels, and castles. That the Issans and Taulantians, with the Pirustans, the Rizonites, and the Olcinians, should not only enjoy liberty, but likewise an immunity from taxes; because, when Gentius was in his full strength, they had quitted him, and sided with the Romans. That the same exemption was granted to the Daorseans; because they forsook Caravantius, and came over with their arms, to the Romans; and that the Scodrans, Dassarensians, Selepitans, and the rest of the Illyrians, should pay half the taxes which they had formerly paid to their king.” He then divided Illyria into three districts; the first was composed of the people above mentioned, the second comprehended all the Labeatians, and the third the Agranonites, Rizonites, and Olcinians, with the contiguous states. Having thus regulated affairs in Illyria, he returned into Epirus, to his winter quarters, at Passaro.
XXVII. While these matters passed in Illyria, Paullus, before the arrival of the ten commissioners, sent his son Quintus Maximus, who was by this time returned from Rome, to sack Agassæ and Æginium; the former, because the inhabitants, after surrendering their city to the consul, and voluntarily soliciting an alliance with Rome, had revolted again to Perseus: the crime of the people of Æginium was of a late date; not giving credit to the report of the Romans being victorious, they had treated, with hostile cruelty, some soldiers who came into the city. He also detached Lucius Postumius to pillage the city of Ænia; because the inhabitants had continued in arms with more obstinacy than the neighbouring nations. Autumn now approached, when he resolved to make a tour through Greece, in order to take a view of those celebrated curiosities, the knowledge of which is, by the major part of a people, generally taken from the reports of others. With this intention, he gave the command of his quarters to Caius Sulpicius Gallus, and, with a moderate retinue, began his journey, in which he was accompanied by his son Scipio, and Athenæus, King Eumenes’s brother. He directed his route, through Thessaly, to Delphi, so famous for its oracle, where he offered sacrifices to Apollo; and observing in the porch some unfinished pillars, on which it had been intended to place statues of King Perseus, he determined, that statues of himself should be erected on them, to commemorate his successes. He also visited the temple of Jupiter Trophonius at Lebadia; where, after viewing the mouth of the cave, through which people applying to the oracle descend, in order to obtain information from the gods, he sacrificed to Jupiter and Hercynna, who have a temple there; and then went down to Chalcis, to see the curiosities of the Euripus, and of the island of Eubœa, which is there united to the continent by a bridge. From Chalcis, he passed over to Aulis, a port three miles distant, and famous for having been formerly the station of Agamemnon’s fleet of one thousand ships; he then visited the temple of Diana, in which the Argive chief purchased a passage to Troy, by offering his daughter Iphigenia as a victim at the altar. Thence he came to Oropus, in Attica; where the prophet Amphilochus is worshipped as a god, and has an ancient temple, surrounded by delightful springs and streams. He then went to Athens, which, though filled with only the decayed relics of ancient grandeur, still contained many things worthy of observation; the citadel, the port, the walls connecting Piræus with the city; the dock-yards, the monuments of illustrious generals, the statues of gods and men, exceedingly curious both in respect of the materials, of various kinds, and the skill of the several artists.
XXVIII. After sacrificing to Minerva, the guardian of the citadel, he continued his journey, and on the second day arrived at Corinth. At this time, that city flourished in extraordinary splendour; the citadel too, and the isthmus, afforded admirable views; the former, towering up to an immense height, yet abounding with springs; and the latter, separating by a narrow neck two seas, which almost meet from the east and west. He next visited the celebrated cities of Sicyon, and Argos; then Epidaurus, which, though not comparable to them in opulence, was yet remarkable for a famous temple of Esculapius, standing at five miles’ distance, and, at that time, rich in offerings dedicated to that semideity by the sick, in acknowledgment of the recovery of their health; but now showing only the traces of them, whence they have been torn away. Thence he proceeded to Lacedæmon, renowned, not for magnificent works of art, but for its laws and discipline; and then, passing through Magalopolis, he went up to Olympia. Here having taken a view of all things worthy of notice, and beholding Jupiter in a manner present before him, he was struck with the deepest reverence; so much so, that he ordered preparations to be made for a sacrifice, with more than usual magnificence, and as if he were going to make offerings in the Capitol. Thus he finished his circuit through Greece; during which, he never once inquired how any one, either in their public or private capacity, had stood affected towards Perseus, during the war; being unwilling to disturb the minds of the allies with any kind of apprehensions. On his way back to Demetrias, he was met by a crowd of Ætolians, in mourning apparel. Expressing surprise, and asking the reason of this proceeding, he was told, that five hundred and fifty of the chief of their countrymen had been put to death by Lyciscus and Tisippus, who surrounded their senate with Roman soldiers, sent by their commander Bæbius; that others had been driven into exile; and that the goods of the killed and exiled were in the hands of their accusers. They were ordered to attend him at Amphipolis; and then, having met Cneius Octavius at Demetrias, who informed him that the ten commissioners were landed, he laid aside all other business, and went to Apollonia to meet them. Perseus, being too negligently guarded, had come hither to meet him from Amphipolis, the distance of a day’s journey. To him Æmilius spoke with great courtesy; but, when at the quarters of the troops, he gave a severe reprimand to Caius Sulpicius; first, for allowing Perseus thus to ramble through the province, and, next for indulging the soldiers so far as to suffer them to strip the buildings on the city walls of the tiles, in order to cover their own winter huts. These tiles he ordered to be carried back, the buildings to be repaired, and put in their former condition. Perseus, with his elder son Philip, he gave in charge to Aulus Postumius, and sent them into a place of confinement; his daughter and younger son he ordered to be brought from Samothrace to Amphipolis, and treated them with all possible kindness.
XXIX. When the day arrived, on which he had ordered ten chiefs from each of the states to attend at Amphipolis, and all the writings wherever deposited, and the money belonging to the King, to be brought thither, he seated himself, with the ten commissioners, on his tribunal, where he was surrounded by the whole multitude of the Macedonians. Though they were inured to the government of a king, yet a tribunal, of a different kind from what they were acquainted with, impressed them with terror; the lictor clearing the way, the herald, the sergeant, were all objects strange to their eyes and ears, and capable of inspiring awe in allies, much more in conquered enemies. Silence being proclaimed by the herald, Paullus promulgated, in the Latine tongue, the regulations adopted by the senate, and by himself with the advice of the council; and the prætor, Cneius Octavius, repeated the same in Greek. First of all, he ordered, that “the Macedonians should live free; possessing the same cities, and lands, as before; governed by their own laws, and creating annual magistrates; and that they should pay to the Roman people, one half of the taxes which they had paid to their kings. Next, that Macedonia should be divided into four districts. That one, which should be deemed the first, should comprehend the lands between the rivers Strymon and Nessus, with the addition of that tract, beyond the Nessus, towards the east, wherein Perseus had possessed villages, castles, or towns, excepting Ænus, Maronæa, and Abdera; and of the tract beyond the Strymon, towards the west, comprising all Bisaltica, with Heraclea, which they call Sintice. That the second district should be the country inclosed by the river Strymon, on the east, where were excepted Sintice-Heraclea and Bisaltica, and by the river Axius, on the west; to which should be added the Pæonians, living on the eastern bank of the Axius. That the third district should have for its bounds, the river Axius on the east, the Peneus on the west, and Mount Bora, on the north. That to this division should be joined that tract of Pæonia, which stretches along the western side of the Axius; Edessa also, and Beræa, should be united to it. The fourth district was to consist of the country on the north of Mount Bora, touching Illyria, on one side, and Epirus, on the other. He then appointed the capitals of the districts, in which the councils should be held; of the first district, Amphipolis; of the second, Thessalonica; of the third, Pella; and of the fourth, Pelagonia. In these, he ordered, that the councils of the several districts should be assembled, the public money deposited, and the magistrates elected.” He then gave notice, that it was determined, that intermarriages should not be allowed; that no one should be at liberty to purchase lands or houses, out of the limits of his own district; that the mines of gold and silver must not be worked; but those of iron and copper might; the persons working them paying one half of the tax which they had paid to the King. He likewise forbade the importation of salt. To the Dardanians, who reclaimed Pæonia, because it had formerly been theirs, and was contiguous to their territory, he declared, that he gave liberty to all who had been under subjection to Perseus. Pæonia he refused; but to compensate for this refusal, he granted them liberty to purchase salt, and ordered that the third district should bring it down to Stobi; and he fixed the price to be paid for it. He prohibited them from cutting ship timber themselves, or suffering others to cut it. To those districts which bordered on the barbarians, (and excepting the third, this was the case of them all,) he gave permission to keep armed forces on their frontiers.
XXX. These terms, announced on the first day of the convention, affected the minds of those who were present with very different emotions. Liberty being granted them, beyond their expectation, and the annual tribute being lightened, gave them high satisfaction; but then, by the prohibition of a commercial intercourse between the districts, they thought the territory dismembered, like an animal torn asunder into separate limbs, which stood in need of mutual aid from each other; so little did the Macedonians themselves know how great was the extent of their country, how aptly it was formed for a division, and how competent each part was to subsist by itself. The first division contains the Bisaltians, men of the greatest courage, residing beyond the river Nessus, and on both sides of the Strymon; it is peculiarly productive of the fruits of the earth, has mines also, and the city of Amphipolis, most advantageously situated; for, standing just in the way, it shuts up every passage into Macedonia from the east. The second division has two very remarkable cities, Thessalonica and Cassandria, and the country of Pallene, abundantly productive of grain and fruits; it is also well calculated for maritime business, by means of its harbours, at Toro, and at Mount Athos, (called Ænea,) besides others, some of which are conveniently situated upon the Eubœa, and some opposite the Hellespont. The third district has the celebrated cities of Edessa, Beræa, and Pella; and is partly inhabited by the Vettians, a warlike people, also by great numbers of Gauls and Illyrians, who are industrious husbandmen. The fourth district is occupied by the Eordæans, Lyncestans, and Pelagonians, to whom are joined Atintania, Stymphalis, and Elemiotis. All this tract is cold, and the soil rough, and unfavourable to tillage; to which the tempers of the inhabitants bear a strong resemblance. They are rendered the more ferocious by their vicinity to the barbarians, who, by frequent attacks, inure them to a life of arms, and, during peace, introduce their customs among them. Having, by this division of Macedonia, separated the interests of the several districts, he informed them, that the regulations which were to be binding on the Macedonians in general, should be made known to them, when the time came which he intended to appoint, for giving them a body of laws.
XXXI. The Ætolians were then summoned to appear; but in the trial of their cause, the inquiry was directed to discover, rather, which party had favoured the Romans, and which the King, than which had done, and which suffered injury; for the murderers were absolved of guilt, the exilements confirmed, and the death of the citizens overlooked. Aulus Bæbius, alone, was condemned for having lent Roman soldiers on the occasion. The consequence of this decision through the states and nations of Greece, was, that it puffed up the party which favoured the Romans to an intolerable degree of arrogance; and subjected to be trodden under their feet, all those who were, in the least, suspected of being in the King’s interest. Of the leading men in the states, there were three parties: two of which, paying servile court either to the Romans, or the kings, sought to aggrandize themselves by enslaving their countries; while the third, taking a different course from either, and struggling against both, stood up in support of their laws and liberty. These last had the greatest share of the affection of their countrymen, but the least interest among foreigners. The great successes of the Romans had raised their partizans to such importance, that they alone held the offices of magistracy; they alone were employed on embassies. Great numbers of these, coming from the diets of Peloponnesus, Bœotia, and other parts of Greece, filled the ears of the ten commissioners with insinuations, that “those who, through folly, had openly boasted of being friends and intimates of Perseus, were not the only persons who had favoured his cause; much greater numbers had done so in secret. That there was another party, who, under pretence of supporting liberty, had, in the diets, advanced every measure prejudicial to the Roman interest; and that those nations would not continue faithful, unless the spirits of these parties were subdued, and the influence of those, who had no other object than the advancement of the Roman power, were augmented and strengthened.” These men gave a list of the persons alluded to, whom the general called by letter out of Ætolia, Acarnania, Epirus, and Bœotia, to follow him to Rome, and account for their conduct. Two of the ten commissioners, Caius Claudius and Cneius Domitius, were sent to Achaia, that they might, on the spot, summon by proclamation the persons concerned there. For this procedure, there were two reasons; one, that it was believed that the Achæans would be apt to show more courage than the rest, and refuse obedience, and, perhaps, even endanger Callicrates, and other authors of the charges. The other reason for summoning them, on the spot, was, that the commissioners had in their possession, letters from the chief men of the other nations, which had been found among the King’s papers; but with regard to the Achæans the charges were not clear, because no letters of theirs had been discovered. When the Ætolians were dismissed, the Acarnanian nation was called in. No alteration was made in their situation, only Leucas was disunited from their council. Then, taking a wider range for their inquiries, respecting those who had, publicly or privately, favoured the King, they extended their jurisdiction even into Asia, and sent Labeo to demolish Antissa, in the island of Lesbos, and to remove the inhabitants to Methymna; because, when Antenor, the commander of the King’s fleet, was cruising with his squadron on the coast of Lesbos, they admitted him into their harbour, and supplied him with provisions. Two distinguished men were beheaded, Andronicus, son of Andronicus, an Ætolian, because, accompanying his father, he had borne arms against the Roman people; and Neo, a Theban, by whose advice, his countrymen were led to form an alliance with Perseus.
XXXII. After the interruption caused by the consideration of these foreign matters, Æmilius reassembled the council of Macedonia, and informed them, that “with regard to the future form of government they must elect senators called by themselves Synedroi, to whom the administration of public affairs should be entrusted.” Then was read a list of Macedonians of distinction, who, with their children above fifteen years of age, were ordered to go before him into Italy. This injunction, at first view cruel, appeared, afterwards, to the Macedonian populace, to have been intended in favour of their freedom. For the persons named were Perseus’s friends and courtiers, the generals of his armies, and the commanders of his ships, or garrisons; men accustomed to pay servile obedience to the King, and to domineer haughtily over others; some immoderately rich, others vieing in expense with those to whom they were inferior, in point of fortune; in a word, none possessed of a disposition suited to a member of a commonwealth, and all of them incapable of paying due obedience to the laws, and of enjoying an equal participation of liberty. All, therefore, who had held any employment under the King, even those who had been upon the most trivial embassies, were ordered to leave Macedonia and go into Italy; and the penalty of death was denounced against any who disobeyed the mandate. He framed laws for Macedonia with such care, that they seemed intended not for vanquished foes, but for faithful and deserving allies; laws so wise, that even long experience, the infallible test of excellence, has not been able to discover in them any thing liable to exception. Serious business being now despatched, he turned his thoughts to the celebration of games, for which he had long been making preparations, having sent people to the states and kings in Asia, to give notice of the intended diversions. In his late tour through Greece, he had himself mentioned his design to the principal people: and he now exhibited them at Amphipolis with very great splendour. There came thither from every quarter, multitudes of artists of every sort, skilled in such exhibitions, wrestlers, and remarkably fine horses; deputations also came with victims and every other mark of respect, usually shown to gods or men, on occasion of the great games of Greece. Hence it came to pass, that people’s admiration was excited, not only by the magnificence, but likewise by the skill displayed in the entertainments; in which kind of business the Romans were, at that time, quite inexperienced. Feasts were also provided for the ambassadors with the same degree of care and elegance. An expression of his was generally remarked, that, to furnish out a feast, and to conduct games, required talents equal to those of a consummate general.
XXXIII. When the games of every kind were finished, he put the brazen shields on board the ships; the rest of the arms, being all collected together in a huge pile, the general himself, after praying to Mars, Minerva, mother Lua, and the other deities, to whom it is right and proper to dedicate the spoils of enemies, set fire to them with a torch, and then the military tribunes, who stood round, all threw fire on the same. It was remarkable, that, at such a general congress of Europe and Asia, where such multitudes were assembled, some to congratulate the victors, some to see the shows; and where such numerous bodies of land and naval forces were quartered, so great was the plenty of every thing, and so moderate the price of provisions, that the general made presents of divers articles to private persons, and states, and nations; not only for their present use, but even to carry home with them. The crowd were not more highly gratified by the sight of the stage entertainments, the gymnastics and the horse races, than by that of the Macedonian booty, which was all exposed to view. In the palace was such a number of statues, pictures, tapestry, and vases, most elaborately formed of gold, silver, brass, and ivory, that they seemed intended, not merely for present show, like the furniture of that of Alexandria, but even for the use of after times. These were embarked in the fleet, and given in charge to Cneius Octavius, to be carried to Rome. Paullus then dismissed the ambassadors with every demonstration of good will; and, crossing the Strymon, encamped for the night at the distance of a mile from Amphipolis; then resuming his march, he arrived, on the fifth day, at Pella. Halting for two days, at a place called Spelæum, he detached his son Quintus Maximus and Publius Nasica, with half of the troops, to lay waste the country of the Illyrians, who had assisted Perseus in the war, ordering them to meet him at Oricum; then, taking the road to Epirus, on the evening of the fifteenth day, he reached the city of Passaro.
XXXIV. Not far from hence was the camp of Anicius, to whom he sent a letter, desiring him not to be alarmed at any thing that should happen, for the senate had granted to his soldiers, the plunder of those cities in Epirus, which had revolted to Perseus. He despatched centurions, who were to give out, that they came to bring away the garrisons, in order that the Epirotes might be free, as well as the Macedonians; and summoning before him ten of the principal men of each city, he gave them strict injunctions that all their gold and silver should be brought into the public street. He then sent cohorts to the several states, ordering those who had the greater distance to go, to set out sooner than the others, that they might all arrive at the places of their destination, on the same day. The tribunes and centurions were instructed how to act. Early in the morning, all the treasure was collected; at the fourth hour the signal was given to the soldiers to plunder, and so ample was the booty acquired, that the shares distributed were four hundred denariuses* to a horseman, and two hundred to a footman. One hundred and fifty thousand persons were led away captive. Then the walls of the plundered cities, in number about seventy, were razed; the effects sold, and the soldiers’ shares paid out of the price. Paullus then marched down to the sea to Oricum; he found, that, contrary to his opinion, he had by no means satisfied the wishes of his men, who were enraged, at being excluded from sharing in the spoil of the King, as if they had not waged any war in Macedonia. Finding, at Oricum, the troops sent with his son Maximus and Scipio Nasica, he embarked the army, and sailed over to Italy. Anicius, a short time after, having held a convention of the rest of the Epirotes, and Acarnanians, and having ordered those of their chiefs, whose cases he had reserved for consideration, to follow him, waited only for the return of the ships that had carried the Macedonian army, and then passed over to Italy. During these transactions in Macedonia and Epirus, the ambassadors, sent with Attalus, to put a stop to hostilities between the Gauls and King Eumenes, arrived in Asia. Having agreed to a suspension of arms, for the winter, the Gauls were gone home, and the King had retired to Pergamus into winter quarters, where he was seized with a heavy fit of sickness. The first appearance of spring drew out both parties; the Gauls had advanced as far as Synada, while Eumenes had collected all his forces at Sardis. The Romans went to confer with Solovettius, general of the Gauls, and Attalus accompanied them; but it was not thought proper that he should enter the camp, lest the passions of either party might be heated by debate. Publius Licinius held a conference with the aforesaid chieftain; and the account he gave was, that mild remonstrances rendered him more presumptuous. It might, therefore, seem matter of wonder, that the mediation of Roman ambassadors should have had so great influence on Antiochus and Ptolemy, two powerful kings, as to make them instantly conclude a peace; and yet, that it should have had no kind of efficacy with the Gauls.
XXXV. The captive kings, Perseus and Gentius, with their children, were the first brought to Rome, and put in custody, and next the other prisoners; then came the Macedonians, who had been laid under injunctions to attend the senate, with the principal Greeks, in the same circumstances; for of these, not only such as were at home were summoned, but even those, who were said to be at the courts of the kings. In a few days after, Paullus was carried up the Tiber to the city, in a royal galley of vast size, which was moved by sixteen tiers of oars, and decorated with Macedonian spoils, consisting not only of beautiful armour, but of tapestry, and such kind of works, which had been the property of the King; while the banks of the river were covered with the multitudes that poured out to do him honour. After a few days, arrived Anicius, and Cneius Octavius with his fleet. The senate voted a triumph to each, and charged the prætor, Quintus Cassius, to apply to the plebeian tribunes, who should propose to the commons the passing of an order, investing them with plenary authority, during the day on which they should ride through the city in triumph. Secondary objects are generally secure from popular displeasure, which usually aims at the highest. With regard to the triumphs of Anicius and Octavius, no hesitation was made; yet Paullus, with whom these men could not, without blushing, set themselves in comparison, felt the attacks of invidious detraction. He had kept his soldiers under the ancient rules of discipline, and his donations, out of the spoil, were smaller than they hoped to have received, when the treasures of the King were so large; for if he had indulged their avarice, there would have been nothing left to be carried to the treasury. The whole Macedonian army were disposed to neglect attending, in support of their commander’s pretensions, at the assembly held for the passing of the order. But Servius Sulpicius Galba, (who had been military tribune in Macedonia, and who harboured a personal enmity against the general,) partly, by his own importunities, partly, by soliciting them, through the soldiers of his own legion,—had spirited them up to attend in full numbers, to give their votes, and to “take revenge on a haughty and morose commander, by rejecting the order proposed for his triumph. The commons of the city would follow the judgment of the soldiery. Was it right, that he should have power to withhold the money, and the army not have power to withhold the honours? Let him not hope to reap the fruits of gratitude, which he had not merited.”
XXXVI. By such expressions did he stimulate their resentment; and when, in the Capitol, Tiberius Sempronius, tribune of the commons, proposed the order, and it came to the turn of private citizens to speak on the subject, the passing of it was thought so clear of all doubt, that not one stood forth to argue in favour of it. Whereupon, Servius Galba suddenly came forward, and demanded of the tribune, that, “as it was then the eighth hour, and as there would not be time enough to produce all the reasons, for not ordering a triumph to Lucius Æmilius, they should adjourn to the next day, and take up the business early in the morning: for not less than an entire day would be sufficient to say what was requisite in the cause.” The tribune desired, that, whatever he chose to object, he would say it then; and he spoke so long, as to protract the affair until night. He represented, and reminded the soldiers, that “the duties of the service had been enforced with unusual severity; that greater toil and greater danger had been imposed on them than the occasion required; while, on the other hand, in respect of rewards and honours, every thing was conducted on the narrowest scale; and if such commanders succeeded in their views, military employment would become more irksome and more laborious, while it would produce to conquering troops, neither riches nor honours. That the Macedonians were in a better condition than the Roman soldiers. He then told them, that, if they would attend, next day, in full numbers, to reject the order, men in power would learn, that every thing was not in the disposal of the commander, but that there was something in that of the soldiery.” The soldiers, instigated by such arguments, filled the Capitol, next day, with such a crowd, that no one else could find room to come in and vote. The tribes, first called in, gave a negative to the question; on which the principal men in the state ran together to the Capitol, crying out, that “it was a shameful thing, that Lucius Paullus, after his success in such an important war, should be robbed of a triumph; that commanders should be given up, in a state of subjection, to the licentiousness and avarice of their men. A desire of popularity, of itself, too often led generals astray; but what must be the consequence, if the soldiers were raised into the place of masters over their generals?” All heaped violent reproaches on Galba. At last, when the uproar was calmed, Marcus Servilius, who had been consul, and master of the horse, requested that the tribunes would begin the proceedings anew, and give him an opportunity of speaking to the people. These, after withdrawing to deliberate, being overcome by the arguments of some of the first rank, complied with the intreaty of Servilius, that they would call back the tribes, as soon as himself and other private persons should have delivered their sentiments.
XXXVII. Servilius then said: “Roman citizens, if there were no other proof of the eminent abilities of Lucius Æmilius, as a commander, this one would be sufficient: that, notwithstanding he had in his camp soldiers so inconstant and mutinously inclined with an enemy so active, so zealous, and so eloquent, to stir up the passions of the multitude, yet was there never any tumult in his army. That strictness of discipline, at which they have now conceived so much displeasure, kept them then in order. Subjected to the ancient rules, they then remained quiet. As to Servius Galba, if he were disposed to set himself up for an orator, and to give a specimen of his eloquence, in accusing Lucius Paullus, he ought not now to obstruct his triumph; if for no other reason than this, that the senate has pronounced that, in their judgment, he has deserved it. But the proper way would have been, on the day after the triumph, when he should see Æmilius in a private station, to prefer a charge, and prosecute him according to the laws; or else, when he himself should be invested with magistracy. Let Galba cite him to a trial; let him accuse his enemy before the people. In that method, Lucius Paullus would both receive the reward of his proper conduct, a triumph for extraordinary success in war, and also meet punishment, if he had committed any thing unworthy of his former or present reputation. Instead of which, he has undertaken to depreciate the character of a man, to whom he cannot impute a single act either criminal or dishonourable. Yesterday he demanded a whole day, for making his charges on Lucius Paullus, and four hours which remained of that day, he spent in delivering a speech to that purpose. What accused man was ever so transcendently wicked, that his offences could not be set forth in that number of hours? And yet, in all that time, what did he object to him, that Lucius Paullus, if actually on his trial, would have wished to be denied? Let me, for a moment, suppose two assemblies: one composed of the soldiers who served in Macedonia; the other, of sounder judgment, unbiassed either by favour or dislike; where the whole body of the Roman people is the judge. Let the business be discussed, first, before the citizens, peaceably assembled in their gowns. Servius Galba, what have you to say before the Roman citizens; for such a discourse, as you made before, is totally precluded. You were obliged to stand on your guards with too much strictness and attention; the watches were visited with too much exactness and severity; you had more fatigue than formerly, because the general himself went the rounds, and enforced the duties. On the same day you performed a march, and, without repose, were led forth to battle. Even when you had gained a victory, he did not allow you rest: he led you immediately in pursuit of the enemy. When he has it in his power to make you rich, by dividing the spoil, he intends to carry the King’s treasure in his triumph, and deposit it in the treasury. Though these arguments may have some degree of weight, and are well calculated to stimulate the passions of soldiers, who imagine that too little deference has been shown to their licentious temper, and too little indulgence to their avarice; yet they would have no kind of influence on the judgment of the Roman people; who, though they should not recollect old accounts, and what they heard from their parents, of the numerous defeats suffered in consequence of improper indulgence given by commanders, or of victories gained in consequence of strict inforcement of discipline; yet must they surely remember, so late as in the last Punic war, what a difference there was between Marcus Minucius, the master of the horse, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, the dictator. The accuser, therefore, would soon know, that any defence, on the part of Paullus, would be needless and superfluous.
XXXVIII. “Let us now pass to the other assembly; and here I am not to address you as citizens, but as soldiers, if, indeed, you can hear yourselves so called without blushing, and feeling the deepest shame for your illiberal treatment of your general. And, to say the truth, I feel my own mind affected in a very different manner, when I suppose myself speaking to an army, than it was, just now, when I addressed myself to the commons of the city. For what say you, soldiers, is there any man in Rome, except Perseus, that wishes there should be no conquest over Macedonia; and are not you tearing him in pieces, with the same hands with which you subdued the Macedonians? That man, who would hinder you from entering the city in triumph, would, if it had been in his power, have hindered you from conquering. Soldiers, you are mistaken, if you imagine that a triumph is an honour to the general only, and not to the soldiers also, as well as to the whole Roman people. Not Paullus alone is interested in the present case. Many who failed of obtaining from the senate the grant of public entry, have triumphed on the Alban mount. No man can ravish from Lucius Paullus the honour of having brought the Macedonian war to a conclusion, any more than he can from Caius Lutatius, that of putting an end to the first Punic war, or from Publius Cornelius, that of finishing the second; or from those who have triumphed either before those generals, or since. Neither will a triumph add to, or diminish, the honour of Lucius Paullus, as a commander: the character of the soldiers, and of the whole Roman people, is more immediately concerned therein, lest they should incur the imputation of envy and ingratitude, towards one of their most illustrious citizens, and appear to imitate, in this respect, the Athenians, who have repeatedly persecuted such by exciting the hatred of the populace. Your ancestors were sufficiently culpable in the case of Camillus. They treated him injuriously, before the city was recovered from the Gauls, through his means; and the same was done by you in the case of Publius Africanus. How must we blush, when we reflect, that the habitation of the conqueror of Africa, was at Liternum; his tomb at Liternum? And shall Lucius Paullus, equal to any of these men in renown, receive from you an equal share of ill treatment? Let that, then, be blotted out, which dishonours us among foreigners, and injures us at home; for who will, henceforward, wish to resemble either Africanus, or Paullus, in a state where merit meets only with ingratitude and enmity? If there were no disgrace in the case, and the question merely concerned glory, what triumph does not imply the general glory of the Roman race? Are all the numerous triumphs over the Gauls, the Spaniards, and the Carthaginians, called the triumphs of the generals only, or are they not, in fact, the triumphs of the Roman people? As the triumphs were celebrated, not merely over Pyrrhus, or Hannibal, but over the Epirotes and Carthaginians; so, it was not the individual Manius Curius, or Publius Cornelius, but the Romans, that triumphed. The soldiers, indeed, are peculiarly interested in this case; for it is their part to appear with crowns of laurel, and decorated with the honorary presents which each has received, to utter the acclamations of victory, and march in procession through the city, singing their own and their commander’s praises. If, at any time, soldiers are not brought home from a province to such honours, they murmur; and yet, even in that case, they consider themselves distinguished, though absent, because by their hands the victory was obtained. Soldiers, if it should be asked, for what purpose you were brought home to Italy, and not disbanded, immediately, when the business of the province was finished; why ye came to Rome, in a body, round your standards; why you loiter here, rather than repair to your several homes; what other answer can you give, than that you wished to be seen in festival? And, certainly, you have a right to show yourselves as conquerors.
XXXIX. “Triumphs have been lately celebrated over Philip, father of the present prince, and over Antiochus: both of whom were in possession of their thrones, when these were performed; and shall there be no triumph over Perseus, who has been taken prisoner, and, with his children, brought away to this city? But if, (while the other generals mounted the Capitol in their chariots, clad in gold and purple,) Lucius Paullus, alone, reduced to a private rank, should, amid the crowd of gowned citizens, call out from the lower ground, and ask them, ‘Lucius Anicius, and Cneius Octavius, whether do you esteem yourselves, or me, more deserving of a triumph?’ I am confident they would yield him the chariot, and, through shame, present to him, with their own hands, their ensigns of honour. Do ye choose, citizens, that Gentius should be led in procession, rather than Perseus; do you wish to triumph over an accessary, rather than over the principal in the war? Shall the legions from Illyria, and the crews of the fleet, enter the city with laurel crowns; and shall the Macedonian legions, being refused one for themselves, be only spectators of other men’s glories? What then will become of such a rich booty, the spoils of a victory so lucrative? Where shall be buried so many thousand suits of armour, stripped from the bodies of the enemy? or shall they be sent back to Macedonia? Where shall be lodged the statues of gold, of marble, and of ivory; the pictures, the ingenious productions of the loom; such a quantity of wrought silver and gold, and such a mass of money as the King’s? Shall they be conveyed to the treasury, by night, as if they were stolen? What will become of the greatest of all shows; where will that very celebrated and powerful King, Perseus, be exhibited to the eyes of a victorious people? What a concourse the captured King Syphax, an auxiliary only in the Punic war, caused, most of us remember; and shall the captured King Perseus, with his sons, Philip and Alexander, names so illustrious, be kept from the view of the public? All men are eagerly anxious to behold Lucius Paullus himself, twice consul, the conqueror of Greece, entering the city in his triumphal chariot. We made him consul, for this very purpose, that he should finish a war which had been protracted for four years, to our great shame. When he obtained that province by lot, and when he was setting out for it, with presaging minds, we destined to him victory; and shall we now, when he is victorious, refuse him a triumph; shall we defraud, not only men, but the gods also of the honours due to them? A triumph is due to the gods, as well as to men: your ancestors commenced every business of importance with worshipping them, and ended all in the same manner. The consul, or prætor, (when going to his province, and to a war, dressed in his military robe, and attended by his lictors,) offers vows in the Capitol; and, when he returns victorious, carries, in triumph, to the Capitol, to the deities to whom he made the vows, the due offering of the Roman people. The victims that precede him are not the most immaterial part of the procession,—to demonstrate that the commander comes home with thanksgivings to the gods for the success granted to the business of the state. All those victims, which he has provided to be led in his triumph, you may slay at sacrifices, performed by different persons. Do you intend to interrupt those banquets of the senate, which are not allowed to be served up, either in any private or even public place, if unconsecrated, but only in the Capitol, whether they are meant for the gratification of men, or in honour both of gods and men,—because such is the will of Servius Galba? Shall the gates be shut against Lucius Paullus’s triumph? Shall Perseus, King of Macedonia, with his children, the multitude of other captives, and the spoils of the Macedonians, be left behind, on this side of the river? Shall Lucius Paullus, in a private character, go straight from the gate to his house, as if returning home from his country-seat? And you, centurion, you, soldiers, listen to the votes of the senate respecting your general Paullus, rather than to the babbling of Servius Galba; listen to me, rather than to him. He has learned nothing, but to speak; and even that with rancour and malice. I have three-and-twenty times fought the enemy, on challenges, and from every one I brought off spoils. I have my body plentifully marked with honourable scars, all received in front.” It is said, that he then stripped himself, and mentioned in what war each of his wounds was received; and that, while he was showing these, he happened to uncover what ought to be hid, and that a swelling in his groins raised a laugh among those near him, on which he said, “This too, which excites your laughter, I got by continuing days and nights on horseback; nor do I feel either shame or sorrow for it, any more than for these scars, since it never obstructs me in doing good service to the public, either in peace or war. An aged soldier, I have shown to youthful soldiers this body of mine, often wounded by the weapons of the enemy. Let Galba expose his, which is sleek and unhurt. Tribunes, be pleased to call back the tribes to vote. Soldiers, Imissing text * * * * * * *.”*
XL. Valerius Antias tells us, that the total of the captured gold and silver, carried in the procession, was one hundred and twenty millions of sesterces† ; but from the number of Philippics, and the weights of the gold and silver, specifically set down by himself, the amount is unquestionably made much greater. An equal sum, it is said, had been either expended on the late war, or dissipated during the King’s flight, on his way to Samothrace. It is wonderful, that so large a quantity of money should have been amassed within the space of thirty years, since Philip’s war with the Romans, out of the produce of the mines, and the other branches of revenue Philip began war against the Romans with his treasury very poorly supplied; Perseus, on the contrary, with his immensely rich. Last came Paullus, in his chariot, making a very majestic appearance, both from the dignity of his person, and of his age. He was accompanied, among other illustrious personages, by his two sons, Quintus Maximus, and Publius Scipio; then followed the cavalry, troop by troop, and the cohorts of infantry, each in its order. The donative distributed among them was one hundred denariuses* to each footman, double to a centurion, and triple to a horseman; and it is believed, that he would have given double to each, had they not objected to his attaining the present honour, or had answered with thankful acclamations when that sum was announced as their reward. Perseus, led through the city, in chains, before the chariot of the general, his conqueror, was not the only instance, at the time, of the misfortunes incident to mankind; another appeared even in the victorious Paullus, though glittering in gold and purple. For, of two sons, (who, as he had given away two others on adoption, were the only remaining heirs of his name,) the younger, about twelve years old, died five days before the triumph, and the elder, fourteen years of age, three days after it; children, who might have been expected, a short time before, to be carried in the chariot with their father, dressed in the prætexta, and anticipating, in their hopes, the like kind of honours for themselves. A few days after, Marcus Antonius, tribune of the commons, summoned a general assembly, at the general’s request. Emilius, after descanting on his own proper services, as usually done by other commanders, proceeded in a very remarkable manner, and well becoming a man of the first consequence in Rome.
XLI. “Although, Romans, I cannot suppose you uninformed, either of the success which has attended my endeavours in the service of the commonwealth, or of the two dreadful strokes which have lately crushed my house; since, within a short space of time, my triumph and the funerals of my two sons have been exhibited to your view; yet, I beg leave to represent to you, in few words, and with that temper which becomes me, a comparative view of my own private situation, and the happy state of the public. Departing from Italy, I sailed from Brundusium, at sunrise; at the ninth hour, with my whole squadron, I reached Corcyra. On the fifth day after, I offered sacrifice to Apollo, at Delphi, in behalf of myself, of your armies and fleets. From Delphi, I arrived, on the fifth day, in the camp; where, having received the command of the army, and put in order several matters, which greatly impeded success, I advanced into the country; the enemy’s post being impregnable, and there being no possibility of forcing Perseus to fight. In spite of the guards which he had stationed, I made my way through the pass at Petra, and, at length, compelling the King to come to an engagement, gained a complete victory. I reduced Macedonia under the power of the Romans; and, in fifteen days, finished a war, which three consuls before me, had, for three years, conducted in such a manner, that each left it to his successor more formidable than he had found it. Other prosperous events followed in consequence of this: all the cities of Macedonia submitted; the royal treasure came into my hands; the King himself, with his children, was taken in the temple of Samothrace, delivered up, in a manner by the gods themselves. I now thought my good fortune excessive, and became apprehensive of a change; I began to dread the dangers of the sea in carrying away the King’s vast treasure, and transporting the victorious army. When all arrived in Italy, after a prosperous voyage, and I had nothing farther to wish, I prayed, that, (as fortune generally from the highest elevation rolls backwards,) my own house, rather than the commonwealth, might feel the change. I trust, therefore, that the public is free from danger, by my having undergone such an extraordinary calamity, as to have my triumph come in between the funerals of my two sons: such is the delusive imperfection of human happiness! And though Perseus and myself, are, at present, exhibited as the most striking examples of the vicissitudes to which mankind are liable, yet he,—who, himself in captivity, saw his children led captive,—has them still in safety; while I, who triumphed over him, went up in my chariot to the Capitol from the funeral of one son, and came down from the Capitol to the bed of the other, just expiring; nor out of so large a stock of children is there one remaining to bear the name of Lucius Æmilius Paullus. For, having a numerous progeny, I gave away two, on adoption, to the Cornelian and Fabian families. In the house of Paullus not one is there remaining but himself! However, for this disaster of my own family, I find consolation in your happiness, and in the prosperous state of the commonwealth.” These words, expressive of such magnanimity, moved the minds of the audience with deeper commiseration than if he had bewailed the loss of his children in the most plaintive terms.
XLII. Cneius Octavius celebrated a naval triumph over King Perseus, on the calends of December, in which appeared neither prisoners nor spoils. He distributed to each seaman seventy-five denariuses;* to the pilots, who were on board, twice that sum; and to the masters of ships, four times. A meeting of the senate was then held, and they ordered, that Quintus Cassius should conduct King Perseus and his son Alexander to Alba, to be there kept in custody; but that he should retain his attendants, money, silver, and furniture. Bitis, son to the King of Thrace, with the hostages he had given to Macedon, were sent to Carseoli; the rest, who had been led in triumph, were ordered to be shut up in prison. A few days after this passed, ambassadors came from Cotys, King of Thrace, bringing money to ransom his son and the said hostages. Being introduced to an audience of the senate, they alleged, in excuse of Cotys, that he had not voluntarily assisted Perseus in the war, but had been compelled to it; and they requested the senate to allow the hostages to be ransomed, at any rate that should be judged proper. They were answered, that “the Roman people remembered the friendship which had subsisted between them and Cotys, as well as with his predecessors, and the Thracian nation; that the giving of hostages was the very fault laid to his charge, and not an apology for it; for Perseus, even when at rest from others, could not be formidable to the Thracian nation, much less when he was embroiled in a war with Rome. But that, notwithstanding Cotys had preferred the favour of Perseus to the friendship of the Roman people, yet the senate would consider rather what suited their own dignity, than what treatment he had merited; and would send home his son and the hostages; that the kindnesses of the Roman people were always gratuitous; and that they chose to leave the value of them in the memory of the receivers, rather than to demand it in present.” Titus Quintius Flamininus, Caius Licinius Nerva, and Marcus Caninius Rebilus, were nominated ambassadors to conduct Bitis, with the hostages, to Thrace; and a present of two thousand asses* was made to each of the ambassadors. Some of Perseus’s ships, of a size never seen before, were hauled ashore in the field of Mars.
XLIII. While people yet retained, not only fresh in memory, but almost before their eyes, the celebration of the Macedonian conquest, Lucius Anicius triumphed over King Gentius, and the Illyrians, on the day of the festival of Quirinus. These exhibitions were considered rather as similar, than equal. The commander himself was inferior; Anicius was not to be compared in renown with Æmilius; a prætor in dignity of office with a consul; neither could Gentius be set on a level with Perseus, nor the Illyrians with the Macedonians; nor the spoils, nor the money, nor the presents obtained in one country, with those obtained in the other. But though the late triumph outshone the present, yet the latter, when considered by itself, appeared very far from contemptible. For Anicius had, in the space of a few days, entirely subdued the Illyrian nation, remarkable for their courage both on land and sea, and confident in the strength of their posts; he had also taken their king, and the whole royal family. He carried, in his triumph, many military standards, and much spoil of other sorts, with all the royal furniture; and also twenty-seven pounds weight of gold, and nineteen of silver, besides three thousand denariuses,† and, in Illyrian money, the amount of one hundred and twenty thousand.‡ Before his chariot were led Gentius, with his queen, and children; Carovantius, the King’s brother, and several Illyrian nobles. Out of the booty, he gave forty-five denariuses§ to each footman, double to a centurion, triple to a horseman; to the Latine allies the like sums as to natives, and to the seamen the same as to the soldiers. The troops showed more joy in their attendance on this triumph than in that of Æmilius, and the general was celebrated in abundance of songs. Valerius Antias says, that this victory produced to the public twenty thousand sesterces,* besides the gold and silver carried to the treasury; but, as no sources appeared from which such a sum could be raised, I have set down my author, instead of asserting the fact. King Gentius, with his queen, children, and brother, was, pursuant to an order of the senate, taken to Spoletium, to be kept there in custody; the rest of the prisoners were thrown into prison at Rome; but the people of Spoletium refusing the charge, the royal family were removed to Iguvium. There remained, of the Illyrian spoil, two hundred and twenty barks, which Quintus Cassius, by order of the senate, distributed among the Corcyreans, Apollonians, and Dyrrachians.
XLIV. The consuls of this year after merely ravaging the lands of the Ligurians, as the enemy never brought an army into the field, returned to Rome, to elect new magistrates, without having performed any matter of importance. The first day on which the assembly could meet, were chosen consuls, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Caius Sulpicius Gallus.Y. R.586.
[*]8,072l. 18s. 4d.
[*]242l. 4s. 3d.
[†]The beginning of this speech of Astymedes, chief of the Rhodian embassy, is lost.
[*]12l. 18s. 4d
[*]The conclusion of this speech is lost. The effect of it was, that the order for the triumph of Lucius Paullus passed unanimously. The beginning of the account of the procession is also lost
[*]8l. 4s. 7d
[*]2l. 8s. 5d.
[*]6l. 9s. 2d.
[†]96l. 17s. 6d.
[§]1l. 9s. 1d.
[*]161,458l. 6s. 8d