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An Appendix of Objections to this Essay, with Answers to the Same. - Sir William Petty, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, vol. 2 
The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, together with The Observations upon Bills of Mortality, more probably by Captain John Graunt, ed. Charles Henry Hull (Cambridge University Press, 1899), 2 vols.
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THE first edition of Graunt's Observations upon the Bills of Mortality1 was published between 25 January, 1662, the date of the first epistle dedicatory, and 5 February, 1662, when Graunt presented fifty copies to the Royal Society to be distributed among its members2 . In the world outside Gresham College as well as among the Fellows of the Royal Society, Graunt's work soon attracted attention. Pepys bought a copy at Westminster Hall, the 24 March3 , and the book proved so widely successful that a second edition was called for before the close of the year. With the return of the plague in the early summer of 1665, interest in the Observations revived. On the twentieth of June, at the same meeting at which the Council of the Royal Society recommended the Society to intermit their public weekly meetings until the present sickness should cease, it also ordered “that upon a report of Sir William Petty of his having perused the additions of Mr Graunt to his Observations upon the Bills of Mortality, the president be desired to license the reprinting of that book, together with such additions4 .” As the 4 July is the latest date in the “table shewing how many died weekly,” it is probable that the new edition appeared before the 11 July. It certainly appeared before the 25 July, on which day Brouncker sent to Pepys5 a copy of the book, “new printed and enlarged.” The enlargement of this third edition was effected chiefly by the addition of the appendix, the tables for Tiverton and Cranbrook, and the “table shewing how many died weekly”; the other changes, which are slight, are noted, in this reprint, where they occur. A “fourth impression,” reprinted from the third, soon appeared at Oxford. The latest date in the weekly table of this edition is the 26 September, and a copy of it in Cornell University Library bears the inscription “Ex dono Authoris Octob: 22° 1665.” No further edition was published during Graunt's life, but in 1676 a fifth edition was put out, it is said under Petty's supervision1 . To this, the completest edition, here reprinted, there were added “Some further Observations of Major John Graunt.” Since 1676 the Observations have been printed but once in English, viz. in A Collection of the Yearly Bills of Mortality from 1657 to 1758, London: 1759, which speaks erroneously of “the sixth edition, in 1676.” There is also an anonymous German translation2 published at Leipzig in 1702.
Petty's Quantulumcunque concerning Money was suggested, apparently, by the project of recoinage which was already under discussion when he came to London in June, 1682. The earliest allusion to the book occurs in his letter of 5 September to Southwell: “I have writ three sheets in answer to Thirty-one Questions concerning Money. If it take, for I renounce all judgment of my own, you shall have a copy1 .” These words, taken in connection with the fact that Halifax could not have been addressed as “Lord Marquess” earlier than 22 August, 16822 , cast some suspicion upon the date of 1681 which is assigned to the Quantulumcunque by Harleian MS. 1223 in the British Museum. This MS., moreover, appears to be of the eighteenth century, rather than of the seventeenth, and the pages containing the Quantulumcunque (ff. 169 seq.) are very carelessly written. Everything considered, the tract must be assigned to August or September, 1682.
In 1695, when the recoinage was imminent, the Quantulumcunque was privately printed3 in a quarto edition which has been followed in the present reprint. Of the alleged earlier editions in octavo4 I have failed to find a copy.
The Essays in Political Arithmetick, belong, in large part, to the fourth period of Petty's literary activity, and most, though not all of them were written in London. The circumstances which led to the writing of the various essays are indicated, so far as known, in connection with each essay severally. Petty never grouped the series, and it is uncertain who edited the collection published in 16991 . The order then adopted was chronological by date of publication, and it has been here adhered to save as regards the Political Arithmetick. That book, because first published (as supposed) in 1691, was made to follow the Five Essays, though it has little direct connection with them. I have transposed it to the first volume, a position which indicates more correctly its true chronological place among Petty's writings. The Essays thus follow Graunt's Observations, to which in subject and treatment they are more closely related than to Petty's other writings, and also precede the Treatise of Ireland, with which their chronological connection is most intimate.
The Essays were chiefly written in Petty's last years, when his health was much impaired2 , and were almost immediately put to press. No necessity for circulating them in MS. arose and no MSS. of them are known. They are here reprinted not from the posthumous collected edition of 1699, but from the several original editions, the proof of nearly all of which doubtless passed under Petty's eye.
Another Essay in Political Arithmetick was probably written in Ireland about 16811 , but was not sent to press until after Petty came to London in June, 16822 . Three years after the first edition, which is dated 1683, there appeared, under a changed title3 , a “second edition, revised and enlarged.” The revision extends only to a few verbal changes which are recorded in the footnotes of this reprint. The enlargement was affected by the addition of the stationer's address to the reader and the “extract of a letter” which are reprinted on pages 453 to 455. Aside from these pages the ensuing text conforms to that of the original edition issued in 1683. The Essay is reviewed in the Journal des Sçavans, 15 Mars, 1683.
The earliest known reference to the Dublin bills is an order in the city assembly roll for the fourth Friday after Christmas, 1658, for the treasurer of the city to pay, on Mr Mayor's wariant, to John Tadpole, fifty shillings sterling for his employment heretofore in bringing in the weekly bills of mortality within the city and the suburbs thereof1 . To these bills Petty turned his attention upon the first trip which he made to Dublin after the publication of Graunt's book2 . It was not, however, until after the death of his friend that he undertook his Observations upon them. Concerning the Observations he writes to Southwell, 25 November, 1682, that he will meddle no more with political arithmetic nor ratiocinations, but will turn beast and grow absurd, as the glorious men of the world are. The accompanying pamphlet is not a startling from his resolutions, “for it was put a printing when I first came to town3 , and hath been kept in hand by my brother beast Mark Pardo, the stationer… I would have you run to the city of Bristol with the same and bore their skulls with the same advice that is here given for Dublin4 .”
Petty's Two Essays concerning London and Paris, though first published in French, were originally written in English1 . They were probably finished between the 17 July, 1686, the day on which was licensed no. 180 of the Philosophical Transactions containing the account of Verbiest's journeys referred to in the first essay2 , and the 26 August of the same year, when the Two Essays were themselves approved3 .
AT the session of the Royal Society 22 December, 1686, Petty produced a defence of the Two Essays. The defence was read and the author promised to lodge it with the Society1 . The 29th December he gave in two notes about the magnitude of London and Paris, which were ordered with his leave to be printed2 . The two notes were accordingly published in the Philosophical Transactions for November and December, 16863 under the caption of A further Assertion of the Propositions concerning the Magnitude of London, etc.4 The first note is substantially identical with the first of the Five Essays as printed in 1687 and here reprinted—variations are indicated in the foot notes. The second note, reprinted on p. 537, is not unlike the theses of the Fourth Essay. At the next session of the Society, 5 January, 1687, Petty produced three more papers in answer to the objection of Mr. Auzout against his conclusion that London was greater than Paris and Rouen taken together. He permitted them to be read and it was ordered that Justel's pleasure should be known with regard to printing an extract of Auzout's letter with Petty's answers5 . Justel sent the following interesting reply:
[Endorsed by Southwell.] Mr Justel's note read Jan. 26 168 1 .
THE Treatise of Ireland, the last considerable product of Petty's pen, can be understood only by reference to his relations with James II. and to the purpose for which the Treatise was written. In Petty's experiments in ship-building and in his writings upon naval matters, James, as Lord High Admiral, had taken a lively interest. After his accession to the throne, he appears to have continued to repose confidence in Petty, granting him repeated interviews1 and encouraging his scheme for a royal statistical office. Petty thereupon fancied that his ideas concerning the management of Irish affairs would have weight with the King. At the same time his growing realization of the dangers involved in Tyrconnel's violent Catholic policy supplied him with a further motive for submitting to James those “political pastimes and paradoxes concerning a perpetual peace and settlement of Ireland” which had long occupied his attention. He accordingly embodied his ideas in A Treatise of Ireland, designed both to convey a warning lest the importance of the Protestant interest in that island be underestimated, and also to propose a plan for the final solution of the perennial Irish Question.
The date of the Treatise can be determined within a few weeks. It was completed after Petty had received the returns of the Irish customs for the midsummer quarter, 16872 and it was ready for presentation to the King by the first week in September3
King James promptly appointed Petty's friend and admirer Pepys to examine the Treatise1 , but no steps were taken to execute its suggestions, and it was not even printed. The approach of the fatal disease of which Petty died three months later may well have prevented him from publishing the book himself, and when, in the years closely following the Revolution, the Political Arithmetick, the Political Anatomy of Ireland, and the Treatise of Naval Philosophy were finally printed, considerations of political expediency may have conspired with those based on the comparatively unfinished condition of the Treatise to deter his friends from giving it also to the world.
The Treatise is here reprinted from the Southwell or Nelligan MS.2 . whose history has been already traced3 . Of that MS. it occupies folios 52–129, neatly written in a hand similar to that of the Southwell Political Arithmetick and corrected at a few points by Petty himself.
In May, 1865, Mr. W. H. Hardinge submitted to the Royal Irish Academy an account of An unpublished Essay on Ireland by Sir William Petty1 , then in the collection of the Marquis of Lansdowne. It is evident from Mr Hardinge's quotations that the unpublished essay was, in part at least, identical with the present Treatise. Inasmuch, however, as the Lansdowne MS. had but twenty-nine “pages” (size not specified), while the Southwell copy of the Treatise, including the Dialogue, extends to seventy-seven folio leaves rather closely written upon both sides, it is improbable that the Lansdowne MS. contained all that is here printed. It is impossible, however, to be certain in respect of this matter, as Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, Petty's descendant and biographer, kindly informs me that the MS. which Mr Hardinge saw cannot now be found.
An Appendix of Objections to this Essay, with Answers to the Same.
First that the Transplantation of a Million of People is Impracticable and Utopian.
1st. It has been already said that the Charges thereof needs not to exceed 20 Shillings per head at a Medium between Poor and Rich, Great and Small; and from the Middle of Ireland to the Middle of England supposed to be 120 Miles of Land in2 Distance.
2. Forty small Vessels of about Sixty Tuns each (which are easily had) will perform this whole Work in Five Year's Time.
3. The Freight per head need not exceed Two Shillings, and the Travelling Charges by Land at one Penny per Mile needs not be above Ten Shillings, Leaving Eight Shillings for Extraordinaries.
4. There will be found Undertakers enough, to regulate this Matter, and bring the Charges thereof to a Certainty, which may amount to 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. to be advanced for Five Years out of the Public Revenue, and reimbursed, as shall elsewhere be shewn.
The second Objection, That the Cattle-Trade above-propounded is also impracticable.
1. The Lands and Cattle are the same as now, wanting onely a new Application to each other.
2. A Council of Fitting Persons must make this Application, by Pitching the Number of each Species of Cattle, for every Sort of Land within the whole1 Territory of Ireland.
3. The same may pitch the Number of Cow-Herds, Shepherds, Dairy-Women, Slaughter Men and others, which are fit and sufficient to manage the Trade of exported Cattle dead or alive, of Hydes, Tallow, Butter and Cheese, Wool and Sea-Fish &c.
4. To appoint the Foreign Markets and Ports where each Commodity is to be shipped and sold, to provide Shipping and to keep Account of the Exportation above-mentioned, and of the imported Salt, Tobacco, with a few other Necessarys.
5. When the whole Number, to be left in Ireland, is adjusted, then to pitch how many of them shall be English, or such as can speak English, and how many Irish, how many Catholiques2 and how many others, without any other respect, than the Management of this Trade, for the common Good of all the Owners of these Lands, and it's Stock indifferently.
6. Forasmuch as it is intended to allow each Servant to this Trade 20 Nobles per Ann. out of the Grand Commodities aforenamed, It is also intended to allow them Land for Corn and Gardenage with River-Fishing, Wild-Fowl and Hunting.
7. To keep up Part of the neglected Houses, till England be fully Peopled with 12 Millions (vizt) at 3 Acres per head.
8. To appoint the Foot-Militia and Horse-Guards.
9. To carry away the Young Children and superannuated Persons.
The 3d Objection, That Men will not conform to this Change, tho’ tending to the General, and their own Particular, Good, out of a mere Caprice and Perverseness.
[1.] If the Owners of Ireland may hereby raise their Concernments from 2 to 3 in Value, If the Landlords of England may hereby increase the Worth of their Lands from 3 to 4, And if the King may advance his Revenue from 4 to 5; and that the Church may receive a Supplyment out of Ireland of 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. I suppose that particular Men will not long persist in their Perverseness and Humor; Or (if they do) that a Parliament of England, may cure this Evil, in both Kingdoms, as kind Parents may correct the Children whom they Love.
2. And when such a Law is made, it is possible within Six Months to give a List of all the Terr-Tenants in Ireland, who are to be removed, and of the lands they hold; with the Yearly Value thereof. And within Six Months more, to make a Particular of the Lands in England, by the Names, Quantity, Situations, and Values, correspondent to the said Tenures and Occupancies in Ireland, if men shall humorously refuse to agree otherwise.
3. It hath been already said, that besides the Advantages abovementioned, the Inhabitants of England shall receive one Million and a half per Ann. out of Ireland, above what hitherto they have done: Which is more than England gains by Foreign Trade from all the rest of the World.
4. I further add that the Million of Transplantees out of Ireland, will after their having been Seven Years in England, become worth above 30l. per head more than at present, in all 30 Millions.
Memorandum, That this Proposal inferrs no Forcing any Irish1 Proprietors to sell their Estate in Ireland, but encourages the King to buy of them, who are voluntarily pleased to sell at the present Market-Rate.
It is also to be noted, That as the Method here propounded shall make the Value of Ireland to rise from 2 to 3 above what the same was worth Anno 1684. So the late Changes, which we hope are repairable2 , have made the same fall from 3 to 2, and consequently the Difference between the present Proposal and the present Practice, will be as 9 to 4.
The fourth Objection, that this Transplantation and Change of Trade amounts to an Abolishment of the Irish Nation: Which will be Odious to them, and not compensable by all the Benefits abovementioned.
1. That this Proposal was intended for an Union of the two Nations, which is a real Blessing to both, according to that of Faciam eos in Gentem Unam3 : Whereas the Curse of a Civil Warr is, to divide one intire Nation into two Nations: As the Irish Commotions Anno 1641 actually did. Now if the two Nations be brought into one, the Name of the lesser Nation must needs be abolished, whilst the Thing and Substance is exalted. For
1. In this Case the Irish Names of Lands and Men are lay'd down, and English taken up in their Rooms.
2. The Cabineers of Ireland, which are Ten to One of all the others, will be removed out of their wretched Beastlike habitations; unfit for making Merchantable Butter and Cheese, and the Manufacture of Wool and Linnen out of the best Materials.
3. They will be set upon more pleasant and profitable Imployments in England.
4. They will be entertained there with greater Variety of agreeable Objects and Exercises.
5. They will be nearer the King, who hath a Kindness for them, with full Liberty of Conscience.
6. They will be safe from any Re-Conquest, which may be fatal to them.
7. They will be ingrafted and incorporated into a Nation more Rich, Populous, Splendid, and Renowned than themselves, for Letters, Arms, and other Atchievements.
8. This Transplantation will make the People of Ireland to be a real Addition (whereas they had been hitherto a Diminution and Counterpoize) to the Power of England, and for above 500 Years a vast Expence of it's Blood and Treasure.
The 5th Objection, That Changing the present Proportions between Catholicks and others in England (now 280 for one) to that of Nine for One, will be very formidable to the Protestants of England, and apt to create dangerous Fears and Jealousies in them.
1. Altho’ I never intended to complicate Religion with the Matters of this Essay, yet I may intimate that, by the late Changes in Ireland, of the Government, Army, Judicatures, Sherriffs, Jurys, and by bringing together and concentrating all the Catholick Powers; and by Publishing a Design of making the Catholicks there as considerable in their Wealths, as in their Numbers1 ; which has caused the Price of Lands and houses and Cattle so to fall, and the English Artizans and Money so to diminish, As that the whole of Ireland, in this Year 1687, is fallen from 3 to 2 of what the same was worth Anno 1683, and will probably cause a Fall in his Majesty's Revenue from about 7 to 6. I say, I might intimate from the Premisses that some Remedy is necessary.
2. Moreover the imagined Benefit of making Ireland an Asylum1 , by the present Method, for all the King's Catholic Subjects, in case of an angry-Heterodox Successor to the Crown, is not comparable to the Danger of Ireland's Revolt and Reconquest.
Lastly, Whether the present united State of Catholicks in Ireland will make more Catholicks in his Majesty's whole Dominions, than the Transplantation here propounded, I know not, seeing no manifest cogent Reasons for either Opinion. Onely it is certain it will make Six and Thirty Times more Catholicks in England, than now there are, but not one more in the whole.
Wherefore if what concerns Religion be doubtful, let the same be left to God, whose peculiar Work it is; and let what is Obvious and Certain concerning the Wealth, Strength, Splendor, and Honor, of both Nations be consider'd according to Sense and Reason, to which God has left these Matters.
Memorandum, That what was said in the above-Essay concerning Transplantation in Scotland2 , ought to have been thus (vizt.).
Suppose Scotland to contain as many Acres and People as Ireland; we may suppose that in the Northermost Third Part or Six Millions of Scotland there dwells 400 Thousand of the whole 1300 Thousand People. Of which 400 Thousand we suppose 300 Thousand to be transplanted into the Low-Lands, or rather into England; leaving 100 Thousand behind for the Cattle-Trade. So as there will be 7 Thousand 100 Thousands, and a Thousand Thousand, and 300 Thousand in England and Wales, and 900 Thousand in the Low-Lands of Scotland; Making in all 9 Millions and 300 Thousand heads to Live upon the whole 48 Millions of Acres, which may be called Great England; Leaving 100 Thousand, as aforesaid, upon the Northermost Third, which may be called Little Scotland besides 300000 upon the 18 Millions of Ireland, as aforesaid. The Consideration of all which may be placed to the Accounts of Political Pastimes and Recreations, according to the first Title of this Essay.
The Sixth Objection. In the Title of this Essay, Mention was made of Settlement in Ireland, I suppose that Settlement of Estates and Title of Land was thereby intended, which (I am affraid) is not yet perfect. Forasmuch as there is great Complaint made against the gross Partialities in the Act of 17° Car. Imi. In the Acts of Settlement A° 1652. In the Acts of Satisfaction made A° 1653. In two other Acts made A° 1656. In the Proceedings in the Court of Athlone and Loghreagh1 . In several Courts for Protestant's Claims before the King's Restauration. In the Acts of Settlement made since Anno 1662, and executed Anno 1663. In the Courts of Innocence. In the Acts of Explanation made A° 1665, and executed in the Years 1666, 1667, and 1668. In the Proceedings upon the Commission for Moderating of Quit-Rents A° 1676. In Settling the Transplantees of Connaught and Clare A° 1677. In the Court of Grace A° 1684. And most of all, in the Proceedings of the Judges, Sherifs and Juries, A° 1687. I say, no great Matter has been offered in this Essay for remedy of the Evils contained in the Acts and Proceedings last mentioned. Which Remedies, I suppose, were mean't by the Word Settlement.
1. We have supposed, That when the Catholicks and Proprietors of Ireland, as also the high-Landers of Scotland, are Transplanted into England, Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland containing 48 Millions of Acres, and 9 Millions 300 Thousand People: Among which are all the Catholicks of the Three Kingdoms.
2. We further Suppose, That whereas there are now about 12 Thousand Parishes in the said 48 Millions of Acres, That by Dividing as many of the greater Parishes as are necessary, there may be made just 15 Thousand Parishes or Parochial Divisions; and that the Males of 21 Year's old within every such Division, do choose an Elector for the Great Councel hereafter mentioned. And that the said 15 Thousand Electors, by 500 Assemblies of 30 Electors in each, do choose 500 Members for the General and Ultimate Judicature concerning Estates in Ireland.
3. And Lastly We suppose, That out of the said 500 Members, Juries may be chosen by Lott for the Consummation of this Work by Lott; that is to say, by God, it being hard to conceive any Authority more equal, impartial, and indifferent, than the said Juries, so chosen by God, by the King, and the whole People of all the Three Nations.
There be several other Instruments and Expedients to correct and perfect the present Settlement in Ireland; whereof I insert this one, to be wholly administred by the Catholic Party. (vizt)
There may be a Court erected by Act of Parliament, consisting of five of the most Ancient, Substantial, Upright and Experienc'd Catholic Gentlemen of Ireland, for the Ends following. (vizt.).
1. To find out what Lands any Catholic Restoree holds as his own, and rightfully derives from his Ancestors, as to their Propriety the 23d of October 1641, which in Truth was not so?
2. What Lands any of the Catholic Restorees have gotten by vicious and forg'd Deeds, altho’ the Lands were their own or their Ancestors, in the Year 1641?
3. What Person, adjudged Innocent by the Court of Claims A° 1663, were more nocent, than those which the said Court did judge to be nocent?
4. What Persons, adjudged nocent, were more innocent, than those whom the said Court did judge to be innocent?
5. What Persons restored by Proviso ex mero Motu1 , or as Nominees or Letterees, did less deserve the same, than some of those who were never restored at all?
6. What Persons never restored, do deserve to have some Parts of their Estates, under two Thirds; and what Parts?
7. What meritorious Persons should be restored to their former Estates, in specie, or to the Equivalent, out of the Stock according to the Proportions that shall be respectively allow'd them?
8. That they consider what Catholicks have gotten Grants of other Catholic Estates?
9. That all Restorees, how innocent and worthy soever, may retrench Thirds as the Adventurers did.
10. That out of the Premisses there may be made a Common Stock for Remedys and Gratifications in the several Cases abovementioned, and for Reprizing of such Protestant Patentees as have been, or shall be, ejected.
11. That an accurate Valuation be made of all Lands in order to this Work.
12. That no Lands be disposed of out of this Stock, till the Court abovementioned have first stated what every Restoree or Removee is to have.
The Seventh Objection. What needs the Monstrous Plantation, the Innovation of Trade, and the General Judicature abovementioned, since Things are so well already in Ireland? And since almost all the Offices and Arms are already (and the Legislature itself may shortly be) in those onely who are of the King's Religion?
We have set forth the Benefits, which may arise from the Transplantation, Trade, and Judicature abovementioned: We come next, to set forth the Difference between Ireland, as it is in this present Year 1687, from what the same was in the Year 1683. In some of the principal Points undermentioned. (vizt)
1. The Rents of all the Lands in Ireland A° 16871 , were worth 1200 Thousand Pounds per Annum, and 12 Year's Purchase, at a Medium between Lands near great Cities and Places of Trade, and the obscure thin-peopled Parts of the Nation: So as the whole Land of Ireland was then worth about 14 Millions 400 Thousand Pounds. But it is Generally believed that the Lands, which then might have been Lett for 3s. 6d. per Acre, and sold for 14 Year's Purchase (vizt for 49s. the Acre) will scarce in this Year 1687 yield 2s. 6d. per Acre, nor sell for above 10 Year's Purchase, vizt. 25s. the Acre or little above for half 49s. From whence we may think that the Lands, which A° 1683 were worth 14 Millions 400 Thousand Pounds, are now fallen 7 Millions thereof.
2. The Housing of Ireland having above one Chimney in each (for the rest we reckon not) have been estimated at 2 Millions; and it is too manifest that the Housing of Dublin are less worth now by one Tenth Part (some will say a Fifth) than they were A° 1683. Wherefore we estimate the whole Housing of Ireland to be fallen 200 Thousand Pounds.
3. All the Cattle of Ireland have been estimated at 5 Millions A° 1683, which in this Year 1687 will not yield above 3 Millions in the Market.
4. The Money, Plate, Jewels, and Fine Furniture, which has been these last Two Years conveyed out of Ireland, or otherwise withdrawn from currant Uses, seems by a numerous Collection of Observations and Relations to be about ⅓ Part of the Whole, or about 160 Thousand Pounds.
5. The Value of Beer, Ale, Wine and other Drinks, which have been spent in the Years 1684, 1685, and 1686, above the Level of other Years, seems to be about 294 Thousand Pounds; and it is likely that the superfluous Expence in the same Year2 of other Commodities may have been 100 Thousand Pounds more. In all 400 Thousand Pounds, Seven Eighths whereof was over-spent by the Irish.
6. The Value of the Goods and Merchandize exported above the Value of the Goods imported in the same Time, appears to be 167 Thousand Pounds. Now the last Two of the Six last-mentioned Articles, may be deduced from the ensuing Table.
Concerning Several Decays in Ireland.
Observations upon the Table A.
1. The Year 1683 was not remarkable for any extraordinary accident, and therefore we make it a fit Standard for the other Three Years; in the last whereof were extraordinary Changes upon King James the Second's coming to the Crown.
2. The gross Produce of the whole Revenue in the year 1683 was 300085l.: So as the next1 disposable Revenue might be about 270000l.
3. In the Year 1685 (being the first Year of James the Second) the Prisage of Wines, which is the Measure of that Commodity, did rise from 1452l. to 1882l. (or from about 3 to 4) the Excise of Beer and Ale from 68344 to 79170 (or from about 6 to 7) and the Ale-Licenses from 8284 to 9994: All which are Signs of extraordinary Drinking in 1685.
4. The Difference between the Excise of Beer and Ale in the said years 1683 and 1685 was 10826l., which even according to the small Gallon is about ⅛ Part of the Value of the said Beer and Ale, Sold by Retail2 , shews that the extraordinary Expence of Beer and Ale in the said years was 86608l.
5. If we measure the Expence of Wine by the Prisage, then the Expence thereof A° 1685 more than in 1683 was worth 26000l., as the one Third of 80000l. which in round Number is the Yearly Expence of Wines of all Sorts in Ireland.
6. The Customs inwards A° 1683 were 40870l. and A° 1685 were 43167l. the Difference whereof is 2297l.: Which being multiplied by 4 (imported Goods being about Quadruple in Value to their Duties) gives 9188l. as the value of the extraordinary Quantity of foreign goods as they were worth before they were ship'd. Unto which must be added the Customs of them Inwards being 2297l. as aforesaid, with as much more for imported Excise, making in all 12782l. as the Value of the extraordinary Expence of Foreign Goods in that Year 1685.
7. So as the extraordinary Expence of Beer, Ale, Wine, and Foreign Commodities was 125,390l. in the Year 1685.
8. By the same Method of Computation the extraordinary Expence upon the 3 last aforementioned Heads A° 1686 was of Beer and Ale (nothing of Wine) about 20000l., of Foreign Commodities 51582l.: In all 71582l.
9. The extraordinary Expence in the Year 1684 were also considerable (the Causes whereof I do not meddle with) vizt in Beer and Ale 73912l.: in Wine 10000l.: in foreign Goods 13902l.: In all 97814l.
10. The said extraordinary Expence was in 1684, 97814l.; A° 1685, 126390l.; and A° 1686, 71582l.: And in all the said Three Years 294786l. Besides 106000l. guessed to be for Inland Superfluities.
Observations upon the Table B.
1. The said Table containeth 9 Quarters of a Year, whereof in the 3 first Quarters, or first Ternary, the Customs inwards were 33291l.; and outwards 20473l.; and in the last 3 of the said 9 Quarters or 3d Ternary, the Customes inwards were 38363l. and outwards 36149. The Difference in the outward Ternaries is 15676l., which multiplied by 12 (the Value of Exported Goods being 12 Times as much as their Duties) gives 188,112l., as the probable Value of the extraordinary exported Goods in the said 3 last Quarters. More-over the Difference between the Duties upon Imported Goods in the said 2 Ternaries is 5071l., which multiply'd by 4 gives 20284l., The probable Value of the extraordinary Quantity of imported Goods. Now deducting the said 20284l. out of 188,112l., the Remainder is 167,828l.: the probable Value of the Goods exported above what was imported.
Observations on the Table C.
That the whole Revenue is more in the Lady-Day-Quarter 1687, than in the same Quarter 1686, by about Part. But the Revenue upon the particular Branches of Prisage, Excise upon Beer and Ale, with that of Ale and Wine Licences is sunk about Part1 .
So as the Six Diminutions (some whereof are more or less reparable) do amount in all to Ten Millions and 927000l.1 the Interest whereof at Ten per Cent. is a Million 92000l. Now as the said Interest is in Proportion to the whole Expence of the Nation (which I take to be Six Millions and ½ for 1300 Thousand heads at 5l. each) so the said Expence must hereafter shrink, vizt from 7 to 6, and so must such Part of the King's Revenue also as dependeth thereon.
Since the Making of these Tables, it has been certify'd from Dublin, That the Customs of that Port were in Mid-summer Quarter A° 1686, 13378l., and the same Quarter of the Year 1687 They fell to 10259l., and that the Excise upon Beer and Ale fell in the same Quarter in that City 947l., or one Sixth Part of the Whole: Altho’ the Prisage of Wines encreased from 204 to 278, in the same Time.
It has been also written that, in the West of Ireland, the Yearly Rent of Lands have fallen from 5 to 3, and that within the last 2 Years the Excise of Beer and Ale in and about the same Lands, has fallen from 29l. 10s. to 7l. 2s. All which does too well Justify the Conjectures, which have been here made concerning the Decays of Ireland, as may better appear by the small Table here inserted, with the Births and Burials.
We said that the Excise of Beer and Ale is shrunk at Dublin ⅙ of the whole, or 947l. in the Midsummer Quarter of this Year 1687, and more in other Places. Now whereas it is commonly said, That the Cause thereof is, That the Army are all almost Irish1 , and that the Irish drink little Exciseable Drink, contenting themselves with Milk, Whey, &c.
To this I answer, that the ⅙ of Excise upon Ale and Beer And Ale Licenses is near 15000l. per Annum; that the Pay of the whole Army is about 204000l. per Annum. That the Soldiers (many of whom have Families) cannot spend of their Pay in Drink, and find themselves with other Necessaries of Meat, Cloths, horses, Arms, &c. out of the rest. That is to say they cannot afford above 20000l. for drink2 the Excise whereof is about ⅛ of the same or 2500l., or which is but ⅙ of 15000l., which was ⅙ of the Whole. We may say That if all the Irish of the Army drink onely Water, the King's Revenue of Excise would scarce fall 3 for that Reason, nor above Part of the Whole 90000l. as aforesaid.
Another Argument for the Impoverishment of the Inhabitants of Dublin, at least for the Lessening their Expence, is the Consumption of Coals their General and Uniform Fuel, which may therefore be a Measure of all other Expence. Now it appears that in the Years 1683 and 1684, that Expence was near alike, but in the Year 1685 (when Fear first seizd the said Inhabitants, who, as appears by the Registred Baptisms, were most Protestants) it shrunk Part; and in the Year 1686 another Part; in all ⅕. Which answers4 the Shrinking of the Customs ¼ and of the Excise ⅙.
The Expence of Coals or Fuel at Dublin5 .
Having made this Estimate of the Decays in the Whole Commonwealth; I descend to inquire what the Catholicks of Ireland have gained by the late Changes; and Say
1. That the whole Pay of the Army being 204 Thousand Pounds per Ann. I hear that the Catholicks receive about 160 Thousand Pounds thereof per Annum: Which at two Year's Purchase (for Military Imployments are not yet worth as many Year's Purchase as they were 4 Years since) amounts to 320 Thousand Pounds.
2. The Lands, for which the Lord Dunsany, Mr Husey, and Mr. Barnwel, have gotten Verdicts,1 may be worth about 1000l. per Ann.
Nor do I believe that ten times the said Summ can be gotten more in the same Manner. Now if the best Titles are worth but 10 Year's Purchase, then the Value of 10000l. per Annum, gotten upon such Verdicts, is not worth so much; and their whole Gain of Soldiers and Ejectors not worth above 400 Thousand Pounds.
On the other Hand the Catholicks have lost as followeth (vizt.)
1. The Superfluous Expence abovementioned, amounting for their Shares probably to 350 Thousand Pounds.
2. The Lands belonging to the Roman Catholicks of Ireland A° 1683, were worth 3 Millions. But if the Generality of Lands have fallen above one half, I question whether their Lands and Houses be not fallen ⅓ or a Million.
3. If the Cattle of Ireland be now fallen from 5 to 3 Millions, and that above one half thereof did belong to the Roman Catholicks, then they have upon this Account lost above a Million more. In all about 2 Millions 350 Thousand Pounds; but have scarce gotten, and probably will not get ⅙ of the said Summ. All which in Time may more sensibly appear, altho’ the greater Losses of the other Party does for the present Ecclypse this.
We add hereunto a Conjecture of the Causes of these Decays and Diminutions.
The Causes in General are Frights, Fears, and Jealousies: For the English and Protestants are frighted.
1. To see that for the Sake of Religion (which upon this Account signify'd nothing before the Reformation) that England's Conquest of Ireland is given back to the Irish, as they are apt to imagine.
2. That after Laws are made in England and Ireland, Enacting, That the Insurrection in 1641; The Change of the English Monarchy into an Irish Democracy in 1642; And the Placing Supremacy in the Roman Catholicks; should be Cause of Forfeiture: That those who bear the visible marks thereof should be now trusted with all Civil and Military Power, and probably from Forfeitors be made Legislators.
3. That a Design was Published for making the Roman Catholicks of Ireland as considerable for their Estates as for their Numbers1 : Which in Effect is to take away 11 or 12 Millions of Wealth from the other Party.
4. That the most Zealous Promoters of the Roman Catholic Religion (which, they say, is the onely Means of Eternal Weal or Woe) should make such an Esteem of an Oath (sacred in all Ages and amongst all Nations) as appears in the Lord Dunsany's Trial hereafter inserted2 .
On the other Hand the English and Protestants have done amiss, to be frighted from their habitations and Business
1. When the King had publickly and solemnly, by his Lord Lievtenant, declared to maintain the Acts of Settlement and Explanation3
2. When he had declared for an absolute Liberty of Conscience.
3. When the Publick Revenue, especially that of Customs and Excise (being the Pulse of the Nation) were never higher than in the year 1686.
Having entred upon the Consideration of the Decays of Ireland, it may not be impertinent to consider also (being a Thing much talked on) the Number and Quality of the Brittish and Protestants, who have lately quitted that Countrey; as apprehending much Danger in the Change from the Army and Civil Government, which have happen'd there. In order whereunto, I frame this General Question (vizt) What would be the Damage and Detriment to the Common-wealth of Ireland, if all the Brittish and Protestants, with their Personal Estates, were removed from thence, That by the Rule of Proportion we may measure the Effects of Removing any Part of the whole, when we come to know that Part.
We have said that the Irish Catholicks are to the Brittish as 8 to 1. We must add that (Generally speaking) the ordinary Wages of English Workmen and Artizans is triple to that of Irish Labourers, which is but 4d. per Diem; whereas the meanest of the other Sort do earn at least 12d. So as reckoning one of the English to be equivalent to 3 Irish, the real Proportion between the said Parties will be as 8 to 3, That is to say, the Irish Catholicks will be 8 of 11, and the English in Effect 3 of 11. Wherefore if the value of the Lands in Ireland be 11 Times 11, or 121, Suppose 11 Groats per Acre and 11 Year's Purchase, then after the English are gone the same will fall to 8 Groats the Acre and 8 Year's Purchase; that is to say, to 64 Groats, which before was worth 121 Groats, and become to be but about half the present Value. Which agreeth with what is observed to come to pass in the above Estimate, Which is a Presage Men have already made concerning that Matter.
Moreover, if the Value of the Cattle, Corn, Merchandize, Shippings, and Money of Ireland be about 7 Millions, and that 4 Millions and ½ thereof doth belong to Brittish Protestants, I see no Reason why the Trade, Commerce and Negotiation of Ireland, when 9 Fourteenth Parts of the Stock is carry'd away, should not fall from 14 to 5 also, and become less than ½ of what it is at present: And by this Rule any Diminution of the English Great or Small, may be computed in the Effect thereof upon the Common-wealth.
We have told that one English Workman at a Medium is Equivalent to 3 Irish Workmen: So we may say that one English Soldier in the Heat of the Warr between June 1649 and June 1652, did prove equivalent to 3 Irish Soldiers. For I have heard from the Muster-Rolls that at the End of the Warr A° 1652 and 1653, the English Army in Pay was about 17000; unto which Number it moldred away from 23000 at the Landing of Cromwel: And I have heard that about the same Time 34000 Irish Soldiers and Soldierlike Persons, did go beyond-Sea; and if half that Number did stay behind, the whole Irish Forces were 51000, or triple to the 17000 English aforementioned. And that the said English, in the said 3 Years, did make an Absolute Conquest of the whole Irish Nation, and all their Adherents, is most manifest. I further add, that the Irish Nation in that Time, that is to say, of Men between 16 and 60 Years old, was 12 Times the Number of the said English Army. All which is said rather to give a just Value to the English, than to disparage the Irish, who have fought against other Nations at even hands.
To strengthen then my Assertion, that the English Army was but 17000: I further say that every Soldier, who served never so little a while between the 6th of June 1649, and the 26th of September 1653, had a distinct Debentur stated for his Service: Upon which it appears how many of them dyed in that Time, besides those that went off upon other Occasions. Now the whole Number of such Debenturs being but 33000, there is no reason to think that there was in pay above 17000 at a Medium at any one Time.
As to the Body of the English, we shall by the subsequent Accounts of Foreign Trade make it probable, That ¾ of the Foreign Commerce and Manufacture is managed by them. We further add that all the Real and Personal Estate of Ireland being worth about 20 Millions, that onely ¼ thereof doth belong to the Irish (vizt) 3 Millions worth of Land, and 2 Millions-worth of Cattle and other Commodities. All which is said that how much soever it be thought fit to magnify the Irish, that the English there be not mistaken to be despicable.
Wherefore it may well enough become this Place, to take a gross View (which I heartily beg those who better understand Trade to examine and correct) of the Foreign Trade of Ireland, as it stood in the Year 1685, beginning with the Exportations. vizt.
1. There were exported 1054 horses, which (I suppose) were bred by the English of Ireland.
2. There were exported 2080 Flitches of Bacon, 2514 Barrels of Pork, 75231 Barrels of Beef, and 1135 Dozen of Neat's -Tongues: The Salting and Saving all which, I take to have been brought in by English.
3. There were exported 134712 Barrels of Butter, 2814 hundred Weight of Cheese. Which I take to be the English Manufactory, That which is made by the Vulgar Irish being scarce a vendible Commodity in Foreign Parts.
4. There was exported 84 hundred of Glew, with great Quantity of Ox-horns, Ox-Gutts, and Ox-bones: All which is English Manufacture.
5. There were exported 1435 hundred of Lamb-Skins, 4067 Dozen of Calves-Skins, 1665 hundred of Coney-Skins, 494 Dear-Skins, 4331 Fox and Otter-Skins, 278 hundred of Goat-Skins, 93412 Raw-Salted Oxhydes. All which were exported, because the English for their Paucity, and the Irish for Want of Skill, could not manufacture them to the best Advantage.
6. There were exported 86093 Tan'd hydes, which certainly was the Manufacture of the English, the Irish being conversant with little other Tanning than that of Leather for Brogues.
7. There were exported 4937 Pieces of New, and 79 Pieces of old Drapery: in making whereof the Irish had little hand.
8. There were exported 629141 Yards of Frize and 24,667 Pairs of Course Stockings: The greatest Part whereof were wrought by the Irish.
9. There were exported 123,703 Stone of Wool, with 725 Stone of Woolen Yarn, sent away to be manufactured in England.
10. There were exported 1851 Pieces of Linnen Cloth, 38251 hundred Weight of Linnen Yarn: a great Part of the courser Sort whereof was wrought by the Irish.
11. There was exported 2710 hundred Weight of Candles and 41365 hundred Weight of Tallow: which was the proceed2 of about 100 Thousand Oxen, or the Equivalent in Sheep, reckoning eight Weathers to one Ox.3
12. There was exported 4644 Barrels of Beer, 1519 Gallons of Aqua Vitæ, 5240 Weight4 of Biskets, 148115 Barrels of Corn: most whereof was the Labor of the Irish.
13. There was exported 3902 Barrels of Herring and hogsheads of Pilchards; 591 hundred of Dry Fish, with 3055 Barrels of Salmon: whereof about 3 Quarters were the Labor of the English.
14. The exported Timber, Plank, and Coopers5 , were for the most part the Work of the English.
15. There is more Iron exported out of Ireland, than imported into it, and consequently all the Quantity of Iron used in Ireland is made there and that by the English: Neither are the Irish found by Experience so good as the English, even for Cutting, Cording, and Coaling of Wood, nor for raising of Mines, and carrying off the Water from their Pitts.
Lastly, the Feathers, Kelp, Melasses, Train-Oil, Rape-Seed, Wax and Shoos, exported out of Ireland, is almost all the Work of the English.
As for Importations.
1. The Gold, Silver, Copper1 , Tin, Lead and Steel, as also the Iron (excepting Horse-Shoes, and Plow-Irons) is manufactur'd by the English.
2. The Tobacco-pipe-Clay, Slates and Coals is the Work of the English.
3. The most Part of Dying is done by the English, the Irish indeed can use Bog-Earth, Weeds, and some Indico for that Purpose.
4. The Cotton, Grogram-Yarn and 7831l. of raw Silk is all manufactur'd by the English, the 18241 Pieces of Callico are brought from the Indies by the English.
5. The 2056 Tun of French Wine and 727 Pipes of Spanish, is for the most part brought in by the English Merchants and Mariners. The 15000 hundred Weight of Sugars, and 3 Millions Pounds of Tobacco, were made in America by the English, and chiefly brought in by them.
6. The 1056 hundred of hemp is wrought into Cordage by the English.
7. All the Gunpowder, and most of the Arms, are made by the English.
8. 2811 hundred Weight of hops are grown for the most part in England, & brought into Ireland2 .
There be many other important Observations, to be made upon this gross Account of Trade, but not pertinent to this Place.
1. It has been said that there are now several Decays in Ireland.
2. That the Causes of them have been Fears and Jealousies.
3. That the said Fears do chiefly respect some Changes in the late Disposure of the Lands of Ireland.
4. We shall therefore add a few Words, Why the present Settlement of the said Lands is so much suspected, I suppose, by both Parties. But omitting the Angry Part of the efficient and final Causes of this Settlement, as not reducible to Number, Weight, and Measure.
I shall only say, That my own Fears concerning the Settlement are, and ever were, That the same was not better grounded upon the Accounts, which ought to have been made of the Particulars following (vizt.)
1. How many Acres the whole Territory of Ireland did contain, and how many of them (A° 1641) did belong to Protestants, and how many to Roman Catholicks?
2. Of the Lands belonging to Catholicks (A° 1641), how much of the same were in the Hands of Catholicks (A° 1659) how much more A° 1664?
3. What the Value of the said Lands were A° 1641, 1653, and 1663.
4. What the Irish got from the Brittish, or the Catholicks from others, between the 23d of October 1641 and the 10th of November 1642, in Cattle, Goods, &c?
5. What the new Catholic State got by Land, witheld from the Brittish and the Church between the Year 1642 & 1650?
6. What the Irish got, and the Kingdom lost, by the 34000 Soldiers, sent into Foreign Parts in the Year 1652?
7. What the King gained by the Parliament of Ireland, which made the Acts of Settlement?
8. What he gained by raising the Quit-Rents from the Irish to the English Measure; and by the Year's Value out of forfeited Lands?
9. What was the Quantity and Value of Regicide's Lands, and of the Lands of obnoxious Persons shelter'd by Favourites?
10. What was the Value of Adventures and Debenturs of several Sorts in every Year between A° 1652 and 1659? And what was the Total of each Sort of Debenturs and Adventures? And what was the Quota satisfied upon each Sort before the Year 1659?
11. What Proportion did the Pay of 49 Officers bear to that of their Private Soldiers?
12. What Number of English Soldiers appeared by these Debenturs to have perished in the Warr of Ireland between the Years 1648 and 1654? And what Number of the English, who joined with the Irish, were slain in the same Time?
13. What Money and Money's Worth was really sent out of England into Ireland, between the Years 1641 and 1661?
14. What was the Charge of the Army in Ireland, between the Years 1653 and 1664?
15. What was the Number of the People in Ireland A° 1641 and what 1653? And what probably might they have been A° 1653, if the Warrs had not been?
16. What Lands of the Catholic Restorees, gotten into their hands A° 1664, which were not their's A° 1641?
17. How much did Innocents and other Catholic Restorees recover by vicious Deeds?
18. What has been the Charge in all Courts between the Years 1653 and 1664, concerning forfeited Lands? All which might have conduced to better the Explanatory Act made in the Year 1665.
I am also sorry that the Confirming and Finishing this Settlement was not made in England, where the Ultimate Judicature is, Where the Supreme Legislature of Ireland is; And where are 1600 Thousand indifferent Men, not concerned in this Matter.
From which Accounts will arise the Conclusions following, and many others (vizt)
1. That the Parliament of England A° 1642 did allot 2 Millions and ½ of Forfeited Acres for Suppressing the Rebellion: Which was about ½ of the Lands which the Irish Catholicks then had.
2. That A° 1683 the Irish Catholicks had about half of what-ever they had A° 1641; and Brittish Protestants had the rest, being about 2 Millions 400000 Acres.
3. Of the said 2 Millions 400000 Acres, the Soldiers who actually conquer'd Ireland between the Years 1648 and 1653 had 1400000 Acres.
4. That the said Soldiers did consist of 4 Sorts: (vizt) 1st Phanatic English. 2dly The old Protestants of Ireland. 3dly English Cavaliers then wanting Employments. 4thly Some Lukewarm Irish.
5. Of the Fanatic English, the Regicides and Halbiteers lost all; and about 25 others of the chief and most obnoxious Persons lost at least one Third; by sheltring themselves under the Lord Anglesey and other like Favourites: And many of the rest sold their Interest at low Rates.
6. The said Soldiers stated about 33000 Debenturs, amounting in all to 1160000l., which were fairly and openly sold before the Year 1655 for 3s. 4d. the Pound, at most for 10s., and at a Medium for 6s. 8d. So as all the said Debenturs might have been bought for 380000l, vizt at about 10l. each for 4 Year's Service of every Soldier in that Conquest. The greatest Debentur of any one Man not amounting to above 2400l.; and the greatest Man not having so many Debenturs, as would have been sold in the Market for 1500l. in ready Money.
7. The Adventurer's Legal Debt was about 300000l., and the Interest thereof to the Year 1653, as much more; and the Insurance to both double to both the said Summs: In all 1,200000l. For the Adventurers were to have nothing unless the Rebellion had been suppress'd.
8. The Lands in Ireland now forfeited were worth A° 1641 about 30s. the Acre one with another, And but 2s. 6d. A° 1653. Near 20s. A° 1663. About 30s. A° 1673. And about 40s. A° 1683.
9. The Quit-Rents of Forfeited Lands, were1 as a Gratuity to the King (after his Restauration and Promises at Breda) were advanced from Irish to English Measure vizt 24000l. per Annum: Which at 15 Year's Purchase amounts to 360000l. which with 180000l. (the Year's Value of forfeited Lands in the Year 1659) did amount to a Gratuity of 540000l. for what was worth but 300000l. A° 1653.
10. The Convention and Parliament, which made the Acts of Settlement, gave to the King 2 Pole-Moneys 20000l. for particular Uses, 120000l. as a Supplement to the Year's Value, 35 Subsidies of 15000l. each: Amounting in all to near 1,200000l.
11. The same Parliament also settled upon him a Revenue of near 60000l. new Quit-Rents, 30000l. Hearth Money, 120000l. Customes1 70000l. Excise, and 10000l. Licenses for Selling several Sorts of Drinks. In all a Revenue of 290000l. per Ann. and near Quadruple to what it was before the Warrs.
12. The Brittish Protestants lost by the Robbing and Plunderings of the Irish between 23d of October 1641 and the 10th of November 16422 For their personal Estates were then worth above 2 Millions, and the Irish were 10 for one.
13. The new Catholic State gained between the Years 1642 and 1650, by Usurping of the King's Revenue, of Church-Lands and Livings, and the Sequestration of the Protestant's Estates3 : For the Premisses were worth above 500000 per Ann. and the said State reigned above 8 Years.
14. The Irish Nation gained, and the Kingdom lost, by the Exportation of 34000 able-body'd Irish-men, transported about the Year 1652: For such Men are worth here above 80l. per head, at Algier above 40l., and as Negroes above 20l. per head.
15. The Lands restored to the Catholicks after the King's Restauration were worth more than in A° 1653 by 1200000l.
16. The Charge of the Army in Ireland, between the Year 1653 and 1663 was about equal to the Rent of all the forfeited Lands in the said Time.
17. The Money and Money's Worth, actually sent out of England into Ireland between the Years 1641 and 1661 was much above a Million.
18. The People of Ireland were fewer in the Years 1653 than they might have been by about 600,000 Souls; by reason of the Sword, Famine, Plague, Banishment, and Desolations, which happened between the Year 1641 and 1653.
19. There were in the Year 1653 about 260000 Catholicks Males in Ireland of above 16 Year's old: whereof but 26 (or one in Ten Thousand) did prove their constant good Affection to the Parliament of England; and we never heard of 26, which did Publickly and solemnly protest against the Confederation of the Roman Catholicks, in their General Assembly or Supreme Councel.
20. The Usurpers, by their Act of Settlement made A° 1652 excepted many Protestants as well as Papists for Life and Estate; took nothing from Papists who proved their good Affection to themselves; took a 5th Part even from Protestants, who could not prove such Affection, and were deficient in this Point: Whereas the Act of Explanation retrenched a 3d even from the most legal Adventurers.
21. The Pay of the 49 Officers amounted to above 1200000l., and consequently the pay of the Private Soldiers and the said Officers together must have been 3 Millions and a half or 500000l. per Annum, for the Seven Years between the Beginnings of the Commotions A° 1641 to the Peace of 1648, which shews their Army to have been above 20 Thousand Men.
22. Now the eight Part of the Irish being onely nocent, as appeared by the Judgment of the Court of Claims, did beat the said English Army of 20000 Men into the Peace of 1648; Whereas we have shewn That about 17000 Men did conquer all Ireland in Three Years: All which not standing well together, we rather think That a Great Part of the Innocent Seven Eights became so by foul Play, or false Testimony.
23. And because the Innocents, being a fifth Part of the Claimants, carry'd away above a fourth Part of the whole Land, we may think that the said Innocents got by foul Play also much more than was their own A° 1641.
24. The Court of Qualifications at Athlone, was the same Thing, tho’ by another Name, with the Court of Innocents at Dublin A° 1663; And in this Court all Claims were heard; and the Claimants carry'd away above ⅙ Part of all the Lands, which belonged to Catholicks in 1641 and the Courts after the King's Restauration gave them near 2 sixths more, In all near one half in Quantity, but worth four Times more than the whole was worth in the Year 1653.
25. The Lands, which belonged to Protestants in the Year 1641, were then worth about 4 Millions; but in the year 1653 scarce worth 400000l., by reason of the Commotions begun by the Irish. So as the English were damnify'd 12 Times as much as the forfeited Lands (sett out to the English) of all Sorts were worth in the said Year 1653.
Memorandum, That several Blanks are not here filled up, and several whole Conclusions are omitted, for fear of Widening the Breaches we hope to make up: Nor had so many Conclusions been inserted as are, but that the Peace, we hope for, must be founded upon the Knowledge of Truth.
The other Fright of the English is, that by Partialities in Judicature, they are like to lose their Estates without Reprizals; in such a Way as endangers all Property, and as will damp Buying and Selling, Borrowing or Lending, Marriages and Settlements, and (at length) even Plowing and Sowing, till the Nation come not onely to Poverty, but to Brutality also. There have 5 Ejectments been brought this Year (whereas 500 have been talked of, and which probably will amount to 30) whereof 3 have been already tryed: vizt. That against Dr. Gorges, that against Major Bull, and that against Mr. Napper by the Lord Dunsany. The latter whereof is onely come to my Knowledge, and is comprehended in the following Discourse.
The Lord Dunsany's Case.
Of the Lord Dunsany's own, and of his Father's and Grandfather's Wrongs and Oppression in Ireland, since the Year 1662, and of his Relief Anno 1687.
[An account of the legal details of this case, here omitted, begins on folio 118 and extends through 125 of the MS., which then takes up the last of the “objections.”]
The Eighth Objection, That notwithstanding all the Fallacies and Sophistries abovementioned, this Transplantation of People is an uncouth, wild, monstrous, and Chymerical Notion, yea a very Notion.
And so were not long since the Assertions following, vizt.
1. That tho’ the World thought there had been near twice as many Females as Males in Mankind; yet it has been well proved that there are at London 14 Males to 13 Females, and at Rome 7 to 51 : And because Males are prolific 40 Years and Females but 25, there are in Effect at London 560 Males for 325 Females, or 112 for 65.
2. That the City of London is now about quadruple to what it was 80 Years ago, and containes about the 10th Part of the People of the whole Kingdom.
3. That in the famous hospital at Paris called L’ hostel Dieu there dye above 3000 per Ann. unnecessarily, to the Damage of France of above 200 Thousand Pounds Sterl. per Ann.
4. That London has more People than Paris, Rome, and Roven.
5. And as many as the whole Province of Holland.
To all which no great Matter has been yet Objected.
I further answer That this Essay is not a Chymerical Conceit, spun out of Fables, Dreams, Visions, Mysteries, insignificant Words and supercilious Saying; but a real Notion grounded upon Matter of Sense, and Fact, and intelligibly thus express'd (vizt)
1. That this Transplantation will increase the Gain of England from Foreign Parts from 1 to 2.
2. The Value of Ireland from 2 to 3; as also lessen Ireland's Present Decays, which are from 3 to 2.
3. Will raise the Value of Lands in England from 3 to 4.
4. And the King's Revenue from 4 to 5, but make the same as easie, as if it had contrariwise fallen from 5 to 4.
5. The Value of Transplanted People from 7 to 10.
6. All which put together exceeds 140 Millions, and cures a cruel Calamity of above 500 Years old.
To Conclude, if this Notion (such as it is) pretending to so much General Good, shall not be examined and confuted within some reasonable Time, we shall be emboldened to frame another Essay
Shewing that the King of England's Territories and Subjects are (as to their intrinsic Weight, Force, and Substance) little inferior to the same of France, without any Detraction from that Glorious Kingdom.1
If in this Jealous Age this Essay should be taxed of an Evil Design to Wast and Dispeople Ireland, We say that the Author of it intends not to be Felo de se, and propound something quite contrary, by Saying it is naturally possible in about 25 Years to double the Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland and make the People full as many as the Territory of those Kingdoms can with tolerable Labor afford a competent Livelihood unto: Which I prove thus, (vizt)
1. The sixth Part of the People are teeming Women of between 18 and 44 Years old.
2. It is found by Observation That but ⅓ Part or between 30 and 402 of the teeming Women are Marryed.
3. That a Teeming Woman, at a Medium, bear a child every two Years and a half.
4. That in Mankind at London, there are 14 Males for 13 Females, and because Males are prolific 40 Years, and Females but 25, there are in Effect 560 Males for 325 Females.
5. That out of the Mass of Mankind there dyes one out of 30 per Annum.
6. That at Paris, where the Christnings and the Births are the same in Number, the Christnings are above 18000 per Annum, and consequently the Births at London, which far exceed the Christnings there, cannot be less than 19000 where the Burials are above 23000.
As for Example.
Of 600 People, the Sixth Part (vizt 100) are teeming Women, which (if they were all marry'd) might bear 40 Children per Ann. (vizt) 20 more than do dye out of 600, at the rate of one out of 30; and consequently in 16 Years the Increase will be 320, making the whole 920. And by the same Reason, in the next 9 Years, the said 920 will be 280 more, in all 1200, vizt double of the Original Number of 600.
Upon these Principles, if there be about 19000 Births per Ann. at London, the Number of the marry'd teeming Women must be above 38000; and of the whole Stock of the Teeming Women must be above 114000, and of the whole People Six Times as many vizt 684000; which agrees well enough with 696000, which they have been elsewhere computed to be1 .
To conclude it is naturally possible, that all teeming Women may be marry'd, since there are in Effect 560 Males to 325 Females; and since Great Britain and Ireland can with moderate Labor2 food and other Necessaries to near double the present People or to about 20 Millions of heads, as shall when Occasion requires it, be demonstrated.
Memorandum, that the Councel or Judicature abovementioned to be final for Ireland, may serve also for Managing the Multiplication of the King's Subjects, and may withal be a Means to perpetuate and secure the Universal Liberty of Religion late indulged by his Majestie; May take care that humor and sinister Designs be not obtruded upon the Government as Tenderness of Conscience; Nor that the said Latitude in Divine Worship and Profession of Opinions concerning Spiritual Matters, and what concerns the World to come, may not in this World destroy the Unity, Peace and Plenty, of the People. And all this under the King's Authority, This Councel being supposed to have none of it's own, altho’ it be Vox Populi, and as near as may be, the very Church of England.
Another View of the same Matters, by Way of Dialogue Between A and B.
A. How many Acres of Land, belonging to the Catholicks of Ireland A° 1641, are now, in this year 1687, enjoyed by the English Protestants?
B. Two Millions 400000 Acres, as appears by the Books of Distribution, extracted out of the Decrees and Certificates of the Court of Claims.
A. What is the Value of the said Lands?
B. I do not know what their Value is in this Year 1687, but in the Year 1683 (having bin extremely improved) I guess they might have been worth near 40s. the Acre, and A° 1641 and 1673, about 30s. the Acre, A° 1663 about 20s. & A° 1653 about half a Crown.
A. With what Face can you say they were so Cheap?
B. It is Notorious and expressly mentioned in the Acts of 17th Charles the First; as also in the Usurper's Act of Satisfaction made A° 1653, That the Lands in Leinster should be rated at 12s. per Acre, in Munster at 9s. in Connaught at 6s., and in Ulster at 4s. So as 4 Acres set out by Lot (one in each Province) should go for 31s. in Debentur-Money, which makes but 10s. in Silver-Money. Now if 4 Acres be worth but 10s. one is worth but 2s. 6d.
A. This is very hard to be believed. Have you any other Proof?
B. Yes for 4 Millions 800000 Acres A° 1659 were by Solemn Commission returned to be worth but 180000l., or 9d. the Acre: And if they were worth but 9d. the Acre A° 1659, they were not worth 5d. per Acre A° 1653, nor above 41 Year's Purchase at that Rent, viz. not above 20d. per Acre even for the Inheritance: Which by Experience is nearer the Truth than half a Crown.
A. I am amazed! I Believe, but help my Unbelief, and tell me what was the Reason of what you say.
B. At that Time there was no Housing, nor Cattle upon the Land, little Money or Trade in the Nation, no sure Titles; Soldier's Debenturs were taken for a Jest: And the whole Government and Army in the Hands of Anabaptists.
A. Well, I am satisfy'd that all the said Lands might fairly and squarely have been bought for 300 Thousand Pounds in ready Money. But pray, Who did Claim them before the Acts of Satisfaction 1653.
B. You will wonder and Laugh to hear my Answer.
1. For the Adventurer said, that his equitable Debt was in Principle Interest and Insurance 1200000l., and Quadruple to the Value of the Lands, But that his Legal Debt or Original Money was equal unto it.
2. The British Protestants, who were plundered A° 1642 by the Rebels, said that the Goods, Money, and Cattle, which they lost, were worth 600000l., as appeared by Examination upon Oath, besides the Interest thereof for 10 Years. And therefore that all the said 300000l., worth of Forfeited Lands belonged unto them and not to Strangers.
3. The owners of Ruined Housing said, That their Damage, in the 12 Years of the Warrs, amounted to Six Times the then Value of the said forfeited Lands.
4. The Owners of the Cattle, which had been destroyed in the said 12 Years (for very few were left) said that their Value amounted to at least 3 Millions, or ten Times the Value of the said Lands.
5. The Army, who serv'd from the Year 1641 to the Year 1648, and the People that fed them, pretended to a Debt of 3600000l.
6. The State and People of England said they had actually sent over 1200000l., or 4 Times the Value of the said Lands.
7. The Protestant Land Lords of Ireland said, that their Lands A° 1641, were worth above 4000000l., and A° 1653 but 400000l.: So as they were damnify'd 12 Times the Value of the forfeited Lands.
8. The Protestant Churchmen said, That their Lands and Tyths, which the Catholick's State had Usurp'd during the 8 Years of their Reign, amounted at least to 900000l., or 3 Times the Value of the forfeited Lands.
9. The King (or those who Usurped his Right) said that the Public Revenue, taken by the said new State for the said Time, amounted to 5 or 600000l. That the Value of the 34000 Men, sent into the Service of Foreign Princes, were worth above 1200000l., and that the 600000 Subjects, which the Kingdom had less in the Year 1653, than they might have had (had not the Warrs begun by the Irish hinder'd their Increase) at 70l. per Head, were worth 42 Millions, or 140 Times the whole Value of the Forfeited Lands.
10. Lastly, the Soldiers who actually conquer'd Ireland said that their Debenturs amounted1 1160000l., or Quadruple the Value of the Forfeited Lands.
A. Oh, I am amazed, It seems to me that all these Claims do amount to near 200 Times the Value of the Forfeitures.
B. They do so. But perhaps they will say, The Number of the King's Subjects lessen'd by the Wars, was not 600000 Heads. I believe, indeed, the Value of each Head at a Medium is about 70l.
A. And so do I. But pray make it out that the Number of wanting Subjects is 600000.
B. I cannot well undertake it, but will tell you what I remember to have heard upon this Subject, vizt. It is allowed That the present Number of People of Ireland is 1300000, That they are increased, since the Year 1653, by Comers out of Scotland and England, 500002 ; And by the ordinary Course of Generation in 34 Years 350000 more.
A. I find by Grant's Observations, That they do not increase in England so fast.
B. Very likely. For in England, the Proportion of Marry'd Teeming Women, is not so great as in Ireland; Where they marry upon the first Capacity, without staying for Portions, Jointures, Settlements, &c. Well, let it pass for the present, That the People A° 1653, were 900000, I will prove it better at our next meeting. I say further, That the People A° 1641 were 1400000, And that they would have increased, had not the Warrs hindered, to 1500000 in the 12 Years between 41 and 53, and the Difference between 15 and 9 is 600000, as was propounded.
A. You go a little too fast. I believe that 14 in 12 Years might have very well increas'd to 15. But pray tell me, Why there were 14 A° 1641, when there are but 13 now.
B. (1) I have heard many ancient observing People say so. 2. I find that the Tyths yielded more in A° 1641, than in these latter Years; And that the Number of Grist-Mills were also more A° 1641, than now. 3. The Quantity of Hops, Tobacco, Sugars, and Salt, imported, were more than now. And the Quantity of Hydes, Tallow, Cattle Dead and Alive, and of Wools wrought and unwrought, were less; which shows that in Ireland the Consumption was great (the Natural Produce being the same at both Periods) & consequently more People.
A. I can find no great Fault with what you have said. But cou'd wish that this great Point might not be slubber'd; Murders and Massares (sic) are odious Crimes. And some say, to Blacken the Irish, that they caused the Death of above 150000 English and Scotch Protestants in the first Year of their Commotions. And others, to extenuate the Causes of Forfeiture, do shrink that Number to 4001 . But you have started a most soft and candid Question, by Asking onely, without Rancor, How many of the King's Subjects were fewer in Ireland, when the Warr ended, A° 1653, than they might have been, if there had been no Warr at all, That is to say, Whether they perished by Murders and Massacres committed by Private Hands, or by Hunger and Cold, or by being frighted out of the Kingdom; or Whether they were slain as Soldiers on both Sides; or Whether they perished by the Plague, which reigned very fiercely A 1650; Or by Famin2 and Desolation, which was great about the End of the Warr; Or whether this Number were Lessen'd, by Hindring the Ordinary Course of Generation: For it is all one, by what Means they were Lessen'd, as to the Account we are now Stating, Of the Damages which accru'd from the Rebellion. Altho’ it be not all one, as to the Sin of the particular Scelerates, which caused this Calamity.
B. What if I had said but 300000 instead of 600000, the Loss even of 300000 People, is more than all the Estates of the Irish Real and Personal, at their greatest Worth and Splendor, can expiate. Nevertheless, because it is a curious Inquiry, and to shew you that I do not talk altogether at Random, I will repeat and strengthen the Demonstration I began; vizt.
1. That there [are] about 1300000 Souls in Ireland in this Year 1687. I say that the Revenue of Hearths is 30000l., So as the Hearths must be 300000 in Number. I say that, by a good Estimate from the Hearth-Books, all the Houses in Ireland, which have more than one Chimney are 20000; and that there dwell 6 Heads in each of such Houses, one with another: In all 120000 Souls. And that there are in the said Houses 3 Chimneys one with another, in all 60000 Chimneys: Which deducted out of 300000, leaves 240000 chimneys for 240000 Thousand Families. But in the poor Cabineer Families, one with another, there live 5 Heads in each; which makes the Number of those Cabineers 1200000: Which added to the 1200000 (sic) abovementioned, makes 1320000 Heads, which is the next round Number to 1300000.
2. Let me suppose that there were 900000 People in the Year 1653, and 1300000 now, then at a Medium there were 1100000: Out of which there dyed, at the Rate of one out of 30,370001 per Annum. Grant saith2 that in Countrey Parishes, where there are 4 Burials there are 5 Births; and consequently the Increase of the People in Ireland must be the Quarter of 37000 or 9000 one Quarter per Annum: Which multiply'd by 35 makes 315000 to have increased by Generation, between the Year 1652 and 1687, and the Number in 1652 to be 985000.
3. Altho’ I said there were more People A° 1641 than A° 1687, as appears by the Exportations, Importations, Tyths, Grist-Mills, and the Judgment of Intelligent Persons; Yet I shall suppose them to be but one 13th Part, or 1400000 in all: But 1400000 would have increased from the Year 1641 to the Year 1653 115003 per an or 138000, making the whole 1538000. Now the Difference between 15380001 and 9850001 is 5530001. So as of the 9850001 last Mentioned we need suppose but 470000(sic) to have come out of England and Scotland in 35 Years; And then the Assertion, that the King has lost 600000 Subjects by the Irish Commotions is well justify'd.
I know these are not so perfect Demonstrations as are required in pure Mathematicks; but they are such as our Superiors may work with, as well as Wheelwrights and Clock-makers do work without the Quadrature of a Circle. For to have been more Nice or Punctilious in them, had been the same Excess, as if a Painter should work a large high Altar-Piece in Miniature: Whereas the gross Image of this Affair lyes in Saying, that the Irish changed the Monarchy into Democracy, which cost the Crown of England 600000 People, worth 42 Millions of Money.
A. You have said more than I thought could have been said: But remember, I must have another Bout with you about this Matter. You told me how many Claimants there were for this 300000l. worth of Forfeited Lands: Pray proceed to tell me how the same was Actually dispos'd of by the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, keeping to the Supposition, That the Whole was but 300000l.
B. You come a little too suddenly upon me; I cannot tell you all these Things without Book, but will give you the best Guess I can, which is
1. That the Adventurers (of the said 300000l.) had 43000l.
2. That 155000l. were given to the Soldiers.
3. That out of the Adventurers and Soldiers which had been Regicides, 20000l. was given to the Duke of York; and that Obnoxious Men of both Sorts gave 4000l. to be shelter'd by Favourites.
4. The Church and Colledge of Dublin, and other Publick Uses had about 8000l., and the 49 Officers 32000l.
5. Protestant Sufferers, Servitors, and Favourites had the rest, or 38000l.
A. But what did all the Claymants, you just now mention'd, say to this Shrinking of their Hopes into a Welshman's Button?
B. They rail'd at the present Settlement and said, That the Usurpers needed not to have been so kind, as by their Act in 1652 to give away above Part of the Whole to the Catholicks, who forfeited all in Lump as one Man, eo Nomine; Tho’ not for going to Mass or Confession, nor for Praying to Saints or for the Dead; But for Changing Monarchy into Democracy, for placing Supremacy into a Council of Confederate Roman Catholicks, and for Extorting from the King (in duris) the Articles of 1648. For the Usurpers themselves touch'd no man for his Religion, and punish'd Protestants and Papists equally, whom they found disaffected unto them; and thought Difference in Religion to be no more a Cause of Forfeiture, than an English Ship's carrying a Flag with a Red Cross to an Enemy-Nation. But no doubt the Usurpers had an End for this their Indulgence, as in the Preamble of the said Act is set forth. For they gave all Men Leave to Claim upon their Qualifications, and the 8th Qualification was the same with Innocency; and all Complainants (for ought I know) were heard, and had Decrees at Athlone of one Sort or other.
A. This was a scurvy Grumble to begin withal: What else did they say?
B. I told you there were several Species of Claimants, whereof some Grumbled one way and some another. As for Example: Some thought they had been confirm'd, by the King's Promises at Breda, in what they possess'd the 7th of May 1659, without further Trial of Innocence1 , after a Present given the King of 540000l. Others thought that the Acts of the Rump-Parliament were, as to this Matter, completely warranted by the Act of 17th of Charles the First, and that of Judicial Proceedings, which Doctrine the English Act of Oblivion seems to favour; Others wonder'd to see 7 of 8 Irish Claimants adjudged Innocent, and that very suspicious Deeds of Entail [were] allow'd to the Sons of Outlawed Persons; That English Strangers should be put to prove what was done 20 Years before in the Rebels Quarters, and be deny'd the Testimony of the 49 Men for that Purpose: And in Fine, That about 1500000 Acres of Land should be restored upon such Innocents, and upon such Titles, and upon Provisos of mere Grace. Lastly, others grumbled, That the Irish should so vehemently crave a further Hearing of all their Claims; and such Sherifs and Juries should be chosen, as shall allow the Deeds which the Irish have suppressed For1 20 Years. There be many other Grumblings against Great Men; but the World will never be quiet, nor cease to be Envious, not considering that if Things have been amiss in this Settlement, they may be as bad in another.
A. You were saying that there was Grumbling against Great Men, upon the Account of the present Settlement. I remember that the Narrative of the Sale and Settlement of Ireland2 grumbles hard against the Duke of Ormond, as for having as much Land, as would have satisfied all the Adventurers, in or about the Year 1667, when that Pamphlet was written. Can you make me understand this Matter, for it seems very Enormous, and by that I might make a Judgement of the whole Book.
B. That Author does often speak at random, and what he does not know; omitting very many Things which ought to be known. But to this3 Present Point I say, 1. That the Acres, which the Adventurers first had, were 3900004 ; and I do not find that the Duke of Ormond had ever above 3 Quarters of that Number in his Hands of any Sort, or in any Sense.
2. That if he then had 300000 Acres in his Hands, above 200000 thereof was the course Lands of Kerry; upon which he had onely some Chaffages1 .
3. That the said Lands were indeed 200000 Acres, but it was by the erroneous Measure of the extream2 Column: Whereas they contained indeed scarce 30000 Acres by the Legal Measure of the reduced Column, according to which very Measure, they were not worth 2s. per Acre before the Warrs.
4. His Grace, upon Trial of the Matter in the Court of Claims, quitted these Lands to those who had Right in them, a little after the Author wrote. So that in Truth, upon the whole Matter, this vast Scope of Kerry-Lands would not have made above Part of the Adventurer's Satisfaction, which that Author conceived might have been a full Satisfaction to them: And as his Grace was abused by this Narrative, so was he also by them who put him upon Meddling with those Lands at all, which he held about 5 Years upon their Sinister Perswasions.
A. I instance, in the next Place, the horrible Grumbling against Sr. Wm. Petty as an exorbitant Gainer by the said Settlement. Can you say any Thing of him?
B. That Man has been 35 Years upon the Stage of Irish Affairs, so as a Volume might be writt concerning him. But the Answer to your Question may be short, vizt. That Gentleman made an Admeasurement of Ireland in the Year 1655 and 1656, now fairly recorded in his Majesty's Surveyor General's Office, by distinct Maps of every Parish; and also Printed and Published in distinct Maps of every Country and Province. And the same was appointed to be done, not onely by the Usurper's Acts, but even by the Act 17° Car. Imi and the Work was confirmed not onely by several Years of Probation during the Usurper's Government, but also by the Acts made in Ireland since the King's Restauration; and more particularly, after ten Year's Examination of the same by the Act of Explanation in the 22d and 23d Pages thereof: And hath been before and since the Rule and Standard of the greatest Transactions in Ireland.
This Survey was performed by Measuring as much Line by the Chain (and Measuring about 20 Angles within every Mile's Space by the Circumferenter) as would encompass the Globe of the Earth 8 Times about in it's greatest Circle. Now if we may allow him to gain 1000l. for Measuring each Time about the World (his Accounts amounting to 9000l.) then the said Gain, lay'd out in forfeited Lands at half a Crown the Acre (which was the fair Market-Rate, as hath been elsewhere proved) then Sr. Wm. Petty might have 70000 Acres for his Work, worth at 2s. the Acre 7000l. per Ann.
Memorandum, That if he had gotten more than is here mentioned, he need not have been a Knave thereby: For he had A° 1657 4000l. in Money more than the 9000l. that he got by the Survey. But if he has a less Estate than aforesaid, he was a Fool or unfortunate pro tanto. I further say, That the Lands belonging to the Catholicks A° 1641 were near 5 Millions of Irish Acres, or 8 Millions of English Acres profitable, with 3 Millions more in Rivers, High-ways, Loughs, Bogs, Rocks, and barren Mountains. And the Charge of the said Admeasurement was 24000l. or little above 40s. per Thousand Acres, and little above one half-penny per Acre Rough and Smooth. And if the said Survey be computed at 200000 English Miles, which will encompass the World 8 Times about; Then, allowing half a Crown or 2s. 4d. for Measuring an English Mile (with perhaps 20 Angles in the same) or about Ten Groats for an Irish Mile, the Charge of the said Survey1 will not amounts (sic) to 25000l., which is more than was given for the same.
A. Pray proceed to the Cases of other Men, who have got great Estates by the Settlement.
B. In answer to your Desire, I will name you about 25 of the greatest Gainers by the Settlement: Protesting against having any Prejudice against any of them. And must first tell you, That the King has about 56000l. per Ann. by new Quit-Rents out of the Forfeitures; that of the Catholicks the greatest Gainers are the Duke of York, Earl of Clancarty, Earl of Inchequeen, Earl of Tyrconnel, Earl of Carlingford, the Lord of Clare, the Lord Dillon, Coll. Matthews, & Mr. John Brown of Connaught.
2. That of those, who lived in Ireland before the Rebellion, the most considerable were the Duke of Ormond, Earl of Anglesey, Earl of Orrery, Earl of Montrath, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Lansborough, the Lord Kingston, Lord Coloony, Sr. Theophilus Jones, Sr. Maurice Eustace, and Aldermn Preston.
3. That of those, who came into Ireland since the Year 1648, the most considerable were the Lord Massareen, Aldermn Erasmus Smith, Sr. Wm. Petty, Captn James Stopford, Mr. John Eyres of Connaught, and Sr. Henry Ingoldsby: some of all which Sorts did their Business by downright Gifts and Grants, Some were forced into great Advantages by Guilty and Obnoxious Persons; Some by the Sheltering and Colouring Vicious and defective Interests; Some by the Trade of Buying and Selling Debenturs, and Adventures, and Connaught-Purchases. So as I verily believe, That of the whole 300000l. worth of Forfeitures, there did not remain with the new English A° 1683 one full Third Part thereof. I mean by the new English, not all those that came into Ireland since the Beginning of the Rebellion, but onely those who came thither between the Year 1646 (when the King's Affairs went to wreck in England) and the Year 1656 (when the Usurpers were in their Meridian), Which Party of Men, altho’ they all seem to be Phanatically and Democratically disposed, yet in truth were Animals of all Sorts, as in Noah's Ark.
A. The Narrative of the Sale and Settlement pathetically sets forth, That never any Nation was so miserable as the Irish after their Conquest A° 1653: Whereas you insinuate, They Gained more than they Lost by the Rebellion.
B. I say by my own Observation, That I never saw so much Merriment anf Jollity anywhere, than A° 1652, among those that were to be Transported and their Friends. And have heard that the said Transportees lived more pleasantly Abroad than at Home. I also say, That Nine Parts of Ten of that Nation, who lived as Labourers and Tenants, did live more plentifully and freely in the next Seven Years after their Conquest between A° 1653 and 1660, than they had done in the Seven Years next before the Warrs. For they had Lands at small Rents even at at1 the present, and yet sold their Commodities at greater Rates than now, and, paying their Rents, were as free as their Landlords. Nor do I remember any Man to have been by Authority punished for his Religion in that Time, there being no National Church then established in Ireland.
A. I thank you for your Informations, but cannot digest that Honest-Moderate-Wealthy Catholicks should lose their Estates, for what a Company of Lewd, Ignorant, Barbarous, and Beggerly Rascals did against the English in the Tumultuary Year 1642.
B. Alas it is the Wrath of God, and a Curse upon Mankind, that Things should be so! Is not the whole World ingaged in Original Sin, for Adam's Eating the Forbidden Fruit? Do not Princes, by the Allowance of their Confessors, throw Bombs and Fire-works into besieged Towns, which light more upon innocent Women and Children, than upon those who have offended the said Princes, or even upon Soldiers in Arms? The General Assembly of the Catholicks did not punish the Outrages committed in that Tumult by those Scelerates; nor did those Moderate Men (you mention) by Word or Deed protest against their General Assembly, nor the Confederate Usurpers of Supremacy; but had all Secret Hopes of Gaining some agreeable Ends out of those Horrible Beginnings. Are not all Men bound by an Act of Parliament in England, altho’ 4 Parts of 5 have no Right to make Members for either House? I am unwilling to drive this Nail too far; Think on what I have said, and let me have your Objections at our next Meeting.
A. Pray, have a little Patience, and as you have now told me what the English and Protestants have lost, so repeat (if you please) what the Irish Catholicks have got by the Rebellion, or what else you will call it?
B. As to the Name Rebellion, I matter it not, That which the Irish did amiss in was, as I apprehend, THE CHANGING THE ENGLISH MONARCHY INTO A DEMOCRACY; The Placing Supremacy into a Confederacy of Roman Catholicks to the Wrong and Blemish of that Religion, and the Extorting from the King (in duress) the Articles of A° 1648: All which is plain-intelligible English of which there is no Doubt.
The Particulars by which the Irish gain'd are these; vizt.
Now tho’ the Value of the forfeited Lands were A° 1641, 3600000l., Yet it must be understood that Parts thereof was lost by Common Calamity, and onely 300000l. (the Value of the same A° 1653) was lost by Penalty or Forfeiture, which is but the 15th Part of what they gained, as aforesaid.
A. I do not see that those, that lost their Lands, got any Part of the 4500000l., above-mentioned.
B. Truely, I believe not. For I think the 600000l. got by Plundering, was immediately and lewdly spent by the Plunderers themselves. That the King's and Church's Revenue might have been spent upon the Common Cause. That the Gain upon the 34000 exported Men, redounded to the Exportees themselves, and to their Conductors and Commanders. That the Improvements accrewed to the Restorees onely. But all that is nothing: For all the Confederate Roman Catholicks, ought to be looked upon but as one Man; who lost by Way of Forfeiture 300000l. and gain'd 4500000l., which is 15 for one. Now for Remedy of Inequality among themselves, it may be done by a Court or Council of Catholicks erected for that purpose, as aforementioned, and by the Prudence of Confessors; without Frighting and Disturbing the whole Nation with a perpetual Fear of Unsettlement.
A. I will trouble you no further. The Summ of what I have learn'd is this, That by the Rebellion in Ireland is properly mean't, The Change of Monarchy into Democracy, and Transferring Sovereign Power from the King to the Confederate Catholicks: And Aggravated by Extorting the Articles of 1648, and not Punishing the Outrages of 1641. And that the said Confederates gained thereby 15 Times more than they properly lost; And that all the several Branches of the English-Protestant Interest lost 200 Times more than they gain'd.
B. You need not now at last be so very short; but (if you please) sum up what we have said thus. (vizt)
1. Between the 23d of October 1641, and the 10th of November 1642, there was a Barbarous and Outragious Tumult of the Irish Catholicks against the English Protestants in Ireland: Who being then about 10 to one committed many Murders, Robberies, and Mischiefs upon the English.
2. That the 10th of November 1642, and after Edge-Hill-Fight in England, when the King was dangerously ingaged against his Enemies, the Irish changed Monarchy into Democracy.
3. The Roman Catholicks then blemished their own Sacred and Infallible Religion, by Making it a signal Ear-Mark and Brand of Rebellion upon themselves.
4. Their several Cessations and Peaces with the King gave him no Relief to his Distresses in England; But the Latter in 1648, was thought to be a main Cause of his disastrous Death.
5. That the English, in Pursuance of an Act made by the King, Lords, and Commons of England, perfectly suppress'd that Rebellion in the Year 1653, with an immense Expence of English Blood and Treasure, and the Loss of 600000 People.
6. The actual Conquerors did, by way of Indulgence, give to the Catholicks a 6th Part of all the Lands which belonged to them A° 1641, with the Liberty of their Persons and Personal Estates, punishing no Man for his Religion.
7. They Leased back the Lands, which they got from them as forfeited, at one Quarter of the real Value between 1653 and 1660.
8. The said actual Conquerors surrendred all their Acquisitions to the King at Breda, and made him a Present of 540000l., which, with 60000l. spent in Defence of his Title, amounted to double the Value of what they now keep, as A° 1653.
9. An Army was kept up from 1653 to 1663, whose Pay was equivalent to the Rent of all the Forfeited Lands.
10. The Regicides and Halberteers were outed of all their Acquisitions, and many disaffected Persons driven to take shelter under others &1 to part with their Interests at small Rates.
11. A new Court of Innocence, and Clauses of Grace, give2 after the Promises of Breda, one Third more to the Catholicks of all that belonged to them in 1641, with as much Improvement as was worth 4 Times what all the Lands they lost were worth A° 1653.
12. A° 1655, The English retrench a Third of what was most Legally due. But the Irish Restorees nothing.
13. Upon the whole Matter, the Irish Catholicks seem to have gained by these Commotions 15 Times more than they lost; And all the Branches of the English-Protestant Interest, seem to have Lost 200 Times more than they have Gained.
14. The Parliament of Ireland gave to the King in Pole-Money, Subsidies, &c. within 5 Years after his Restauration, about 1200000l.
15. The same Parliament gave the King a Revenue, by new Quit-Rents out of Forfeitures, of near 60000l. per Ann. and made his whole Revenue quadruple to what the said was before the Warrs.
16. The Irish Catholicks, by indeavouring to out the English of what they held1 A° 1684, have reduced all the Real and Personal Estate of Ireland to be Worth but one half of what the same was worth in the said Year 1684, and lessen'd their own Estate above 2 Millions.
17. The Transplantation above-mentioned, which should have been made above 500 Years since, will benefit both Nations 140 Millions; and that of Scotland 60 Millions more: In all 200 Millions at the Hazard of 4 or 5 onely.
A. The Title of your Treatise is POLITICAL PASTIMES AND PARADOXES. Now, besides my particular Thanks, I give you this Complement, That the Consideration of these Matters may be Pastimes becoming the King. And your Assertions, concerning the Gain and Loss by the Rebellion (tho’ but a 10th Part thereof should be true) is a Paradox in all the Courts of Christendom, where the Narrative of the Sale and Settlement of Ireland has been published.
B. I thank you, and do willingly submit my self to the Censure of the World; and shall take it as a Kindness from any good Patriot, that will solidly confute, that is to say, rectify what I have said amiss, That England (which has the Ultimate Judicature of these Matters) may be throughly informed.
[Extract from The Discourse Concerning the Use of Duplicate Proportion1 , 1674.]
The Eleventh Instance.
In the Life of Man, and its Duration.
It is found by Experience, that there are more persons living of between 16 and 26 years old2 , than of any other Age or Decade of years in the whole life of Man (which David and Experience say to be between 70 and 80 years:) The reasons whereof are not abstruse, viz. because those of 16 have passed the danger of Teeth, Convulsions, Worms, Ricketts, Measles, and Smallpox for the most part: And for that those of 26. are scarce come to the Gout, Stone, Dropsie, Palsies, Lethargies, Apoplexies, and other Infirmities of Old Age. Now whether these be sufficient reasons, is not the present Enquiry; but taking the afore-mentioned Assertion to be true: I say, that the Roots of every number of Mens Ages under 16 (whose Root is 4) compared with the said number 4, doth shew the proportion of the likelyhood of such mens reaching 70 years of Age. As for example; ‘Tis 4 times more likely, that one of 16 years old should live to 70, then a new-born Babe. ‘Tis three times more likely, that one of 9 years old should attain the age of 70, than the said Infant. Moreover, 'tis twice as likely, that one of 16 should reach that Age, as that one of 4 years old should do it; and one third more likely, than for one of nine. On the other hand, 'tis 5 to 4, that one of 26 years old will die before one of 16; and 6 to 5 that one of 36 will die before one of 26; and 3 to 2, that the same person of 36 shall die before him of 16: And so forward according to the Roots of any other year of the declining Age compared with a number between 4 and 5, which is the root of 21, the most hopeful year for Longævity, as the mean between 16 and 26; and is the year of perfection, according to Our Law, and the Age for whose life a Lease is most valuable. To prove all which I can produce the accompts of every Man, Woman, and Child, within a certain Parish of above 330 Souls; all which particular Ages being cast up, and added together, and the Sum divided by the whole number of Souls, made the Quotient between 15 and 16; which I call (if it be Constant or Uniform) the Age of that Parish, or Numerus Index of Longævity there. Many of which Indexes for several times and places, would make a useful Scale of Salubrity for those places, and a better Judg of Ayers than the conjectural Notions we commonly read and talk of. And such a Scale the King might as easily make for all his Dominions, as I did for this one Parish.
The Sixteenth Instance.
In the Price of several Commodities.
Suppose a Mast for a small Ship be of 10 inches Diameter, and as is usual, of 70 foot in heighth, and be worth 40s; then a Mast of 20 inches through, and double length also, shall not onely cost eight times as much, according to the Octuple quantity of Timber it contains, but shall cost 16 times 32l. And by the same Rule, a Mast of 40 inches through shall cost 16 times 32l. or 516l. Of which last Case there have been some instances. But whereas it may be objected, That there are no Masts of four times 70, or 280 feet long, I will say, that the Rule holds in common practice and Dealing. For, if a Mast of 10 inches thick, and 60 foot long, be worth 30s; a Mast of 20 inches throughout, and 80 foot long, shall be worth 15l. And a Mast of 40 inches through, and 100 foot long (not 280 foot) shall be worth near 100l.
Moreover, suppose Diamonds or Pearls be equal and like in their Figures, Waters, Colours, and Evenness, and differ onely in their Weights and Magnitudes; I say the Weights are but the Roots of their Prices, as in the Case aforgoing. So a Diamond of Decuple weight, is of Centuple value. The same may be said of Looking-glass-Plates. I might add, that the Loadstone A, if it take up 10 times more than the Loadstone B, may be also of Centuple value.
Lastly, A Tun of extreme large Timber may be worth two Tuns of ordinary dimensions; which is the cause of the dearness of great shipping above small; for the Hull of a Vessel of 40 Tuns may be worth but 3l., per Tun, whereas the Hull of a Vessel of 1000 Tuns may be worth near 15l., per Tun. From whence arises a Rule, how by any Ships Burthen to know her worth by the Tun, with the Number and Size of her Ordinance, &c.
[The Dialogue of Diamonds1 .]
A. You have a fine ring there on your finger, what did it cost you?
B. I am ashamed to tell you for I am afrayd I gave too much for it, & the truth is I wonder how any man [can] tell what to give, there be so many nice considerations in that matter in all which one has nothing but meere guesse to guide himself by.
A. Why, did you buy it set?
B. What should I doe with it unset?
A. If you bought it set you lost two of the best guides & measures whereby to have known its price, namely the weight and the extent, both which are computable otherwise then by meer guesse; beside the water and colour of the stone as also the clouds icecles & points are somewhat better discerned when you can look round about it, then when you look upon it but as through a window.
B. Well, I was not so wise; but I must needs buy some more diamonds shortly, wherefore pray instruct me if you can.
A. I will & first take notice that the deerness or cheapness of diamonds depends upon two causes, one intrinsec which lyes within the stone it self & the other extrinsec & contingent, such as are [1.] prohibitions to seek for them in the countrys from whence they come. 2. When merchants can lay out their money in India to more profit upon other commoditys & therefore doe not bring them. 3. When they are bought up on feare of warr to be a subsistence for exiled and obnoxious persons. 4. They are deer neer the marriage of some great prince, where great numbers of persons are to put themselves into splendid appearances, for any of theise causes if they be very strong upon any part of the world they operate upon the whole, for if the price of diamonds should considerably rise in Persia, it shal also rise perceivably in England, for the great merchants of Jewels all the world over doe know one another, doe correspond & are partners in most of the considerable pieces & doe use great confederacys & intrigues in the buying & selling them.
B. I like this discourse very well but have no occasion for so deep an inspection into the matter. I have but 2 or 300l., to lay out and I heare that the market at this time is at a midling pitch & therfore I had rather heare from you upon the intrinsec causes & such as lye within the stone it self.
A. I am content. You must therfore know that these intrinseck causes are principaly foure, vizt. weight, extent, colour or water, cleaness from faults, & to theise you may adde the mode and workmanship of the cutting.
B. When I bought my ring I did not divide my consideration into so many branches: methought it made a fine shew in general & I bid 85, 86 & 87l., for it, & the merchant swore he could not afford it so & seemed to goe away once or twice and thereupon I gave him 90l., & he told me that he would give me 85l., for it at any time within a twelvemoneth & defys me to match it anywhere for the money I gave him. Besides I had shewed it to 2 or 3 friends, who all, to shew their skill, made some special animadversions upon the business & told me I could not be much out if I gave between 80 & 90l., for it; and this is all the art I had. I expect now to be wiser from you.
A. I told you there must be four intrinsick causes of dearnesse & cheapness, vizt. Weight, Extent, Colour & Clearness. As for the weight you must get you a pair of Scales that will weigh with certainty to less then a quarter of a grain. As for extent you must get a piece of Muscovia glasse or very fine horne, wherein must be a square drawn of an inch in the side & the said Square divided into 400 Squares, dividing each side into 20 parts by the finest lines that can be drawn, making every fourth division in a line somthing bigger then the rest for distinction sake. Thirdly you must have 5 or 6 diamonds to lye constantly by you, each of a several water, & you must have in the opinion of the best jewellers the proportion of value which the said waters do beare one to another, as for Ex.: Suppose a stone weigh a graine & being of the best water is worth 253, of the black water 203, of the red 163, of the yellow 143, of the blewish 133, of the brownish 123 &c. Fourthly you must have as many foule diamonds as doe contein Samples of every sort of fault & a note of such abatements as an experienced Jeweller would make for every such fault, the same to be expressed in aliquot parts of the whole value, & you must also have a pair of excellent Spectacles for the older sight with a good microscope, & then I conceive you are furnisht with the means of knowing more than most jewelers doe know.
B. I cannot remember all you have said: therfore repeat the same over again in parts, & first concerning the weight.
A. I shal. The general rule concerning weight is this that the price rises in duplicate proportion of the weight, that is to say as the Squares of the weight are one to another or the weight multiplyd by it self. As for Ex.: Suppose a diamond weighing one grain to be worth 20 then diamond of 2 grains is worth 4l., because the square of two is 4, that is, 2 multiplyd by 2 makes 4; & the diamond of 2 greins is to be paid for as if it weighed 4 & by the same rule a diamond of 3 grains must be reckoned as if [it] weighed 9, because 3 times 3 makes 9, & a diamond of 4 grains is to be reckond as 16, & according to this rule the great Moguls diamond of 1000 grains is reckoned worth a million of pounds Sterling and the Duke of Florences 200000l. Now judge you whether it be safe buying a diamond of 20 grains by the eye without weighing, in which a graine difference in the weight makes about 43l., difference in the price, reckoning the single grain but for 20s.
B. I have one notable & obvious objection against your rule, which is that Lapidarys do use to divide a stone into 2 parts, making according to your rule each half to be but a quarter of the value of the whole & the two halfs after the charge and hazard of dividing to be worth but half what the whole was worth before dividing—answer me that.
A. I doe acknowledge that the rule of weight alone is insufficient, as you have judiciously observed. Wherfore you must come to the next measure which is extent; and extent is chiefly measured by the magnitude of the superficies which the great section of the stone doth make, and by cutting the stone into two parts, if the stone were valued only by the said superficies, the value of the stone cut is doubled, whereas according to the weight it was halfed. But this would better appear in an example. Suppose a stone intire to be worth 8l. Now if the same be cut in two halfs, each half reckoned by the weight alone would be reduced to 40s. and the two halfs to 4l. But if the stone be reckoned according to the extent and superficies only, then the two halfs would be worth two eight pounds or 16l. But forasmuch as the rule of weight alone and the rule of extent alone are each of them insufficient, you must joyne them both together and take the medium. For joining 4l.: the value by weight, to 16l., the value by measure, the total is 20l., the half whereof is 10l.; and thus you see the stone which intire is worth but 8l., being divided is worth 10l., yielding an advantage of 40s. which is more than the charge of dividing it doth commonly amount to.
B. Your answer is very satisfactory & ingenious & from whence I now understand the use of your glass or horne table. For I suppose that by applying the flat section to the squared table you may with diligence measure the difference of any superficies almost exactly.
A. you apprehend it right & when I have measured so the extent of two several stones, I cast up their values by the aforementioned rule of duplicate, & having cast them up both by weight & by measure, I take the medium.
B. Lord bless me, what a fool was I wholy to omit those two guides neither of which could I make use of whilest the stone was set, & how easy is it for the best jeweler in the world to mistaken one grain or one square in 20, nay, to mistake one in 100 where the value of one grain is above 200l., and how doe the workmen who doe set diamonds indeavor so to set them as to make them look 5 grains or 5 squares in 100 bigger then they are. I am very well pleased with this discourse by which in a quarter of an houre one may learn to get or save 2 or 300l., & to learn an art which is so little the worse for the wearing.
A. I am glad you accept my advice. Some men would have made a frivolous objection against it, or have received it with a scornfull smile as a prety useless fancy and no more. But because you are so candid, I will proceed to the other points.
B. I heartily thanke you.
A. You must make such a measure upon your glass table as may correspond to the value of your grain, and when you have by the weight found how many grains you are to pay for, and by your note of colours at how much per grain, & when you have again by your table of magnitudes found how many squares you are to pay for at the same rate at which you reckoned the graine, then adding the value by weight to the value by extent, the half of that summ is the value of that stone according to its weight, extent & colour.
B. I apprehend. And I thinke there remains nothing more then to teach me how to make my abatements of the value so found as aforesaid according to the several natures & numbers of the defects.
A. Well this I will doe. You must remember you were to keep by you such and so many stones as doe contain all the usual faults of diamonds with the quota parts of the value which for each defect is to be abated. As for example, suppose there be a black speck in a stone which without it were worth 10l. according to our former rules, but with it is worth 4s. lesse. Now you must remember that this 4s. must be looked upon as the 50th part of the value, and therfore you must abate 10l. in a stone of 500l. tho you abated but 4s. in a stone of 10l. Moreever suppose there be not only the black speak abovementioned but an icecle also in your stone of 10l. for which you are not abate 10l. and consequently the icecle & the speck 14s. Now I conceive that, becasue there are two faults, you must not only abate 10s. & 4s. but the double of the same, namely 28s. Again suppose that beside the speck and the icecle there be also a cloud, for which alone you might abate 6s. more, that is 4s., 10s. & 6s., in all 20s. I say that in this case you must not only abate barely 20s', nor the double thereof as when there were but two faults, but because there are three faults, you must abate the treble of all three, which is 3l., leaving your stone of 10l. reduced to 7l. Now this triple abatement in a stone of 500l. would be 150l., because that 150l. is of 500l. as the 3l. was of 10l.
B. I thinke I understand this doctrine, but there comes a conceit in my head which makes me laugh, for how if all the faults thus cast up together should amount to more then the value, will you say that the stone in such a case is so much worse then nothing? Certainly its worth something to make diamond powder of, were it never so foul or mishapen.
A. Your objection is good. Tis a pleasure to teach you, and to what you have said I can only answer theise two things: that I have heard able jewelers say that the difference of stones of equal weight is seldome more then between 15 & 5 or 3 & 9, namely that the best with all its perfections is but triple to the worst with all its faults. The other thing I say is that in case your defects cast up as aforesaid should bring your stone below of its full value resulting from the weight, extent & colour, I say in such a case that the estimate of your defects must be reviewed, tempered & better proportioned & adjusted.
1. The King has a Prerogative which Lawyers must expound.
2. The King makes Peers in Parliament who are perpetuall Legislators, as also the Last and highest Judicature of England and Ireland, and have great Priviledges and Immunitys for themselves and Servants.
3. The King is the fountain of Honour Titles & Precedencys and of all the Powers which the Lrd Marshall & Heralds exercise.
4. The King makes Bishops; and They Priests & Deacons, & Clerks of the Convocation, and has also all the Power which the Pope had formerly. Bpps make Chancellors and other officers of the Spirituall Courts have power to Excommunicate &c.
5. The King makes the Chancellors of the Universitys, makes Heads and Fellows in Severall Colledges, and is also Visitor in some Cases.
6. The King has the Power of Coynage, & can give the Name, Matter, fineness, Character and Shape to all Species of Money and can cry Money up and downe by his Proclamation; which some extend to this vizt That if A. Lend B. 100l. weighing 29 pounds of Sterling Silver, If the King by his Proclamation declare that one Ounce of Silver shall be afterward calld One hundred pounds, that then B. paying to A. the said Ounce of Silver, the Debt is answer'd.
7. The King makes Sheriffs and they Juries upon Life and Estate, Limb and Liberty, as also Jaylors Baylifs & Executioners of All Sorts.
8. The King makes a Chancellor or Chief Judge in Equity who Stopps proceedings in other Courts of Law &c. The Chancellor makes Justices of Peace, & they High & petty Constable, & Sessions of Peace, &c.
9. The King makes Judges durante bene placito. They sett fines and punish at their own Discretion in Severall Cases. They Govern Proceedings at Law, Declare and Interpret the Law, Repreive, &c. & the King can suspend the Law, pardon, or prosecute.
10. The King can give Charters for Boroughs to Parliament, appoint Electors and Judges of Elections, prorogue adjourn and disolve Parliaments from time to time, and from Place to Place, disprove the Speaker &c.
[11.] The King appoints his Lieutenants to command the Grand Standing Militia, can press any Man to serve his Allys beyond Seas, as Soldiers, can equip & appoint what number of Shipps and Seamen he pleases & their Wages & pari Ratione a Mercenary Army to serve at Land, as also Guards for his Person of Severall Sorts.
12. The King has some Revenue by Common Law and Prerogative & can by his Judges interpret Statutes concerning the Branches and the Collection thereof.
13. The King has great power over Forests and Mines, Colonys Monopolys.
14. The King can doe noe Wrong, & his coming to the Crown clears him from all punishments &c. due before, and obedience to him after Coronation excuses from1
15. The King by ceasing or forebearing to administer the Severall Powers above nam'd can doe what harm he pleases to his Subjects.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PRINTED WRITINGS OF SIR WILLIAM PETTY1 .
[1.] A | declaration | Concerning the newly invented | Art of | double writing | Wherein are expressed the reasons of the | Authors proceedings in procuring a Priviledge for | the same: As also of the Time, Manner, and | Price, of the discovery of the said | Art, and of the Instruments | belonging thereunto. | for the satisfaction of all that desire to | be partakers of the great benefit of the same, | before they adventure anything towards | the reward thereof. | Whereunto is annexed a copie of an Ordinance of ‖ both Houses of Parliament, approving the | feasibility and great use of the said invention, and allowing ‖ a Priviledge to the Inventor, for the sole benefit thereof for 14 years, upon the penalty of one hundred pounds. | [Ornament.]
London, | Printed by R. L. for R. W. at the Star under Saint Peters Church in Cornhill, 1648.
Title, 1 l. pp. 1–10, 4°.
[2.] [Begin.] THere is invented an Instrument of small bulk and price… [end] Saint Peters Church in Cornhill.
Broadside, folio, no date. It mentions the Declaration as already printed and requests contributors to pay their money to the inventor at —. In the British Museum copy the blank is filled in with a pen, “his lodging next doore to the White Boare in Lothbury.”
[3a.] The | advice | of | W. P. | to | Mr. Samuel Hartlib. | For | The Advancement of some particular ‖ Parts of Learning. | [Ornament.]
London, Printed Anno Dom. 1648.
Title, 1 l., advertisement, 1 l., epistle dedicatory 1 l, pp. 1–26, 4°. — The epistle is dated: London the 8 January. .
[3b.] Same, in The Harleian Miscellany… Vol. VI.
London: Printed for T. Osborne, in Gray's -Inn. MDCCXLV . 4°.–Pp. 1–13.
[3c.] Same, in The Harleian miscellany… with… annotations, by the late William Oldys,… and… Thomas Park… Vol. VI.
London: printed for White and Co., and John Murray, Fleet Street; and John Harding, St. James's Street. 1810. 4°.–Pp. 1–14.
[3d.] Same, in The Harleian miscellany… with historical, political, and critical notes. Vol. VI.
London: printed for Robert Dutton, Gracechurch-Street. 1810. 8°.–Pp. 141–158.
 A | brief | of | proceedings | between | Sr. Hierom Sankey | and | Dr. William Petty. | With | The State of the Controversie | between them | Tendered to all Indifferent Persons. | [Ornament.]
London. | Printed in the Year, M.DC.L.IX. 
Title, 1 l., to the reader, 1 l., pp. 1–8, f°.
[5a.] Reflections | upon some | Persons and Things | in | Ireland, | by | Letters to and from Dr Petty: | with | Sir Hierome Sankey's Speech | in | Parliament.
London, | Printed for John Martin, James Allestreye, and | Thomas Dicas, and are to be sold at the | Bell in St. Paul's -Church-Yard. 1660.
Title, 1 l., pp. 1–142, 147–162, 159–185, contents, 6 ll., 8°. — The pages of signature K, which should be 143–158, are all numbered four too high.
[5b.] Reflections | upon some | persons and things | in | Ireland, | by | letters to and from | Dr. Petty: | with | Sir Hierom Sankey's speech | in | parliament.
Dublin: | printed by Zachariah Jackson, | for Grueber, and M'Allister, No. 59, Dame-Street. | 1790.
Pp. [i]–xxiv. 1–187, 8°.
[6a.] A | treatise | of | Taxes & Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands. | Assessements. | Customs. | Poll-Moneys. | Lotteries. | Benevolence. | Penalties. | Monopolies. | Offices. | Tythes. | Raising of Coins. | Harth-Money. | Excize, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warres. The Church. | Universities. | Rents & Purchases. | Usury & Exchange. | Banks & Lombards. | Registries for Conveyances. ‖ | Beggars. | Ensurance. | Exportation of | Free-Ports. | Coins. | Housing. | Liberty of Conscience, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the present ‖ State and Affairs of | Ireland.
London, Printed for N. Brooke, at the Angel in Cornhill. 1662.
Title, 1 l., preface 3 ll., index 4 ll., pp. 1–75, errata, 1 l. 4°.
[6 b.] A | treatise | of | Taxes & Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands, | Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excize, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warrs, | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Conveyances, ‖ | Beggars, | Ensurance, | Exportation of | Free-Ports, | Coins, | Housing, Liberty of Conscience, ‖ &c. | The same being frequently applied to the present | State and Affairs of Ireland.
London Printed for Nath Brooke, at the Angel formerly in Cornhill, now in Gresham-College, going into the | Exchange from Bishopgatestreet. 1667.
Title, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°.
[6 c.] A | treatise | of | Taxes and Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands, Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warrs, | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Conveyances. ‖ | Beggars, | Ensurance, Exportation of | Free Ports, | Coins, | Housing, | Liberty of Conscience, ‖ &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs of | Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present Affairs ‖ of England.
London, Printed for Obadiah Blagrave, at the Sign of | the Bear in St. Paul's Church-Yard, over against | the Little North-Door 1679.
Title, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°.
[6 d.] A | treatise | of | Taxes and Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands | Assessments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Wars | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchaces, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registers for Conveyances. | Beggars, | Ensurance, | Exportation of | Free Ports, | Coins, | Housing, | Liberty of Conscience, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs of | Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present Affairs of England. | The Third [sic] Edition.
London, Printed for Obadiah Blagrave, at the Sign of the Bear | in St. Paul's Church-Yard, over against the Little North Door. 1685.
Title, in a double-lined border, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°. — Apparently a reissue of the edition of 1679, with a new title page. Copies of this ed. are also bound in the following:
[6 e.] A | collection | Of three | state tracts: | I. The Privileges and Practice of Parliaments, &c. | II. The Politician discovered, or Considerations of the | Late Pretensions of France to England and Ireland; | and their Plots in order thereunto. | III. A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions, shewing | the Natures and Measures thereof, particularly | fitted for the State of Ireland. | Written, | By Sir William Petty of Ireland.
London, | Sold by O. Blagrave at the Bear and Star | in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1696.
This book consists of copies of: 1st, Privileges and practice of parliaments in England. collected out of the common Law of this land. London: Robert Harford, 1680 [first printed in 1628], 2 ll., pp. 1–44; 2nd, The politician discovered, or considerations [etc]. By a true protestant and well-wisher of his countrey. London: Langley Curtis, 1681; 1 l., pp. 1–28, 1–23; 3rd, the “third” ed. of Petty's Treatise. London: Obadiah Blagrave, 1685 (see no. 6 d above). Each of these tracts has its separate title-page, pagination, and signatures; they are simply bound together, preceded by a copper plate representing the two houses of Parliament in session, and a title-page as above.
[6 f.] A | discourse | of | taxes and contributions: | Shewing the Nature and Measures. of | Crown-Lands, | Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Hearth, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Wars, | The Church, | Universities | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Coneyances, ‖ | Beggars, | Ensurance, | Exportation of | Free Ports, | Coins, | Housing. | Liberty of Conscince, ‖ &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs | of Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present ‖ Affairs of England; humbly recommended to the | present parliament.
London, | Printed for Edward Poole, at the Ship, over against the | Royal Exchange in Cornhill, 1689.
Title, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°. — A reissue of the 1679 edition (6 c) with a new title-page.
[6 g.] See 27.
[7 a.] An apparatus to the history of the common practices of Dying. By Sir William Petty. In The | history | of the | Royal-Society | of | London, | for the Improving of | Natural Knowledge. | By | Tho. Sprat.
London, | Printed by T. R. for J. Martyn at the Bell without | Temple-bar, and J. Allestry at the Rose and Crown in | Ducklane, Printers to the Royal Society. | M DC LXVII . 4°.–Pp. 284–306.
[7 b.] Same, in The history of the Royal-Society… The Second Edition Corrected.
London: Printed for Rob. Scot, Ri. Chiswell, Tho. Chapman, and Geo. Sawbridge. And are to be sold by Them, and by Tho. Bennet. 1702. 4°.–Pp. 284–306.
[7 c.] Same, in The history of the Royal Society… The Third Edition Corrected. [Ornament.]
London: Printed for Samuel Chapman at the Angel and Crown in Pallmall. MDCCXXII . 4°.–Pp. 284–306.
[7 d.] Same, in The history of the Royal Society… The Fourth Edition. [Ornament.]
London: Printed for J. Knapton, J. Walthoe, D. Midwinter, J. Tonson, A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, R. Robinson, F. Clay, B. Motte, A. Ward, D. Brown, and T. Longman. M DCC XXXIV  4°.–Pp. 284–306.
[7 e.] L'Histoire de la Pratique ordinaire de la Teinture par le Chevalier Gvillavme Petty. In L'histoire | de la | Societé [sic] | Royale | de | Londres, | Establie pour l'Enrichissement de la | science natvrelle | Escrite en Anglois par | Thomas Sprat, | Ettraduite en Francois. | [Woodcut.]
A Geneve, | Pour Iean Herman Widerhold. | M. DC. LXIX . 8°.–Pp. 346–374.
[8.] The | discourse | Made before the | Royal Society | The 26. of November 1674. | Concerning the Use of | Duplicate Proportion | In sundry Important Particulars: | Together with a | New Hypothesis of Springing | or Elastique Motions. | By Sir William Petty, Kt. | Fellow of the said Society. | Pondere, Mensurâ, & Numero Deus omnia fecit: | Mensuram & Pondus Numeres, Numero omnia | fecit.
London: | Printed for John Martyn, Printer to the | Royal Society, at the Bell in | St. Paul's Churchyard, 1674.
1 l., recto blank, verso order of Royal Society to print, title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 13 ll., errata, 1 l, pp. 1–135, 12°. — The order of the Royal Society to print is dated 10 December, 1674, the epistle to Lord Brouncker is dated “ult. Decemb.”
[9.] Colloquim | Davidis | cum anima sua, (Accinente Paraphrasim in 104 Psalmum) | De Magnalibus dei. | 25° Martii 1678. fecit | Cassid. Avrevs Minvtivs. | Imprimatur, | Guil. Jane. | August 31. 1678. | [Ornament.]
Londini, | Impensis Thomæ Burrell, Bibliopolæ, ad Insigne Pilæ auratæ, sub | Templo Scti Dunstani in Vico vulgò vocato Fleet-street. | M DC LXX IX .
Title, 1 l., pp. 1–6. f°. — The occasion of this translation is described on p. xxviii of the Introduction.
[10 a.] Sir William Petty's | Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1682. | To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax.
[At end:] London, Printed in the Year 1695.
No title-page, pp. 1–8, 4°. — The above caption stands at the top of page 1, which is also signature A. None of the five copies that I have seen shows any trace of a former title-page. Three have and two have not “Price 2d.” at the end of the text. Cf. p. 448. There was, apparently, another edition in 1695, printed for A. and J. Churchill (see McCulloch's reprint below, no. 10 e) but I have not been able to find a copy of it.
“A Complete Catalogue of all Books lately Printed concerning the Coin,” which is appended to Proposals for a National Bank, setting forth how Three Millions of Pounds may be raised… (London, Printed for Richard Cumberland, at the Angel in S. Paul's Church-Yard, 1697), mentions, as no. 22 on p. 46, “Sir William Petty's Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1612. 2 sheets in 8vo.” McCulloch's Literature of Political Economy, p. 155, cites “Quantulumcunque; or a Tract concerning Money, addressed to the Marquis of Halifax, by Sir William Petty. 4°. (London) 1682.” I have found no copy of an edition of 1682, either in octavo or in quarto.
10 b.] Observations | relating to the | coin | of | Great Britain, | consisting | Partly of Extracts from Mr Locke's Treatise concerning Money, but chiefly | of such Additions thereto, as are thought to be very necessary at this | Juncture: not only for remedying the present great Scarcity of Silver, | but for putting a stop to those Losses which this Nation suffers by the | over-valuing of Gold-Money, and by prohibiting both the Melting and | Exporting of British Coin: | Whereunto is annexed, | Sir William Petty's | Quantulumcunque | concerning | money, | Reprinted from an Edition that was printed for private Use in the Year 1695; | and corrected by a Manuscript Copy of very good authority. By J. Massie.
London: | Printed for T. Payne, in Castle-Street, Charing Cross; | Sold by | W. Owen at Temple-Bar, and | C. Henderson, under the Royal Exchange. | MDCCLX  | (Price One Shilling.)
On p. 32 begins Sir William Petty his Quantulumcunque concerning Money, “reprinted from an Edition that was printed for private Use in the Year 1695, and corrected by a Manuscript Copy of very good Authority.” Cf. p. 438.
[10 c.] Same, in A collection of scarce and valuable tracts, on the most Interesting and Entertaining Subjects:… Selected from… Public, as well as Private Libraries; Particularly that of the late Lord Somers. Revised by eminent hands. Vol IV.
London: Printed for F. Cogan, at the Middle-Temple-Gate, in Fleet Street. M DCC XLVIII . 4°.–Pp. 73–79.
[10 d.] Same, etc., in A collection of scarce and valuable tracts… The second edition, revised, augmented, and arranged, by Walter Scott, Esq. Volume eighth.
London: Printed for T. Cadell and W. Davies, Strand… 1812. 4°.–Pp. 472–477.
[10 e.] Sir William Petty | his | Quantulumcunque | concerning | money. | To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax, | Anno 1682.
London: | Printed for A. and J. Churchill, at the | Black Swan, in Paternoster Row, 1695.
In A | select collection | of | scarce and valuable | tracts on money, | from the originals of | Vaughan, Cotton, Petty, Lowndes, Newton, | Prior, Harris, and others. | With a preface, notes, and index. | [Quotation, 4 lines]
London: | printed for the | Political Economy Club. | MDCCCLVI . 8°.–Pp. 157–167.
One hundred and twenty-five copies printed by the Political Economy Club of London for distribution among its members and their immediate friends. The tracts contained in the volume were taken from originals supplied by J. R. McCulloch, who also contributed the preface and notes.
[11.] The | fourth part | of the | Preszent State | of | England. | Relating | To its Trade and Commerce within it self, and | with all Countries traded to by the English, as | it is found at this Day Established, giving a most | exact account of the Laws and Customs of Merchants relating to Bills of Exchange, policies of | Ensurance, Fraights, Bottomery, Wreck, Averidge, Contributions, Customs, Coyns, Weights, | Measures, and all other matters relating to Inland | and Marine affairs. | To which is likewise added Englands Guide to Industry, or Improvement of Trade, for the good | of all People in General. | Written by a Person of Quality [i.e. Sir William Petty].
London, Printed by R. Holt for William Whitwood, near the George Inn in Little Britain, 1683.
Title, 1 l., To the Reader, signed: J. S., 1 l., contents, 4 ll., pp. 1–362, followed by:
England's | guide | to | industry: | or, | Improvement of Trade, | for the good of all People ‖ in general. | London, | Printed by R. Holt for T. Passinger at | the three Bibles on London-Bridge, and | B. Took at the Ship in St Pauls-Church-Yard. ‖ 1683.
Title, 1 l., preface, 5 ll., pp. 1–102, 12°. — Page 1 of England's Guide has this caption: “A Discourse of Trade. Being a Comparison between England and other parts of Europe, wherein the Incouragement of Industry is promoted in these Islands of Great Britain and Ireland.” England's Guide to Industry is a surreptitious issue of Petty's Political Arithmetick. Cf. p. 238 and pp. 122–123 of this book. In fact the whole Fourth Part of the Present State of England is fraudulent, cf. Wood, Athenœ Oxan., ed. Bliss, IV. 793.
[12 a.] Observations | upon the | Dublin-Bills | of | mortality, | MDCLXXXI. | and the | State of that city. | By the Observator on the London | Bills of mortality. | [Ornament.]
London: | Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of | the Black Raven, over against Bedford-house ‖ in the Strand. 1683.
Title, 1 l., pp. 1–8, postscript to the stationer, 2 ll., and 3 folding tables not included in the pagination, 8°.
[12b–h.] See 20 a, 26 a–e and 27.
[13 a.] Another | essay | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the Growth of the | city of London: | with the | Measures, Periods, Causes, | and Consequences thereof ‖ 1682. | By Sir William Petty, Fellow of the | Royal Society.
London: Printed by H. H. for Mark Pardoe, at the Black | Raven, over against Bedford-House, in the Strand. 1683.
Pp. 1–47, 8°. On p. 47, after “finis,” is this advertisement: “Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality M.Dc.IXXXI. And the state of that City. By the Observator on the London Bills of Mortality. In Octavo.” See p. xlii of the Introduction.
[13 b.] Same, in A | collection of the | yearly bills | of | mortality, | From 1657 to 1758 inclusive. | Together with several other Bills of an earlier Date | To which are subjoined | I. Natural and Political Observations on the bills of mortality: by Capt. | John Graunt, F.R.S. reprinted from the sixth [sic] edition, 1676. | II. Another essay in political arithmetic, concerning the growth of the | city of London; with the measures, periods, causes, and consequences | thereof. By Sir William Petty, Kt. F.R.S reprinted from the edition ‖ printed at London in 1683. | III. Observations on the past growth and present state of the city of London, ‖ reprinted from the edition printed at London in 1751; with | a continuation of the tables to the end of the year 1757. By Corbyn | Morris, Esq, F.R.S. | IV. A comparative view of the diseases and ages, and a table of the probabilities ‖ of life, for the last thirty years. By J[ames] P[ostlethwayt] Esq; F.R.S.
London: | Printed for A. Millar in the Strand. | MDCCLIX . 4°.–Pp. 63–76.
Dr Thomas Birch is commonly regarded as the editor of this Collection. Cf. Ogle's Inquiry into the Trustworthiness of the Old Bills of Mortality, in Jour. of the Stat. Soc., IV. 442; Dict. of Natl. Btogr., s v. Birch. But James Milne, writing about 1824, says, upon the authority of Dr William Heberden, the younger (1767–1845), that “the bills were collected into a volume by his father, the late D1 Heberden [1710–1801]. He procured likewise observations from several of his friends, rectors of some large parishes, or others likely to give him information; particularly from Bishop Mess, Bishop Squire, and Dr Birch. These, together with some of his own results, were thrown into the form of a preface; and the whole was committed to the care of Dr Birch. To make the calculations which appear at the end of the book, Dr Heberden employed James Postlethwayt, Esq., a very distinguished arithmetician.” Suppl. to the 4th, 5th, and 6th Editions of the Encyclopœdia Britannica, 11. 306.
[13 c–i.] See 17 a, 26 a–e, 27.
[14.] Experiments to be made relating to Land-Carriage, proposed by the learned Sr. William Petty Kt. In Philosophical Transactions, Vol. XIV., no. 161, pp. 666–667, 20 July, 1684.
[15 a.] Some Queries whereby to Examine Mineral Waters by the Learned Sir William Petty Knight. In Philosophical Transactions. Vol. XIV., no. 166, pp. 802–803, 20 December, 1684.
[15 b.] 32: Quaeres for the Tryal of Mineral Waters; by the Honourable Sir William Petty, Knight. In The Natural History of Wiltshire by John Aubrey, R.S.S. edited by John Britton.
Published by the Wiltshire Topographical Society. London. MDCCCXLVII . 4°.–pp. 26.
[16.] A Miscellaneous Catalogue of Mean, vulgar, cheap and simple Experiments. Drawn up by Sr. William Petty, President of the Dublin Society, and by Him presented to that Society. In Philosophical Transactions. Vol. xv., no 167, pp. 849–853, 28 January, 1685.
Birch says that at the meeting of the Royal Society held 10 Dec., 1684, “upon mentioning sixty-three miscellaneous experiments proposed by Sir William Petty as desiderata, a paper containing them, which had latterly been printed at Dublin, was read, and being very well approved of, was ordered to be reprinted here.” Hist. of the Roy. Soc., IV. 346. I have not found a copy of the Dublin issue.
[17 a.] An | essay | Concerning the | Multiplication of Mankind: | Together with another | essay | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the Growth of the | City of London: | with the | Measures, Periods, Causes, and Consequences ‖ thereof. 1682. | The Second Edition Revised and Enlarged. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | Licensed, Rob. Midgeley. | Jan. 9. 1686.
London: Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Black Raven | over against Bedford-house in the Strand. 1686.
Title, 1 l., pp. 1–50, 8°.— On p. 50, after “finis,” is this advertisement: “Observations on the Doublin Bills of Mortality MDCLXXXI., and the State of that City, by Sir William Petty, Fellow of the Royal Society. Sold by Mark Pardoe at the Black Raven in the Strand.” See pp. xlii, liii of the Introduction.
[17 b–g.] See 26 a–e, 27.
[18 a.] Deux essays | d'arithmetique politique, | touchant | les villes | de | Londres | et | Paris. | Dediés au roy, | Par le Chevalier Petty, de la Société Royale.
A Londres, | Chés B.G., et se vendent par Francois Vaillant, | Marchand Libraire demeurand dans le Strand, vis | à vis l'Église Francoise de la Savoye. 1686.
Title, I l., dedication, I l., pp. 1–6, 4°. — This version of the Two Essays, said to be a translation from the English edition licensed 26 August, 1686 (cf. p. 502), appears to have been published before the English orginal.
[18 b.] Two | essays | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the | People, Housing, Hospitals, &c | of | London and Paris. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | –Qui sciret Regibus uti | Fastidiret olus–
London, | Printed for J. Lloyd in the Middle Exchange | next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687.
I l., recto blank, verso imprimatur, title, I l., epistle dedicatory, I l., pp. 1–21, memorandum, I l., 8°.
[18 c–h.] See 26 a–e and 27. In the Philosophical Transactions for the Years 1686 and 1687, Vol. XVI. no. 183, p. 152, July, August and September, 1686, there is An Extract of two Essays in Political Arithmetick concerning the comparative Magnitudes, &c. of London and Paris by Sr William Petty, Knight, R.R.S. This is printed on p. 513.
[19.] A further Assertion of the Propositions concerning the | Magnitude, &c. of London, contained in two Essays | in Political Arithmetick; mentioned in Philos. Transact ‖ Numb. 183; together with a Vindication of the | said Essays from the Objections of some Learned Persons | of the French Nation, by Sr. W. Petty Knt. R.S.S.
Caption as above, followed by text, pp. 1–4, 4°. — Reprinted from Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, Vol. XVI. no. 185, pp. 237–240, Nov. & Dec., 1686. The reprint is repaged, but without title-page, & retains the original signatures, Gg and Gg 2.
[20 a.] Further | observation | upon the | Dublin-Bills: | or, | accompts | of the | Houses, Hearths, Baptisms, | And Burials in that | city. The Second Edition, Corrected and Enlarg'd. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society.
Lonon [sic]: | Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of | the Black Raven, over-against Bed-ford-House ‖ in the Strand. 1686.
Title, verso, the stationer to the reader, I l., pp. 1–6, followed by Observations upon the Dublin-Bills of Mortality, 1681, as described above, no. 12 a, 8°.
[20b–g.] See 26 a–e and 27.
[21 a.] Observations | upon the | cities | of | London | and Rome. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society.
London, | Printed for Henry Mortlocke, at the Phœnix, in | St. Paul's Church-Yard, and J. Lloyd, in the middle | Exchange next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687.
I l., recto blank, verso imprimatur, title, I l., pp. 1–4, 8°.
[21 b–g.] See 26 a–e and 27.
[22 a.] Cinq essays | sur | L'Arithmetique Politique. | I. On Répond aux Objections tireés de | la Ville de Rey en Perse, & a celles de | Mr. Auzout contre les deux premiers Essays, ‖ & l'on fait voir qu'il y a autant de | monde a Londres qu'a Paris, Rome & | Rouen pris ensemble. | II. Comparaison entre Londres & Paris en | 14 choses particuliers. | III. Preuves qu'il demeure dans les 134 paroisses ‖ de Londres marquées dans les billets de mortalité, environ 696 mille personnes. | IV. Combien l'on estime qu'il y a de monde | a Londres, Paris, Amsterdam, Venise, | Rome, Dublin, Bristol, & Rouen avec | plusieurs remarques sur ce Sujet. | V. Touchant la Hollande & les autres VII | Provinces Unies. | Par le Chevalier Petty de la | Société Royale. | Invidiam Augendo ulciscar.
A Londre, | Impremie pour Henry Mortlock au Phœnix dore dans le Cimetier de St. Paul. 1687.
Five essays | in | Political Arithmetick, | viz. | I. Objections from the City of Rey in | Persia, and from Monsr Auzout, against | two former Essays, answered, and that | London hath as many people as Paris, | Rome and Rouen put together. | II. A Comparison between London and | Paris in 14 particulars. | III. Proofs that at London, within its 134 | Parishes, named in the Bills of Mortality, ‖ there live about 696 Thousand | People, | IV. An estimate of the People in London, | Paris, Amsterdam, Venice, Rome, Dublin, | Bristoll and Rouen, with several observations ‖ upon the same. | V. Concerning Holland and the rest of | the VII United Provinces. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | Invidiam augendo ulciscar.
London, | Printed for Henry Mortlock at the Phœnix in | St. Paul's Church-yard. 1687.
I l., recto blank, verso imprimatur in French, 18 February, , I l., recto imprimatur in English, same date, verso French title, I l., recto English title, verso Epistre dedicatoire au Roy, concluded on verso of next (fourth) leaf, on whose recto begins the Epistle Dedicatory, To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. This is continued on the recto of leaf five, on whose verso begins page one of the French text. Facing it, on the recto of leaf six, begins page one of the English text. Each text extends to its page 51, 8°.
[22 b–g.] See 26 a–e and 27.
[22 h.] Handgreiffiche | Demonstration, | Dass die | Stadt London in Engeland mitihren ‖ Vorstadten allein viel machtiger, grosser, | und Volckreicher sey, | Nicht nur als die | Stadte Parise und Rouan, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Oder als die | Stadte Parise und Rome, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Sondern auch als | Alle diese drey vornehme und grosse Stadte, | mit allen ihren Vorstadten zusammen, | So dass London die grosseste Stadt, und das mächtigste ‖ Emporium der gantzen Welt sey, | Aus des beruhmten Rittern und der Konigl. Englischen | Societat-Curiosorum Verwandten Sr. Wilhelm Petty, | und anderer Authoren Schrifften ausgezogen.
Dantzig, | Gedruckt durch David Frienrich Rheten. | Zufinden bey Martin Hallervordt in Konigsberg. | Im Jahr 1693.
Pp. 1–24, 4°. — Title in red and black. The first 15 pp. are a loose version of the 1st, 2nd, 4th and 5th of Petty's Five Essays, the remainder is from other sources. Professor John writes that the translator was Gottfried Schultz. Cf. p. 318 note.
[22 i.] Handgreiffliche Demonstration, | Dass die | Stadt London in Engeland mitihren Vorstadten allein viel machtiger, grosser, | und Volckreicher sey, | Nicht nur als die | Stadte Paris und Rouan, | mit | ihren beyderseits Vorstädten zusammen, | Oder als die | Stadte Parise und Rome, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Sondern auch als | Alle diese drey vornehme und grosse Stadte, mit allen ihren Vorstadten zusammen, | So dass | London die grossete Stadt, und das machtigste ‖ Emporium der gantzen Welt sey, | Aus des beruhmten Rittern und der Konigl. Englischen | Societat-Curiosum Verwandten Sr. William Petty, | und anderer Authoren Schrifften ausgezogen.
Dantzig: Zu finden bey Michael Werthen, Anno 1724.
Pp. 1–24, 4°. — A reissue of the 1693 edition, with a new title-page.
[23 a.] Political Arithmetick, | or | a discourse | Concerning, The Extent and Value of Lands, People, | Buildings; Husbandry, Manufacture [∗], | Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, | Soldiers; Publick Revenues, Interest, | Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks; | Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, | of Militia's, Harbours, Situation, Shipping, ‖ Power at Sea, &c. As the same | relates to every Country in general, but | more particularly to the Territories of | His Majesty of Great Britain, and his | Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and | France. | By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.
London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, | and Hen. Mortlock at the Phœnix in St. Paul's | Church-yard. 1690.
I l., verso imprimature 7 Nov. 1690, title, I l., dedication, 2 ll., preface, 5 ll., the principal conclusions, 2 ll., errata, I l., pp. 1–117, 8°.— ∗ Here a space. The letter “s” has apparently fallen out.
[23 b.] Political Arithmetick, | or | a discourse | Concerning, | The Extent and Value of Lands, People, | Buildings; Husbandry, Manufacture [∗], | Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, | Soldiers; Publick Revenues, Interest, | Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks, | Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, | of Militia's Harbours, Situation, Shipping, ‖ Power at Sea, &c. As the same | relates to every Country in general, but | more particularly to the Territories of | His Majesty of Great Britain, and his | Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and | France. | By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.
London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, | and Hen. Mortlock at the Phœnix in St. Paul's | Church-Yard. 1691.
I l., verso imprimatur 7 Nov. 1690, title, I l., dedication, 2 ll., preface, 5 ll., the principal conclusions, 2 ll., eriata, 1 l., pp. 1–117, 8°.— ∗ Here a space. The letter “s” has apparently fallen out.
[23 c.] Political | arithmetick; | or; a | discourse | concerning | The Extent and Value of | Lands, People, Buildings; | Husbandry, Manufacture, | Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, ‖ Seamen, Soldiers; | Publick ‖ Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, | Banks; Valuation of men, | Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's, Harbours, Situation, | shipping, Power at Sea, etc. | As the same relates to every | Country in general, but more | particularly to the territories | of his majesty of Great Britain, and his neighbours of | Holland, Zealand, and France. | By Sir William Petty, | late fellow of the royal society.
Glasgow, | printed and sold by Robert and Andrew foulis | MDCCLI .
Half-title, I l., pp.[I]–x, –97, 8°.— Appended, with separate title-page and pagination but continuous signatures, is Moyle's translation of Xenophon Upon the Revenues of Athens, which is also mentioned on the half-title.
[23 d.] Same, 1691 edition, in Scarce | Tracts | on | Trade and Commerce | serving as | a Supplement | to | Davenant's Works. | In Two Volumes. | Vol. II. | Published by Sir Charles Whitworth.
London: | Printed for Hooper and Davis, No 25, Ludgate-Hill, | and G. Robinson, Pater-Noster Row. | MDCCLXXVIII . 8°.
[23 e.] Same, 1690 edition, in An English Garner Ingatherings from our history and literature By Edward Arber, F.S.A. &c. [Quotations.] Volume VI.
E. Arber, 1 Montague Road, Birmingham, England 1 May, 1883. 4°.–Pp. 323–388.
[23 f–j.] See 26 a–d and 27.
[24 a.] The | Political Anatomy | of Ireland. | With | The Establishment for that Kingdom when the late Duke of Ormond | was Lord Lieutenant. Taken from the | Records. To which is added | Verbum Sapienti; or an Account of the | Wealth and Expences of England, and the Method | of raising Taxes in the most Equal manner. | Shewing also, That the Nation can bear the Charge | of Four Millions per Annum, when the occasions of | the Government require it. | By Sir William Petty, late Fellow | of the Royal Society, and Surveyor-General ‖ of the Kingdom of Ireland. |
London: | Printed for D. Brown, and W. Rogers, at the Bible | without Temple-Bar, and at the Sun over-against | St. Dunstans Church, Fleet-street. 1691.
Title, 1 l., epistle dedicatory 3 ll., preface 1 l., advertisements 1 l., contents, 2 ll., pp. 1–205, half-title of Verbum Sapienti, 1 l., pp. 1–24, 8°. — Signatures continuous throughout.
[24 b.] Sir William Petty's | Political Survey | of | Ireland, | with the | Establishment of that Kingdom, ‖ when the Late Duke of Ormond ‖ was Lord Lieutenant; | and also | An exact list of the present Peers, | Members of Parliament, and principal | Officers of State. | To which is added, | An Account of the Wealth and Expences ‖ of England, and the Method ‖ of raising Taxes in the most equal | manner. | Shewing likewise that England can bear | the Charge of Four Millions per Ann. when | the Occasions of the Government require it. | The Second Edition, carefully corrected, | with Additions. | By a Fellow of the Royal Society.
London: Printed for D. Browne, at the Black Swan, W. | Mears, at the Lamb; F. Clay, at the Bible and Star, | all without Temple-Bar; and J Hooke, at the Flower-de-Luce, against St. Dunstans-Church in Fleet-Street, 1719.
Title, 1 l., dedication, 2 ll., preface, 1 l., contents, 3 ll., errata, 1 l., pp. 1–223, followed by Verbum sapienti, pp. 1–26, signatures continuous, 8°.
[24 c.] Same, 1691 edition, in A | collection | of | Tracts and Treatises | illustrative of the | natural history, antiquities, | and the | Political and Social State | of Ireland, | At various periods prior to the present Century. | In two volumes. | Vol. II. | Treatises by Sir William Petty, Bishop Berkeley, Prior, | and Dobbs. | With an Index.
Dublin: | reprinted by | Alex. Thom & sons, Abbey-Street. | MDCCCLXI . 8°.–Pp. 1–144.
This Collection was compiled by Mr Thom. Cf. Webb, Irish Biography, 594.
[24 d.] See 27.
[25.] An | account | Of several | New Inventions and Improvements | Now necessary for England, | In a Discourse by way of letter | to the | Earl of Marlbourgh [sic], | Relating to | Building of our English Shipping, | Planting of Oaken Timber in the Forrests, | Apportioning of Publick Taxes, | The Conservacy of all our Royal Rivers, in | particular that of the Thames, | The Surveys of the Thames, &c. | Herewith is also published at large | The Proceedings relating to the Mill'd-Lead-sheathing, ‖ and the Excellency and | cheapness of Mill'd-Lead in preference to | Cast Sheet-Lead for all other purposes | whatsoever. | Also | A Treatise of naval philosophy, written ‖ by Sir Will. Petty. | The whole is submitted to the Consideration of our English | Patriots in Parliament Assembled.
London, Printed for James Astwood, and are to | be Sold by Ralph Simpson at the Harp in St. Pauls | Church-yard. MDCXCI .
1 l., recto blank, verso imprimatur 6 March, 1690, title, 1 l., table 6 ll., pp. 1–cxxv. followed by:
The New Invention of mill'd lead for Sheathing of Ships against the Worm… London, Printed in the year 1691.
Title, 1 l., table, 8 ll., pp. 1–132, 2 folded sheets, 12°. The signatures are continuous from p. 1 through the unnumbered ll. following the second title-page, likewise from the second p. 1 to the end. Contains, beginning at p. 117:
A | Treatise | of | Naval Philosophy. | In three parts. | I. A Phisico-Mathematical Discourse ‖ of Ships and Sailing. | II. Of Naval Policy. | III. Of Naval Oeconomy or | Husbandry.
[26 a.] Several | essays | in | Political | Arithmetick: | The Titles of which follow in the | Ensuing Pages. | By | Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.
London: | Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, and Henry Mortlock at the Phœnix in St. Paul's | Church-Yard. 1699.
1 l., recto blank, verso license to print the Political Arithmetick, dated 7 November, 1690, title, 1 l., contents, 1 l., pp. 1–276, 8°.–Contains an Essay concerning the Multiplication of Mankind, Further Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality, Two Essays in Political Arithmetick, Observations upon the Cities of London and Rome, Five Essays in Political Arithmetick, and the Political Arithmetick of 1690. Each of these has a separate title page. The first two are dated 1698, the others, 1699. The Five Essays are printed in French and in English on opposite pages.
[26 b.] Essays | in | Political Arithmetick; | or, a | discourse | Concerning | The Extent and Value of Lands, People, Buildings; | Husbandry, Manufacture, Commerce, ‖ Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers; | Publick Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, ‖ Registries, Banks; Valuation of | Men, Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's, | Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at | Sea, &c. As the same relates to every | Country in general, but more particularly | to the Territories of Her Majesty of Great | Britain, and her Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, | and France. | By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.
London, | Printed for Henry and George Mortlock, at the Phœnix | in St. Paul's Church Yard. 1711.
Title, 1 l., pp. 1–276, 8°. — The sheets of the 1699 edition reissued with a new title-page.
[26 c.] Another edition. Edinburgh, 1751.–This I have not seen.
[26 d.] Several | essays | in | Political Arithmetick. | By | Sir William Petty, Knt. | and | Fellow of the Royal Society. | The fourth edition, Corrected. | To which are prefix'd, memoirs | of the | author's life.
London: | Printed for D. Browne, without Temple-Bar; J. Shuckburgh, ‖ at the Sun, and J. Whiston and B. White, | at Boyle's Head in Fleet-Street. | M. DCC. LV .
Pp. I–IV. I–VI. 1–184, advertisements, 1 l., 8°. — Contents the same as the 1699 edition save for the omission of the French version of the Five Essays and the insertion of the “memoirs of the author's life.”
[26 e.] Cassell's national library. | Essays | on | Mankind and Political | Arithmetic. | By | Sir William Petty. | [Woodcut.]
Cassell & Company, Limited, 104 & 106 Fourth Avenue, New York. [1888.]
Pp. –192.—Forms Vol. III. no. 145 of Cassell's National Library. Edited with an introduction by H[enry] M[orley]. Reprinted from the 1699 edition of the Several Essays, with the omission of the Political Arithmetick, for which is substituted (pp. 133–192) an account “Of the people of England. Founded upon the calculations of Gregory King, Lancaster Herald, and forming part of ‘An essay [by Charles Davenant] upon the probable methods of making a people gainers in the balance of trade,’ published in 1699.” There is also an issue with the imprint London, Paris, New York and Melbourne.
[27.] Tracts; | chiefly relating to | Ireland. | Containing: | I. A Treatise of taxes and contributions. ‖ | II. Essays in political arithmetic. | III. The political anatomy of Ireland. | By the late Sir William Petty. | To which is prefixed | his last will. | [Ornament.]
Dublin: | Printed by Boulter Grierson, Printer to the | King's Most Excellent Majesty. | MDCCLXIX .
Pp. I–XXIV. 1–488, 8°. – The Treatise of Taxes is reprinted from the edition of 1679 (6 c), the Essays from that of 1699 (26 a), the Political Anatomy from that of 1719 (24 b).
[28.] Of making cloth with sheeps wool. In History of the Royal Society… By Thomas Birch… Vol. 1.
London: Printed for A. Millar in the Strand. MDCCLVI . 4°.–Pp. 55–65.
[29.] The Elements of Ireland, and of its Religion and Policy, by Sir William Petty, Fellow of ye Royal Society, 1687. (Printed in part in W. H. Hardinge's paper On an Unpublished Essay on Ireland, by Sir William Petty, 1687, in The Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. Volume XXIV. Antiquities.
Dublin: Published by the Academy. 1873. 4°–Pp. 371–377.)
[30.] What a Compleat Treatise of Navigation should contain. Drawn up in the Year 1685, by Sir William Petty, late Fellow of the Royal Society. In Philosophical Transactions, Vol. XVI. no. 198, pp. 657–658, March, 1693.
[31.] History | of the | Cromwellian survey of Ireland, | a.d. 1655–6, | commonly called “The Down Survey.” | Edited, | from manuscripts in the libraries of Trinity College, Dublin, the King's Inns, Dublin, | and the Marquis of Lansdowne, | by | Thomas Aiskew Larcom, | F.R.S., M.R.I.A., Etc., | Major, Royal Engineers. | [Woodcut.]
Dublin: | for the Irish Archæological Society. | MDCCCLI .
Title, I l., list of officers, I l., pp. i–xxiii. 1–426, 4°.
[32.] Observations upon the trade in Irish cattle.
Without place or date. Broadsheet–Description taken from no. 5597 of a Catalogue of the most extensive, valuable and truly interesting collection of curious books now on sale in this or any other country. Offered by Thomas Thorpe, 178, Piccadilly, London , 8°. Cf. note on p. 161.
[33.] A Geographicall Description of ye Kingdom of Ireland. | Collected from ye actual Survey made by Sr. William Petty | Corrected & amended, by the advice, & assistance, of severall Able | Artists, late Inhabitants of that Kingdom. | Containing one General Mapp, of ye whole Kingdom, with | four Provincial Mapps, & 32. County Mapps, divided into | Baronies, where in are discribed ye Cheife Cities, Townes, Rivers, | Harbours and Head-lands, &ca. | To which is added a Mapp of Great Brittaine and Ireland, | together with an Index of the whole. | Being very usefull for all Gentlemen, and | Military Officers, as well for Sea, as for Land Service.
Engraven & Published for ye benefit of ye Publique, by Fra: Lamb. | and are to be Sold at his House in Newgate streete, next door but one | to ye White Swan, toward ye Gate. By Rob: Morden at ye Atlas in Cornhill. | Will: Berry at the Globe at Charing Cross And by | John Seller Ju: at ye West end of St Pauls London. [No date.]
Engraved title with engraved border on double page, index I l., 38 doublepage maps, about 6 x 4½ inches. Also issued on large paper with coloured maps and the imprint: By John Seller Sold | at His Shop at the Hermitage in | Wapping.
[34.] Hiberniae | Delineatio quoàd hactenus | licuit, Perfectissima | Studio Guilielmi Petty Eqtis: Aurati. | Continens tabulas sequentes vulgò dictas | A Generall Map of Ireland I | The Province of Leinster 2 | The Province of Munster 3 | The Province of Ulster 4 | The Province of Connaught 5 ‖ In Leinster Louth and Dublin 6 | East Meath 7 | West Meath 8 | Longford 9 | Kings County 10 | Queen's County 11 | Catherlogh 12 | Kildare 13 | Kilkenny | 14 Wicklow 15 | Wexford 16 ‖ In Munster | Clare 17 | Tipperary 18 | Lymrick 19 | Waterford 20 | Corke 21 | Kerry 22 ‖ In Ulster | Dunnagall 23 | Londonderry 24 | Tyrone 25 | Antrim 26 | Downe 27 | Ardmagh 28 | Monaghon 29 | Fermanagh 30 | Cavan 31 ‖ In Connaught | Letrun 32 | Mayo 33 | Slego 34 | Roscommon 35 | Gallway 36.
No place or date, folio. Most copies have prefixed a portrait of “Sr William Petty, 1683,” Edwyn Sandys sculp. The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Maps assigns this atlas to 1685. But the general map of Ireland (Sutton Nicholls sculp), which bears the title “An Epitome of Sr William Petty's Large Survey of Ireland. By Phillip Lea. At the Atlas and Hercules in Cheapside near Fryday Street London And in Westminster Hall near ye Court of Common Plea's,” contains an engraved advertisement of “The History of Ireland From the Conquest thereof by the English to this Time By Richard Cox Esqr. Printed For Joseph Watts at ye Angell in St Pauls Church Yard.” The first volume of Cox's ‘ History of Ireland was not published until 1689. Of the six copies of Hiberniœ Delineatio which I have seen, five lack the general map. Sometime between 1719 and 1751 George Grierson reissued this atlas with a dedication to Henry, Lord Shelburne. The different county maps from this atlas also occur separately.
SUPPLEMENT TO THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PETTY'S WORKS.
The “Collection of Sir William Petty's Works since the year 1636, found at Wycombe, in his own handwriting,” is here reprinted from Fitzmaurice's “Life of Petty” as a supplement to the bibliography of his printed works. To the items which are now known to exist in print, their numbers in the Bibliography have been added.
This list does not mention all the works which Petty wrote before 1682, and on the other hand it mentions some (e.g. in 1655, 1667) which were not written works at all. Two entries appear of what might be economic pamphlets. Of one, the “Discourse about Registry,” 1661, I have found no trace. The other, the “Discourse against transplanting into Connaught,” is described by Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice as a pamphlet entitled “A Discourse against the Transplantation into Connaught,” of which two editions are said to have been published at London, both anonymously, one in January and one in March, 1665.–Life of Petty, 32. A more exact title seems to be:
The great | case | of transplantation | in | Ireland | discussed: | or, | Certain Considerations, wherein the | many great inconveniencies in the transplanting ‖ the Natives of Ireland generally out of the three | Provinces of Leinster, Ulster, and Munster, into | the Province of Connaught, are shewn. | Humbly tendered to every individual Member | of Parliament, by a Well-wisher to the good of the Common-wealth of England. | [Ornament.]
London, Printed for John Cook, and are to be sold at | his shop at the sign of the Ship in St. Paul's | Churchyard. 1665.
Title, 1 l., pp. 1–32, 4°. There is also another edition having a title-page like the above in wording and disposition, but from different type, and this imprint: London, Printed for I. C., 1655.
In criticism of this pamphlet was published:
The interest of England in the Irish Transplantation, stated: Wherein is held forth to all concerned in Ireland's good settlement the benefits the Irish Transplantation will bring to each of them in particular, and to the Commonwealth in general, being chiefly intended as an Answer to a scandalous, seditious Pamphlet, entitled [The great Case of Transplantation in Ireland discussed]. Composed and published at the request of several persons in eminent place in Ireland, to the end all who desire it, might have a true Account of the Proceedings that have been there in the business of Transplantation, both as to the rise, progress, and end thereof. By a faithfull Servant of the Common-wealth, Richard Laurence.
London, Printed by Henry Hills, and to be sold at the Sign of Sir John Oldcastle near Py-Corner, MCDLV .
Title, 1 l., pp. 1–29, 4°.
A reply soon appeared under the title:
The | author | and | Case of Transplanting | the | Irish into Connaught | vindicated, | from the unjust Aspersions of Col. Richard Laurence. | By Vincent Gookin Esquire. | [Ornament.]
London, Printed by A. M. for Simon Miller at the Signe of | the Starre in St. Pauls Church-yard. [May 12.] 1655.
Title, 1 l., epistle dedicatory, 1 l., pp. 1–59, 4°. — All three pamphlets are in the Halliday Collection in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, in the Library of King's Inns, Dublin, and in the British Museum. An account of The Great Case may be found in Prendergast's Ciomwellian Settlement, pp. 54–64.
Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice's reason for regarding Petty as one of the authors of the first pamphlet is that “the published book bears the marks of joint authorship, the opening sentences–an elaborate medical comparison between the State and the human body–being altogether in Petty's style as well as the later portions, where the arguments are of exactly the same character as those in the Political Anatomy of Ireland, ch. IV.” These similarities do indeed strengthen the presumption of Petty's collaboration in “The Great Case” which may well arise from his mention of “A Discourse against the Transplanting into Ireland.” But they do not seem to me conclusive, and there are direct arguments against Petty's authorship. So far as the probabilities are concerned it may be noted that Gookin and Petty were personal friends and political allies1 , and as such would naturally take similar views of the Rebellion of 1641. This seems to me to account sufficiently for the parallelism between some passages of “The Great Case” and of the “Political Anatomy.” Nor does the use, of indefinite anatomical metaphors in a discussion of political facts, of necessity imply that the author of the “Case,” had had a medical education. The two most famous among modern biological sociologists were educated, one as a civil engineer, the other as a clergyman, but both make use of such figures of speech as Gookin employed, and the putative author of the twelfth chapter of First Corinthians was by trade a tent maker. On the other hand Gookin, upon the first page of his vindication, distinctly claims the sole authorship of “The Great Case.” He says: “Whilst anything of Reputation might have been the effect of writing the Case of Transplantation, I was content to take the labour to myself and leave the good to others: This was the reason of silencing my name at first. But now what I intended for good is come to be thought so ill, I must leave that resolution and assert my own act.… But though I did not think then fit to put my name in Print, yet did not that Trifle steal out in so clandestine a way as that the Parent was hid from all, but being laid at my door, I owned it.” Accordingly I regard Gookin as the author of “The Great Case of Transplantation,” and have not included it among Petty's Economic Works.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NATURAL AND POLITICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By John Graunt, | Citizen of London. | With reference to the Government, Religion, Trade, | Growth, Ayre, Diseases, | and the several Changes of the | said City. | –Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Lectoribus.–
London, Printed by Tho: Roycroft, for John Martin, James Allestry, | and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's | Church-yard, MDCLXII .
Title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–79, 82–85 and 2 folding tables not included in the pagination, 4°. — The verso of p. 79 is misnumbered 82.
Natural and Political observations, Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By John Graunt, | Citizen of London. | With references to the Government, Religion, Trade, | Growth, Ayr, Diseases, and the several Changes of the | said City. | –Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Second Edition.
London, | Printed by Tho: Roycroft, For John Martin, James Allestry, | and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's | Church-yard, MDCLXII .
Title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–79, and 2 folding tables not included in the pagination, 4°.
Natural and Political observations Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the Bills of Mortality. | By | Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Religion, | Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said City. | – Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Third Edition, | much Enlarged.
London, | Printed by John Martyn, and James Allestry, | Printers to the Royal Society, and are to be sold at the | sign of the Bell in St. Pauls Church-yard. | MDCLXV .
1 l., recto blank, verso order of the Council of the Royal Society to print, title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 7 ll., index 6 ll., 1 blank l., pp. 1–205, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 4°.
Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By | Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Religion, | Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said City. |– Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Fourth Impression.
Oxford, | Printed by William Hall, for John Martyn, | and James Allestry, Printers to the | Royal Society, MDCLXV .
1 l., recto blank, verso order of Royal Society to print, title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 7 ll., index 6 ll., 1 blank l., pp. 1–205, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 8°.
Natural and Political | observations Mentioned in a following index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Religion, | Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said city. |–Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Fifth Edition, much Enlarged.
London, | Printed by John Martyn, Printer to the | Royal Society, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's | Church-yard. MDCLXXVI .
1 l., recto blank, verso, order of Royal Society to print, title 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 9 ll., index, 6 ll., preface 3 ll., pp. 1–150, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 8°. —According to Dr Campbell and James Milne this edition was prepared by Petty.
The Natural and political observations were also reprinted by Dr W. Heberden in his Collection of the yearly bills of mortality, 1759. See no. 13 b of the bibliography of Petty.
Natürliche und politische | Anmerckungen | über die | Todten-Zettul | der stadt London [sic], furnemlich ihre regierung, religion, gewerbe, vermehrung, | lufft, kranckheiten, und besondere veranderungen | betreffend. | Anfangs | in Englischer sprache abgefasset, | und offtermals durch den druck herausgegeben | vom | Capitain Johannes Graunt, | Mitgleid der Konigl. Societ. | nun | aber | um des grossen nutzens willen, der dem gemeinen | wesen Teutschlands insgemein, und iedes orts | insonderheit aus solchen todten-registern zuwachsen | kan, | ins Deutsche ubersetzet. | [Woodcut.]
Leipzig, bey Thomas Fritschen, 1702.
Title, 1 l., Vorrede des Ubersetzers (sic), 2 ll., Zuschriften Graunts, 4 ll., Vorrede des Autoris, 1 l., Register, 4 ll., pp. 1–112, 1 folded table, 12°. — The translator was Dr Gottfried Schultz of Breslau. See p. 318 note.
Note: Graunt did not write the “Reflections On the weekly Bills of Mortality For the Cities of London and Westminster and the places adjacent: But more especially so far as they relate to the plague… London: Printed for Samuel Speed, at the Rainbow in Fleet street. 1665.” This pamphlet was issued in two editions, both in quarto. All that is of value in either of them was filched from Graunt, but their compiler appears to have drawn liberally from his own imagination also. They were promptly denounced as spurious by John Bell, clerk to the Company of Parish Clerks, in his “London's Remembrancer” issued in the same year. Cf. pp. xliii, 426.
LIST OF BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS USED.SeeSeeetc.InInInSeeSeeSeerdSeeSeeSeeInpassim.Seeeditor.InInInInInInInSeeSeeInInInInSeeInSeeSeeInInSeeInIn
Birch, I. 75.
Diary, II. 209–210.
Birch, II. 57.
Diary, v. 24.
Dr John Campbell in the Biographia Britannica, IV: 2262–2263, note. Dr Campbell's account of the earlier editions, however, is sadly incorrect.
The translator was Dr Gottfried Schultz, born at Breslau 20 April, 1643, died there 14 May, 1698. Travel, says his eulogist, had made him master of many tongues, “non autem legisse tantum exterorum scripta ipsi sufficiebat, sed ut aliorum etiam usibus prostarent, multoties Interpretem accuratum egit. Cum vero modestia insignis, qua ubique usus, nomen praefigere versionibus typis divulgandis vetaret, tale saltem in praesenti versionis Specimen exhibeo, de quo (cum in ahis dubius hæram) certo constat, ejus solertiam illud parasse. Scilicet Joannis Grauntii, Membri Societatis Regiae Anglicanae, Observations Physicas et Politicas de Schedulis Mortalitatis Londinensibus Todten-Zettuln Germanico Idiomate donavit, in gratiam eorum, qui propter commodum publicum passim in Germanicam similem computum desiderarunt.”—Memoria excellentissimi apud Vratislavienses polyhistori medici domini D. Godofriedi Schulzn quam posteris commendal Samuel Grass, pp. 201–224 of the Appendix ad Ephemeridum academiae Caesareo-leopoldinae nat. curiosorum in Germania centurias III. & IV., Noribergae, 1715.
Thorpe, Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwellianœ, 405, Fitzmaurice, 252.
Doyle, Official Baronage, II. 93.
Massie, Observations relating to the Coin, 32.
Meitzen suggests that the editor was “John Williamson” (probably Sir Joseph is intended), but the suggestion seems to rest solely upon a misreading of Anthony à-Wood. Geschichte der Statistik, 15. Thorpe's Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwellianæ, lot 710, describes a draft of a letter, dated 26 Dec., 1698, from Sir Robert Southwell to Petty's son Henry, afterwards Baron Shelburne, “relative to Sir William Petty's papers, some of which were then reprinting.”
Fitzmaurice, 289 seq.
See p. 466 and note, also p. 468.
Cf. pp. 438, 480.
See Bibliography 13, 17.
Gilbert, Calendar, IV. 154.
Letter, to Brouncker, 4 February, 1663, printed in note 2, p. 398.
June 1682, Fitzmaurice, 250.
Thorpe, Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwellianæ, 405.
Bibliography, 18. The French Version declares itself to be “Traduit de l'Original Anglois.”
Birch, IV. 513.
Vol. XVI. no. 185, pp. 237–240.
Birch, IV. 517.
Royal Society's Letter Book J1, letter 110.
Fitzmaurice, 275–284, Clarendon to Rochester, 17 Nov., 1686, Correspondence, 11. 67.
See p. 588.
Sunday 4 [Sept.] this Evening.
I am just now sent to from Bath where The King will be on Tuesday for y° papers in your hands. I blush to presse you for your perusall of them, & to make your Remarques with that frendly Severity you promised. As for y° Truth in Matter of fact & y° justnesse of my Inferences I am content to venture them at y° perill of my Veracity & Reputation. But Whether The King will be pleased to have those Matters to be discussed & published, is beyond my Reach, Those onely can advise me who converse much with him: I am sure I meene well, but that may not be enough for
Your affette and humble servtWm. Petty. Autograph letter, endorsed, “Septr 4th, 1687. Sr Wm Petty to Mr Pepys. Upon his Political Papers & Calculations relateing to Ireland, & ye Improvement thereof.” Rawlinson MS. A. 189, f. 17, Bodleian Library. Piccadilly 8° Septemb. 87.
In my owne Judgement & Conscience, there is Nothing in our Treatise, Not true, not necessary to be considered, & not fitt for ye Kings knowledge, &c. I therefore thanke God, That His Maty appointed you to examine these my Opinions. In which take any Assistance you please whom The King will agre to. 2. The Matters pretend good to all ye Kings Subjects & ye Meanes propounded are of an high Extraordinary Nature, & therefore should be exposed to public View; but for this I am not peremptory for ye whole. 1. If you cannot understand them alone, They are not fit for ye public but must be made plainer: Neverthelesse, I will attend yor Summons to facilitate this Worke, by saving you ye labor, of turning back to things already provd. I can say no more, but that I am
Yor most affectionat humble ServantWm Petty. I have not broke yor seale.
Autograph letter, endorsed, “Septr 8th 1687. Sr Wm Petty to Mr Pepys. Accompanying a 2d time his political Papers abt Ireland for a review.” Rawlinson MS. A 189, f. 19, Bodleian Library.
Brit. Mus. Addl. MS. 21,128.
P. 236, cf. p. 123.
Trans. R. I. A., Vol. xxiv, Antiquities, p. 371–377.
MS. ‘and,’ altered by Petty.
‘whole’ inserted by Petty.
‘how many Catholiques’ inserted by Petty.
‘Irish’ inserted by Petty.
Clarendon had been appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in September, 1685. Tyrconnel became Commander-in-Chief and virtual viceroy in June 1686, and returned to the Island as Lord Deputy to succeed Clarendon in February 1687. His extreme catholic policy in both positions alarmed the Protestants in Ireland and large numbers of them returned to England with Clarendon. Clarendon, Correspondence, II. 138, et passim, Fitzmaurice, 271–273.
Ezekiel, xxxvii. 22.
Confirms Bonrepaus's letter of 4 Sept., 1687, to Seignelay, concerning the trustworthiness of which Lingard professed some doubt. Hist. of England, 5th ed., x. 243, 414; cf. Mazure, Hist. de la Révolution de 1688, II. 287.
Cf. note on p. 578.
See p. 556.
The Court of Claims and Qualifications of the Irish, called from the place of its sessions, the Athlone Commissioners, was appointed 28 December, 1654, to determine the guilt of each Irish proprietor and to ascertain the extent and value of lands which he had lately held on the English side of the Shannon. The Loughrea Commissioners thereupon set out lands, to such of the Irish as were transplanted into Connaught, according to the findings of the Athlone Commissioners.
See Polit. Anat., p. 131, note 2.
Apparently should be ‘1683’
The figures for 1683 and 1684 differ somewhat from those given in Clarendon, Correspondence, 1. 651–652.
A blank space in the MS.
No attempt has been made to correct the inaccurate footings of the MS.
Apparently should be ‘nett’.
End of the observations upon the tables.
Petty's six diminutions (p. 583) are:
may have been reached by taking the present value of the cattle (3 millions) instead of the diminution of their value.
As a result of Tyrconnel's reorganization. Clarendon, Correspondence, I. 500, 506, II. 30–31.
‘for drink’ inserted by Petty.
I.e. one tenth of the actual decline of £15000.
‘answers’ inserted by Petty in a blank left by the copyist.
Among the items at the De Clifford sale was a letter from Petty to Southwell (date not given) on the coals burnt in Dublin, together with two papers on the improvement of Ireland. Catalogue of MSS. the Property of Lord De Clifford, sold by Christie 11 February, 1834, lot 299. These papers are said to have been bought for the British Museum but could not be found there in September 1895.
The Irish courts as reconstituted by Tyrconnel, ejected a number of Protestants from lands that had been allotted them and gave the lands to Catholic claimants.
See p. 578, note.
See p. 602.
In his speech to the Council when he was sworn into the office of Lord Lieutenant, 9 January, 1686, Clarendon had said, “I have the King's commands to declare upon all occasions that whatever imaginary (for they can be called no other) apprehensions any men may have, his Majesty hath no intention of altering the Acts of Settlement.” Clarendon, Correspondence, II. 475. Those who were frightened, however, were not frightened altogether without reason, for in the next month after Petty tried to submit the Treatise to the King, Sunderland told Barillon that James intended’ to reverse the Act of Settlement. Dalrymple, Memoirs, II. 262.
May be ‘3835,’ the MS. is blotted.
MS., ‘Equivalent,’ altered by Petty to ‘proceed.’
‘Ox’ inserted by Petty in blank left by copyist.
Apparently should be ‘hundred weight.’
MS., ‘Capers,’ altered by Petty to ‘Coopers.’
‘Copper’ inserted by Petty.
‘& brought into Ireland’ added by Petty.
‘120,000l. Customes’ inserted by Petty.
Opposite this line a ‘q’ in the margin of the MS.
No ‘q’ in the margin at this point.
Proof of this assertion does not occur in Petty's printed works.
Perhaps the Political Arithmetick.
i.e. in 100.
‘4’ inserted by Petty.
MS., ‘500000’ altered to ‘50000.’ Nevertheless 500000 is the figure consistent with Petty's calculation, cf. pp. 610–611.
MS., ‘4000,’ altered to ‘400.’
MS., ‘Fame,’ altered to ‘Famin.’
MS., ‘17000.’ Petty wrote the ‘37000’ in the margin.
MS., ‘11000,’ altered to ‘11500.’
MS. in each case has a superfluous o erased by Petty.
MS., ‘Innocents,’ altered by Petty.
MS., ‘these,’ altered by Petty.
A Narrative of the Earl of Clarendon's Sale and Settlement of Ireland was published at Lovam in 1668. The author appears to have been Nicholas French, titular Bishop of Ferns, though Carte attributes it to Peter Talbot. Life of Ormond, 11. 384. The pamphlet, which I have not seen, is said to attack Ormond and Clarendon with great bitterness, to asperse the entire English interest in Ireland, to praise the Irish extravagantly, and to suggest the repeal of the Act of Settlement. It appears from Petty that the pamphlet was reprinted in 1686, but Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, who attributes it to one Edward Fitzgerald, writes as if it were first published in that year. Life of Petty, 272. Petty was urged to reply to the Narrative, as being one especially acquainted with the settlement of Irish land-titles. He at first demurred, but finally wrote his Speculum Hibernia, dated 1686, and Another more true and exact Narrative of the Settlement and Sale of Ireland, dated 1687. The Dialogue, too, appears to be directed in part against the Narrative, and chiefly against its assertion that the Catholics in Ireland had lost and the English protestants had gained by the events between 1641 and 1665.
MS., ‘the,’ altered by Petty.
MS., ‘300000,’ altered by Petty.
MS., ‘Cheiffryes,’ altered by Petty.
‘Extream’ inserted by Petty.
MS., ‘of,’ altered by Petty.
MS., ‘same,’ altered by Petty to 's aid Survey.’
‘&’ inserted by Petty.
MS., ‘given,’ Petty obliterated the ‘n’ but did not change the ‘i’ to an ‘a.’
MS., ‘had,’ altered by Petty.
The fundamental idea of Petty's “Discourse of Duplicate Proportion” is that certain phenomena, capable of expression in terms of number, weight and measure, stand related to one another as the squares or cubes, or as the square or cube roots of their respective quantities. Petty illustrates his theory by a number of “instances,” drawn for the larger part from the physical sciences. Some of his instances are correct, some are fantastic. Only two of them, the eleventh and the sixteenth, are at all closely connected with the subject of his economic writings, and these instances are reprinted as apposite illustrations of an idea which was not without influence upon his work in political arithmetick. The eleventh instance is found at pages 82–88, the sixteenth at pages 106–109 of the “Discourse,” as printed in 1674. See Bibliography. Cf. also Birch, iii. 156, Fitzmaurice, 268. Bishop Barlow's Remains contain a sharp criticism of the “Discourse.”
Cf. Graunt's “Observations,” p. 387.
The “Dialogue of Diamonds” is found among the Philosophical Papers collected by Abraham Hill. Brit. Mus. Sloane MS. 2903, f. 44 seq. Dr Hill (1635–1721) was resident in Gresham College in 1660 and was one of the twenty-one persons, Petty being another, who were named members of the Council in the second charter of the Royal Society, 1663. Birch, 1. 223. The “Dialogue,” apparently in Hill's hand, is without title or caption, but it is ascribed by him to Petty and both its method of reasoning and its style of expression confirm the correctness of his ascription. I have followed the suggestion of Dr Bevan in calling the paper “The Dialogue of Diamonds” Bevan, Petty, p. 63.
The “Powers of the King of England” are printed from a MS volume bearing the title “Adversaria Literaria I. P,” Brit. Mus. Addl MSS. 27,989, f. 17–18. The volume contains a book-plate of Sir John Perceval, of county Cork, Ireland, dated 1702. Cf. Hamilton, Dated Book-plates, 28. Perceval was born in 1683. The death of his father, Sir John Perceval, a friend of Petty's (Fitzmaurice, 270), in 1686, left him an orphan and ward of Sir Robert Southwell. He was created Baron Perceval in 1715, and Earl of Egmont in the peerage of Ireland in 1733, and died in 1748. Perceval, who was in a position to procure copies of Petty's writings, was a diligent collector of MSS. Other volumes of “Adversaria” apparently compiled by him, are in existence, one of them containing a “character” of Petty. 7thRept. Hist. MSS. Com. pp. xiii. 232–249. The “Powers of the King” are in the same hand, probably Perceval's, as the remaining, very miscellaneous, contents of the British Museum's volume of the “Adversaria.” Another MS. of the “Powers of the King” is the property of the Marquis of Bath, at Longleat. 3rd Rept. Hist. MSS. Com. 199.
The 17th November, James had replied to the address of the Commons on the test. On the 19th there ensued the notable debate in the House of Lords in which not only Halifax, but Compton, Mordaunt, and Devonshire criticised the King's policy with vigour. The following day Parliament was prorogued. Under such circumstances it is not surprising that so active-minded a man as Petty should have set down his ideas as to the extent of the prerogative. His expectations of reform, based upon the exercise of the royal power, though mistaken, seem to have been sincere, and it is to them that we owe, in part at least, several of his later writings.
Unfinished in the MS.
A trial Bibliography of Sir William Petty, containing brief entries of nearly all the titles here printed, was contributed by me to Notes and Queries of 31 August and 14 September, 1895, 8th series, VIII. 163–165, 202–203.
Fitzmaurice, 31, 51, 77–81.