Front Page Titles (by Subject) CHAP. IV.: That the People and Territories of the King of England, are naturally near 1 as considerable for Wealth and Strength, as those of France. - The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, vol. 1
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CHAP. IV.: That the People and Territories of the King of England, are naturally near 1 as considerable for Wealth and Strength, as those of France. - Sir William Petty, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, vol. 1 
The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, together with The Observations upon Bills of Mortality, more probably by Captain John Graunt, ed. Charles Henry Hull (Cambridge University Press, 1899), 2 vols.
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That the People and Territories of the King of England, are naturally near1as considerable for Wealth and Strength, as those of France.
Of comparison between the Territories of England and France.THE Author of the State of England2 , among the many useful truths, and observations he hath set down; delivers the Proportion, between the Territories of England and France, to be as Thirty to Eighty two; the which if it be true, then England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands unto them belonging, will, taken all together, be near as big as France. Tho I ought to take all advantages for proving the Paradox in hand; yet I had rather grant that England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands before mentioned; together with the Planted parts of Newfoundland, New-England, New-Netherland, Virginia, Mary-Land, Carolina, Jamaica, Burmoudas, Barbadoes, and all ‖ the rest of the Carribby Islands, with what the King hath in Asia and Africa1 , do not contain so much2Territory as France, and what Planted Land the King of France hath also in America. And if any Man will be Heterodox in behalf of the French Interest; I would be contented against my knowledge and judgment, to allow the King of France's Territories, to be a seventh, sixth, or even a fifth greater, than those of the King of England; believing that both Princes have more Land, than they do employ to its utmost use.
And here I beg leave, (among the several matters which A Proposition for quitting Ireland & the Highlands of Scotland. I intend for serious,) to interpose a jocular, and perhaps ridiculous digression, and which I indeed desire Men to look upon, rather as a Dream or Resvery, than a rational Proposition; the which is, that if all the moveables and People of Ireland, and of the Highlands of Scotland, were transported into the rest of Great Brittain; that then the King and his Subjects, would thereby become more Rich and Strong, both offensively and defensively, than now they are. ‖
'Tis true, I have heard many Wise Men say, when they were bewailing the vast losses of the English, in preventing and suppressing Rebellions in Ireland, and considering how little profit hath returned, either to the King or Subjects of England, for their Five Hundred3 Years doing and suffering in that Country; I say, I have heard Wise Men (in such their Melancholies4 ) wish, that (the People of Ireland being saved) Island1 were sunk under Water: Now it troubles me, that the Distemper of my own mind in this point, carries me to dream, that the benefit of those wishes, may practically be obtained, without sinking that vast Mountainous Island under Water, which I take to be somewhat difficult; For although Dutch Engineers may drain its Bogs; yet I know no Artists that could sink its Mountains. If Ingenious and Learned Men (among whom I reckon Sir Tho. More, and Des Cartes2 ) have disputed, That we who think our selves awake, are or may be really in a Dream; and since the greatest absurdities of Dreams, are but a Preposterous and Tumultuary contexture of realities; I will crave the ‖ umbrage of these great Men last named, to say something for this wild conception, with submission to the better judgment of all those that can prove themselves awake.
If there were but one Man living in England, then the benefit of the whole Territory, could be but the livelyhood of that one Man: But if another Man were added, the rent or benefit of the same would be double, if two, triple; and so forward until so many Men were Planted in it, as the whole Territory could afford Food unto: For if a Man would know what any Land is worth, the true and natural Question must be, How many Men will it feed? How many Men are there to be fed? But to speak more practically, Land of the same quantity and quality in England, is generally worth four or five3 times as much as in Ireland; and but one quarter, or third of what it is worth in Holland; because England is four or five times4 better Peopled than Ireland, and but a quarter so well as Holland. And moreover, where the Rent of Land is advanced by reason of Multitude of People; there the number of Years purchase, for which ‖ the Inheritance may be sold, is also advanced, though perhaps not in the very same Proportion; for 20 s. per annum in Ireland, may be worth but 8 l. and in England where Titles are very sure, above 20 l. in Holland above 30 l.1
I suppose, that in Ireland and the High-Lands in Scotland, there may be about one Million and Eight hundred thousand People, or about a fifth part of what is in all the three Kingdoms: Wherefore the first Question will be, whether England, Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, cannot afford Food, (that is to say) Corn, Fish, Flesh, and Fowl, to a fifth part more People, than are at the present planted upon it, with the same Labour that the said fifth part do now take where they are? For if so, then what is propounded is naturally possible. 2. It is to be enquired, What the value of the immovables (which upon such removal must be left behind) are worth? For if they be worth less, than the advancement of the Price of Land in England will amount unto; then the Proposal is to be considered. 3. If the Relict Lands, and the immovables left behind upon them, may be ‖ sold for Money; or if no other Nation shall dare meddle with them, without paying well for them; and if the Nation who shall be admitted, shall be less able to prejudice and annoy the Transplantees into England then before; then I conceive that the whole proposal will be a pleasant and a profitable2 Dream indeed3 .
As to the first point, whether England and the Low-Lands That England and the Low-lands of Scotland will feed all the People of England, Scotland, & Ireland of Scotland, can maintain a fifth part more People than they now do (that is to say) Nine Millions of Souls in all? For answer thereunto, I first say, that the said Territories of England, and the Low-Land of Scotland, contain about Thirty Six Millions of Acres, that is four Acres for every Head, Man, Woman, and Child; but the United Provinces do not allow above one Acre and ½, and England it self rescinding Wales, hath but Three Acres to every Head, according to the present State of Tillage and Husbandry. Now if we consider that England having but three Acres to a Head as aforesaid, doth so abound in Victuals, as that it maketh Laws against the Importation of Cattle, ‖ Flesh, and Fish from abroad; and that the draining of Fens, improving of Forests, inclosing of Commons, Sowing of St. Foyne and Clovergrass, be grumbled against by Landlords1 , as the way to depress the price of Victuals; then it plainly follows, that less than three Acres improved as it may be, will serve the turn, and consequently that four will suffice abundantly. I could here set down the very number of Acres, that would bear Bread and Drink, Corn, together with Flesh, Butter, and Cheese, sufficient to victual Nine Millions of Persons, as they are Victualled in Ships, and regular Families; but shall only say in general; that Twelve Millions of Acres viz. ⅓ of 36 Millions, will do it, supposing that Roots, Fruits, Fowl, and Fish, and the ordinary profit of Lead, Tin, Iron-Mines, and Woods, would piece up any defect, that may be feared.
That the value of all the quitted Lands and immovable goods and charge of transplantation are not worth above 17 Millions. As to the second, I say, that the Land and Housing in Ireland, and the High-Lands of Scotland, at the present Market rates, are not worth Thirteen2 Millions of Money; nor would the actual charge of making the Transplantation proposed, amount to four2 Millions more: ‖ So then the Question will be, whether the benefit expected from this Transplantation, will exceed Seventeen Millions2?
To which I say, that the advantage will probably be near four3 times the last mentioned summ, or about Sixty nine Millions, Three Hundred thousand Pounds4 . For if the Rent of all England and Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, be about Nine Millions per annum; and if the fifth part of the People be superadded, unto the present Inhabitants of those Countries; then the Rent will amount unto Ten Millions 8000 l. and the number of Years purchase, will rise from seventeen and ½, to a Fifth part more, which is twenty one. So as the Land which is now worth but Nine Millions per annum, at seventeen ½ Years purchase, making 157 Millions and ½, will then be worth Ten Millions Eight Hundred thousand Pounds, at Twenty one Years purchase; viz. Two Hundred Twenty Six Millions, and Eight Hundred thousand Pounds, that is, Sixty nine Millions, and Three Hundred thousand Pounds more than it was before. ‖
And if any Prince willing to inlarge his Territories, will That those who purchase Ireland shall weaken themselves. give any thing more than Six ½ Millions or1 half the present value for the said relinquished Land, which are estimated to be worth Thirteen2 Millions; then the whole profit, will be above Seventy Five3 Millions, and Eight Hundred 600 l. Above four4 times the loss, as the same was above computed. But if any Man shall object, that it will be dangerous unto England, that Ireland should be in the Hands of any other Nation; I answer in short, that that Nation, whoever shall purchase it (being divided by means of the said purchase,) shall not be more able to annoy England, than now in its united condition.5 Nor is Ireland nearer England, than France and Flanders.
Now if any Man shall desire a more clear explanation, how, and by what means, the Rents of Lands shall rise by this closer cohabitation of People above described? I answer, that the advantage will arise in transplanting about Eighteen Hundred thousand People, from the poor and miserable Trade of Husbandry, to more beneficial Handicrafts: For when the superaddition is made, a very ‖ little addition of Husbandry to the same Lands will produce a fifth part more of Food, and consequently the additional hands, earning 40 s. per annum (as they may very well do, nay6 to 8 l. per annum) at some other Trade; the Superlucration will be above Three Millions and Six Hundred thousand1 Pounds per annum, which at Twenty Years purchase is Seventy2 Millions. Moreover, as the inhabitants of Cities and Towns, spend more Commodities, and make greater consumptions, than those who live in wild thin peopled Countries; So when England shall be thicker peopled, in the manner before described, the very same People shall then spend more, than when they lived more sordidly and inurbanely, and further asunder, and more out of the sight, observation, and emulation of each other; every Man desiring to put on better Apparel when he appears in Company, than when he has no occasion to be seen.
I further add, that the charge of the Government, Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical, would be more cheap, safe, and effectual in this condition of closer ‖ co-habitation than otherwise; as not only reason, but the example of the United Provinces doth3 demonstrate.
That the difference between England's & France's Territory is not material. But to let this whole digression pass for a mere Dream, I suppose ‘twill serve to prove, that in case the King of Englands Territories, should be a little less than those of the King of France, that forasmuch as neither of them are over-peopled, that the difference is not material to the Question in hand; wherefore supposing the King of France's advantages, to be little or nothing in this point of Territory; we come next to examine and compare, the number of Subjects which each of these Monarchs doth govern.
The Book called the State of France, maketh that Kingdom to consist of Twenty Seven thousand4 Parishes; and another Book written by a substantial Author, who professedly inquires into the State of the Church and Churchmen of France, sets it down as an extraordinary case, that a Parish in France should have Six Hundred Souls; wherefore I suppose that the said Author (who hath so well examined the matter) ‖ is not of opinion that every Parish, one with another, hath above Five Hundred; by which reckoning the whole People of France1 , are about Thirteen Millions and a half; Now the People of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands adjoyning, by computation from the numbers of Parishes; which commonly have more People in Protestant Churches, than in Popish Countries; as also from the Hearthmoney, Pole-money2 , and Excise, do amount to about Nine Millions and ½3 .
There are in New-England, about 160004 Men mustered in Arms; about 240005 able to bear Arms; and consequently about 1500006 in all: And I see no reason why in all this and the other Plantations of Asia, Africa, and America, there should not be half a Million7 in all. But this last I leave to every Mans conjecture; and consequently, I suppose, that the King of England hath about Ten Millions of Subjects, ubivis Terrarum Orbis; and the King of France about Thirteen and a ½ as aforesaid.
The King of France hath in effect but 13 Millions of Subjects and the K. of England 10 Millions, and the King of France hath 27000 Churchmen and the King of England 20000, the K. of England hath 40000 Sea-men, and the K. of France 10000. Although it be very material to know the number of Subjects belonging to each ‖ Prince, yet when the Question is concerning their Wealth and Strength; It is also material to examin, how many of them do get more than they spend, and how many less.
In order whereunto it is to be considered, that in the King of Englands Dominions, there are not8 twenty Thousand Church-men; But in France, as the aforementioned Author of theirs doth aver, (who sets down the particular number of each Religious Order) there are about Two Hundred and Seventy thousand, viz. Two Hundred and Fifty thousand more than we think are necessary, (that is to say) Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand withdrawn out of the World. Now the said number of adult and able bodied Persons, are equivalent to about double the same number, of the promiscuous Mass of Mankind. And the same Author says, that the same Religious Persons, do spend one with another about 18d. per diem, which is triple even to what a labouring Man requires.
Wherefore the said Two Hundred and Fifty thousand Church-men (living as they do) makes the King of France's ‖ Thirteen Millions and a half, to be less than Thirteen1 :2 Now if Ten Men can defend themselves as well in Islands, as Thirteen3 can upon the Continent; then the said Ten being not concerned to increase their Territory by the Invasion of others, are as effectual as the Thirteen4 in point of Strength also5 ; wherefore that there are more Superlucrators in the English, than the French Dominions, we say as followeth.
The multitude of Clergy's do lessen the K. of France's people, the multitude of Sea & Naval Men do increase the K. of England's Subjects. There be in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Kings other Territories above Forty Thousand6 Seamen; in France not above7 a quarter so many; but one Seaman earneth as much as three common Husbandmen; wherefore this difference in Seamen, addeth to the account of the King of England's Subjects, is an advantage equivalent to Sixty Thousand Husbandmen1 .
There are in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and all other the King of England's Territories2 Six Hundred3 thousand Tun of Shipping, worth about four Millions and a ½4 of Money; and the annual charge of maintaining the Shipping of England, by new Buildings and Reparations, is about ⅓5 part of the ‖ same summ; which is the Wages of one Hundred and Fifty thousand6 Husbandmen, but is not the Wages of above ⅓ part of so many Artisans as are employed, upon Shipping of all sorts; viz. Shiprights, Calkers, Joyners, Carvers, Painters, Block-makers, Rope-makers, Mast-makers, Smiths of several sorts; Flag-makers, Compass-makers, Brewers, Bakers, and all other sort of Victuallers; all sorts of Tradesmen relating to Guns, and Gunners Stores. Wherefore there being four times more of these Artisans in England, &c. than in France; they further add to the account of the King of England's Subjects, the equivalent of Eighty Thousand Husbandmen more.
The Sea-line of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the The K. of England's Territories are in effect but 12 Miles from Navigable Water, the King of France's 65. adjacent Islands, is about Three thousand Eight hundred Miles; according to which length, and the whole content of Acres, the said Land would be an Oblong, or Parallelogram Figure of Three thousand Eight hundred Miles long, and about Twenty four Miles broad; and consequently, every part of England, Scotland, and Ireland, is one with another, but twelve Miles from the Sea: Whereas France containing, but about one Thousand ‖ Miles of Sea line, is by the like method or computation, about Sixty Five Miles from the Sea side; and considering the paucity of Ports, in comparison of what are in the King of England's Dominions, as good as Seventy Miles distant from a Port: Upon which grounds it is clear, that England can be supplied, with all gross and bulkey commodities of Foreign growth and Manufacture, at far cheaper rates than France can be, viz. at about 4s. per cent. cheaper; the Land carriage for the difference of the distance between England and France from a Port, being so much or near thereabouts1 . Now to what advantage this conveniency amounteth, upon the Importation and Exportation of Bulkey Commodities, cannot be less than the Labour of one Million of People, &c. meaning by bulkey Commodities all sorts of Timber, Plank, and Staves for Cask; all Iron, Lead, Stones, Bricks, and Tyles for building; all Corn, Salt, and Drinks; all Flesh and Flish, and indeed all other Commodities, wherein the gain and loss of 4s. per Cent. is considerable; where note that the like Wines are sold in the inner parts of ‖ France for four or Five Pound a Tun, which near the Ports yield 7 l. The decay of timber in Englan. is no very formidable matter. Moreover upon this Principal, the decay of Timber in England is no very formidable thing, as the Rebuilding of London, and of the Ships wasted by the Dutch War do clearly manifest; Nor can there be any want of Corn, or other necessary Provisions in England, unless the Weather hath been universally unseasonable for the growth of the same; which seldom or never happens; for the same causes which make Dearth in one place, do often cause plenty in another; wet Weather being propitious to High-lands, which drowneth the Low.
It is observed that the poor of France, have generally less Wages than in England; and yet their Victuals are generally dearer there; which being so, there may be more superlucration in England than in France.
The K. of England's Subjects spend near as much as the K. of France's. Lastly, I offer it to the consideration of all those, who have travelled through England and France; Whether the Plebeians of England (for they constitute the Bulk of any Nation) do not spend a sixth part more than the Plebeians of France? And if so, it is necessary that ‖ they must first get it; and consequently that Ten Millions of the King of England's Subjects, are equivalent to Twelve of the King of France; and upon the whole matter, to the Thirteen Millions, at which the French Nation was estimated.
It will here be objected, that the splendor and magnificencies The greater spendor of the King of France, no certain argument of the greater Wealth of his People. of the King of France, appearing greater than those of England, that the Wealth of France must be proportionably greater, than that of England; but that doth not follow, forasmuch as the apparent greatness of the King, doth depend upon the Quota pars of the Peoples Wealth which he levyeth from them; for supposing of the People to be equally Rich, if one of the Sovereigns levy a fifth part1 , and another a fifteenth, the one seems actually thrice as Rich as the other, whereas potentially, they are but equal.
Having thus discoursed of the Territory, People, Superlucration, Comparison of the foreign Trade of England and France. and Defencibleness of both Dominions, and in some measure of their Trade, so far as we had occasion to mention Ships, Shipping, and nearness to Ports; we come next to inlarge a little further, upon the Trade of each.‖
Some have estimated, that there are not above Three hundred Millions of People in the whole World. Whether that be so or no, is not very material to be known; but I have fair grounds to conjecture, and would be glad to know it more certainly, that there are not above Eighty Millions, with whom the English and Dutch have Commerce; no Europeans that I know of, Trading directly nor indirectly, where they do not; so as the whole Commercial World, or World of Trade, consisteth of about Eighty Millions of Souls, as aforesaid.
And I further estimate, that the value of all Commodities yearly exchanged amongst them, doth not exceed the value of Forty Five Millions: Now the Wealth of every Nation, consisting chiefly, in the share which they have in the Foreign Trade with the whole Commercial World, rather than in the Domestick Trade, of ordinary Meat, Drink, and Cloaths, &c. which bringing in little Gold, Silver, Jewels, and other Universal Wealth; we are to consider, Whether the Subjects of the King of England, Head for Head, have not a greater share, than those of France. ‖
To which purpose it hath been considered, that the Manufactures of Wool, yearly exported out of England, into several parts of the World, viz. All sorts of Cloth, Serges, Stuffs, Cottons, Bays, Sayes, Frize, perpetuanus1 ; as also Stockings, Caps, Rugs, &c. Exported out of England, Scotland, and Ireland, do amount unto Five Millions per annum.
The value of Lead, Tynn, and Coals, to be Five hundred thousand pounds.
The value of all Cloaths, Houshold-stuff, &c. carried into America, Two hundred thousand pounds.
The value of Silver, and Gold, taken from the Spaniards Sixty thousand pounds.
2 The value of Sugar, Indico, Tobacco, Cotton, and Caccao, brought from the Southward parts of America, Six hundred thousand pounds.
2The value of the Fish, Pipe-staves, Masts, Bever, &c. brought from New-England, and the Northern parts of America, Two Hundred Thousand pounds.
The value of the Wool, Butter, Hides, Tallow, Beef, Herring, Pilchers, ‖ and Salmon, exported out of Ireland, Eight hundred thousand pounds.
The value of the Coals, Salt, Linnen, Yarn, Herrings, Pilchers, Salmon, Linnen-Cloth, and Yarn, brought out of Scotland, and Ireland, 500000l.
The value of Salt-peter, Pepper, Callicoes, Diamonds, Drugs, and Silks, brought out of the East-Indies, above what was spent in England; Eight hundred thousand pounds.
The value of the Slaves, brought out of Africa, to serve in our American Plantations Twenty thousand pounds; which with the Freight of English Shipping, Trading into Foreign parts, being above a Million and a ½, makes in all Ten Millions one Hundred and Eighty thousand pounds.
Which computation is sufficiently justified by the Customs of the Three Kingdoms, whose intrinsick value are thought to be near a Million per annum, viz. Six hundred thousand pounds, payable to the King; 100 thousand Pounds, for the charges of Collecting, &c. Two hundred thousand pounds smuckled by the Merchants, and one Hundred thousand pounds gained by the Farmers; ‖ according to common Opinion, and Mens Sayings: And this agrees also with that proportion, or part of the whole Trade of the World, which I have estimated the Subjects of the King of England to be possessed of, viz. of about Ten of Forty Five Millions.
But the value of the French Commodities, brought into England, (notwithstanding some currant estimates1 ,) are not above one Million Two hundred thousand pounds per annum2 ; and the value of all they export into all the World besides, not above Three or Four times as much; which computation also agreeth well enough, with the account we have of the Customs of France; so as France not exporting above ½ the value of what England doth; and for that all the Commodities of France (except Wines, Brandy, Paper, and the first patterns and fashions for Cloaths, and Furniture (of which France is the Mint) are imitable by the English; and having withal more People than England; it follows that the People of England, &c. have Head for Head, thrice as much Foreign Trade as the People of France; and about ‖ Two parts of Nine of the Trade of the whole Commercial World; and about Two parts in Seven of all the Shipping: Notwithstanding all which it is not to be denied, that the King and some great Men of France, appear more Rich and Splendid, than those of the like Quality in England; all which arises rather from the nature of their Government, than from the Intrinsick and Natural causes of Wealth and Power. ‖
In S, ‘neer’ is inserted and ‘naturally’ is imperfectly erased.
Angliae Notira; or the present State of England. By Edward Chamberlayne, 1672, p. 251, “the area of England is in comparison to France as 30 to 82.”
S, ‘wth what ye King hath in Asia & AAfrica’ inserted by Petty.
S, R, ‘more territory than France,’ altered in S to 'so much territory as France.’
S, ‘400,’ altered by Petty to ‘500,’ R, ‘500.’
S, R, ‘that the people of Ireland being saved, that that Island.’
Descartes’ first meditation, Œuvres publ. par. V. Cousin (1824), I. 237–239. Can Petty have thought that the story of Utopia was narrated in the guise of a dream?
S, R, ‘3 or 4,’ altered in S to ‘4 or 5.’
S, R, ‘4 times.’
S, ‘30l,’ 1691, ‘3l.’
S, ‘yea a proffitable’ inserted by Petty.
Petty returns to his pleasant and profitable dream in the Treatise of Ireland, 1687.
It does not appear that much practical result followed from the recommendation of clover, sainfoin and lucerne until the eighteenth century. Cunningham, English Industry, II. 183, Rogers, Hist. of Agriculture and Prices, v. 59, cf. however v. 62. Aubrey writes (before 1685), “Memorandum. Great increase of sanfoine now, in most places fitt for itt.” Natural History of Wiltshire, ed. Britton, ch. x. p. II.
S, R, “10… 2… 12,” altered in S to “13… 4… 17.”
S, ‘6’ altered to ‘4.’
S, ‘above 72 millions’ altered to ‘about 69,300,000.’
S, ‘more than the 7 millions for,’ altered to ‘more than the 6½ millions or ye present value for.’ R, ‘give 3 millions for.’
S, R, ‘10,’ altered in S to ‘13.’
S, R, ‘72,’ altered in S to ‘75’
S, R, ‘or six,’ altered in S to ‘above 4,’ cf. Errata.
S, ‘Nor is… Flanders’ added by Petty, not in R.
S, R, omit ‘do, nay.’
S, ‘3 mill and ½,’ altered to ‘3600000,’ R, ‘3500000’ altered to ‘3600000.’
R, ‘70000000’ altered to ‘72000000,’ S, ‘70000000.’
S, Petty inserted ‘and hath’ after ‘doth.’
G, omits ‘Thousand.’
The present State of France, p. 455 seq., contains a list of the Généralties, with the number of parishes in each of them except Amiens and Nantes. The sum of the parishes accounted for is 24,580.
S, R, ‘9 millions,’ altered to ‘9½ millions’ in S.
S. R, G, ‘50000,’ altered to ‘16000’ in S.
S, R, G, ‘80000,’ altered to ‘24000’ in S.
S, R, G, ‘halfe a million,’ altered to ‘150000’ in S.
S, R, ‘in all the rest of the Plantations there should not be half a million more,’ altered in S to ‘in this and all the other Plantations of Asia, Affrica & America there should not be half a million’ (‘more’ stricken out).
G omits ‘not.’
S, R, ‘be really no better than 12 or thereabouts,’ S, altered to ‘be less than 13.’
S, R, G, have here the following passage, stricken out but still legible in S: ‘In the next place it is to be considered, That the Inhabitants of the Inner Parts of France, remote from the Sea cannot be probably Superlucrators; Now if there be 2 Millions in the King of England's dominions, more then in the King of France's who—[a word rendered illegible by Petty's alteration of it to ‘earn,’ which R and G have] more then they Spend, or if 10 men in England earne more then 12 men in France, then the Subjects of England, are as effective as to the gaining of wealth and Riches as those of France.’ The alteration of one word in this passage implies that Petty intended to let it stand and afterwards decided to strike it out. The passage is in Sloane MS. 2572 also.
S, R, ‘12,’ S altered to ‘13.’
S, R, ‘12,’ S altered to ‘13.’
‘also’ refers to the (omitted) argument about gaining wealth.
S, R, ‘in England, Scotland and Ireland about 60 thousand,’ in S is inserted ‘and y° Kings other Territoryes’ and ‘60’ is altered to above ‘40.’ G, ‘60 million.’
S, R, ‘about,’ S altered to ‘not above.’
S, R, 'subjects the equivalent of 90000 husbandmen,’ in S ‘is an advantage’ is substituted for ‘the’ cancelled, and ‘90000’ is altered to ‘60000.’ G, ‘90,500000.’
S, ‘and all other ye King of England's Teritoryes’ inserted.
G omits ‘Hundred.’
S, R, G, ‘⅓.’
1691 ed., ‘½.’
G omits ‘thousand.’
G, ‘viz. above four shillings per Annum Rent cheaper the Land carriage; for the difference (between England and France) of the distance from a port being so much or near thereabouts.’
R, ‘thereof’ inserted.
S, ‘Perpetuanas’ inserted.
G omits these two paragraphs giving the value of the exports from America, still it gives the total value 10,180,000l.
S, R, G, ‘m. Fortries Estimates,’ S altered to 'some currant.’ For a possible source of Petty's estimate, see note 1, p. 252.
Fortrey asserted that a ‘particular’ delivered to the King of France not long before 1663, upon a design he had to have forbidden the trade between France and England, showed that the yearly value of the English imports from France exceeded the exports to France by 2,600,000 l. England's Interest, in Whitworth's Tracts, I. 21.