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The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, together with The Observations upon Bills of Mortality, more probably by Captain John Graunt, ed. Charles Henry Hull (Cambridge University Press, 1899), 2 vols.

Author: Sir William Petty
Editor: Charles Henry Hull

Part of: The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, 2 vols.

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REPORT FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRADE 1676.

NOTE ON THE “REPORT FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRADE.”

To the laborious conscientiousness of Essex as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland we are indebted, indirectly, both for the Report from the Council of Trade and for its nearest fellow, Sir William Temple's Essay upon the Advancement of Trade in Ireland. Since the Report was but a summary of the unpublished Political Anatomy, in connection with which alone it has since been printed, it calls for no extended comment.

A MS. copy of the Report, apparently transmitted by Essex to Arlington, is at the Record Office1 . Another copy of greater personal interest, is in the Pepys collection of J. Eliot Hodgkin, Esq., of Childwall, Richmond on Thames. This copy was given by Petty to Pepys and remained in the possession of Pepy's descendants until it was acquired by Mr Hodgkin in 18892 . By his kind permission both Petty's autograph corrections and the significant divergences of the MS. (‘H’) from the printed version are here noted.

‖A Report from the council of Trade in Ireland, to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, which was drawn by Sir William Petty.

IN Obedience to your Lordship's Act of Council, of January the 20th. 1675. we have spent several days in considering how, as well the Wealth of this Kingdom in general, as the Money thereof in particular may be increased. And in order thereunto, we have first set down to the best of our knowledge the state of this Kingdom in reference to Trade. Secondly, We have noted such Inferences from the same, as do shew the several Causes of the smalness of Trade, want of Money, and the general Poverty of this Nation. And in the last place, we have offered such general Remedies and Expedients, in the respective Cases, as may be obtained and practised, without any new Law to be made in Ireland. And we are ready so to inlarge upon the Branches we have ‖ offered, as to make such of our Proposals practicable, as your Lordships shall please to select and approve of for that purpose.

March the 25th. 1676.

Considerations relating to the Improvement ofIreland.

1. THE whole Territory of Ireland consists of about 12 Millions of Acres (English Measure) of Arrable Meadow, and good Pasture Land; with about two Millions of Rocky, Boggy, and Scrubby Pasture, commonly call'd Unprofitable, (tho not altogether such): The rest being absolute Boggs, Loughs, Rocks, Sands, Strands, Rivers and High-ways, &c. Of all which, several Lands, the yearly Rent (comprehending Their Majesties Quit-Rents, Tythes and Tenants Improvements) is supposed to be about 900,000l. and worth to be purchased at1 Nine Millions.

2. The value of all the Housing in Ireland, which have one or more Chimneys in them, (excluding all Cabbins which have none) is supposed to be Two Millions and a half. ‖

3. The Cattel and Live-Stock, Three Millions.

4. Corn, Furniture, Merchandise, Shipping, &c. about One Million.

5. The Coyned and Currant Money, now running in Trade, is between 300, and 350,000l.2 or the 50th part of the value of the whole Kingdom, which we suppose to be about 16 Millions.

6. The number of people in Ireland is about 1100,0003 , viz, Three Hundred Thousand English, Scotch, and Welch Protestants, and 800,000 Papists, whereof ¼th are Children unfit for Labour, and about 75,000 of the Remainder are, by reason of their Quality and Estates, above the necessity of Corporal Labour; so as there remains 750,000 Labouring Men and Women, 500,000 whereof do perform the present Work of the Nation.

7. The said 1100,000 people do live in about 200,000 Families or Houses, whereof there are but about 16,000 which have more than one Chimney in each; and about 24,000 which have but one; all the other Houses, being 160,000, are wretched nasty Cabbins, without Chimney, Window or Door shut, and worse than those of the Savage Americans, and wholly unfit for the ‖ making Merchantable Butter, Cheese, or the Manufactures of Woollen, Linnen or Leather.

8. The Houses within the City and Liberties of Dublin, are under 5,0001 , viz. in the City 1150. And the Ale-Houses within the same about 1200. And it seems, that in other Corporations and Countrey Towns, the proportion of Ale-Houses is yet greater than in Dublin, viz. about ⅓ of the whole.

9. The Counties, Baronies and Parishes, of Ireland, are now become marvellously unequal, so as some are twenty times as big as others, the County of Cork seeming in respect of people and Parishes to be ⅛th of the whole Kingdom, and other Counties not being above the 20th part of the Country of Cork; It hath been found very difficult to get fit persons for Sheriffs, and Juries; and the often holding of Assizes and Quarter-Sessions in the said smaller Counties, hath been found an unnecessary burthen upon them.

10. There are now in Ireland 32 Counties, 252 Baronies, and 2278 Parishes; so as the number of Sheriffs, and Sub-Sheriffs, Sheriff-Bailiffs, High and Petty-Constables, are about three thousand Persons, whereof ‖ not above are English or Protestants. So as the remainder (being about 2700) are Irish Papists, and are the Civil Militia of this Kingdom, and have the executing of all Decrees of Courts, and of Justices of the Peaces Warrants.

11. This Civil Militia, and the rest of the Irish Papists being about 800,000, are influenced and guided by about 3000 Priests and Fryars, and they governed by their Bishops and Superiors, who are for the most part, of the Old Irish Gentry, men of Foreign Education, and who depend upon Foreign Princes and Prelates, for Benefices and Preferments.

12. The Irish Papists (besides Sundays and the 29 Holidays appointed by the Law) do one place with another, observe about 24 days more in the year, in which they do no Corporal Labour, so as they have but about 266 Working-days; whereas Protestants not strictly observing all the Legal Holy-days, by a total forbearing of Labour, have in effect 300 Working-days in the year, that is, 34 days more than the Papists, or at least five of six days in each, or part of the whole year.

13. The expence of the whole people of Ireland is about four Millions per Ann. ‖ the part whereof being 80,000l. and the Quarter of Annual House-Rent1 being about 60,000l. together with 450,000l. more, being the value of half a years Rent, Tythes and Quit-Rent, do make 590,000l. as that sum of Money which will compleatly and plentifully drive the Trade of this Kingdom.

14. The value of the Commodities exported out of Ireland, and the Fraight of the Shipping imployed in the Trade of this2 Nation, together with the fishing of Herrings, is about Five Hundred Thousand pounds per Annum.

15. The value of the Estates in Ireland of such persons as do usually live in England; the Interest of Debts of Ireland, due and payable to England; the pay of the Forces3 of Ireland, now in England; the Expence and Pensions of Agents and Sollicitors commonly residing in England about Irish Affairs; the Expence of English and Irish Youth now upon their Education beyond the Seas; and lastly, the supposed Profit of the two great Farms now on Foot4 , do altogether make up near 200,000l. per Ann. as a Debt payable to England out of Ireland.

16. The value of the Cattel, viz. live Oxen and Sheep, carried out of Ireland into ‖ England, was never more than 140,000l. per Annum; the Fraight, Hides, Tallow, and Wooll of the said live Cattel, were worth about 60,000l. of the said 140,000l. And the value of the Goods imported out of England into Ireland (when the Cattel-Trade was free) was between Treble and Quadruple, to the neat value of the Ox, and Sheeps Flesh transported from hence into England.

17. The Customs of Exported and Imported Goods, between England and Ireland, abstracted from the Excise thereof, was in the freest Trade, about 32,000l. per Ann.

Inferences from the Premisses.

1. BY comparing the Extent of the Territory with the number of people, it appears that Ireland is much underpeopled; for as much as there are above 10 Acres of good Land to every Head in Ireland; whereas in England and France there are but four, and in Holland scarce one.

2. That if there be 250,000 spare Hands capable of Labour, who can earn 4 or five l. ‖ per Ann. one with another, it follows that the people of Ireland, well employed, may earn one Million per Ann. more than they do now, which is more than the years Rent of the whole Country.

3. If an House with Stone-Walls1 , and a Chimney well covered, and half an Acre of Land well ditched about, may be made for 4 or 5l. or thereabouts; then ⅔ of the spare hands of Ireland can in one years time build and fit up 160,000 such Houses and Gardens, instead of the like number of the wretched Cabbins above-mentioned: And that in a time when a Foreign-Trade is most dead and obstructed, and when Money is most scarce in the Land.

4. The other third part of the said spare hands within the same year (besides the making of Bridges, Harbors, Rivers, High-ways, &c. more fit for Trade) are able to plant as many Fruit and Timber-Trees, and also Quick-set Hedges, as being grown up, would distinguish the Bounds of Lands, beautifie the Countrey, shade and shelter Cattel, furnish Wood, Fuel, Timber and fruit, in a better manner than ever was yet known in Ireland or England. And all this in a time when Trade is dead, and Money most scarce.‖

5. If the Gardens1 belonging to the Cabbins above-mentioned, be planted with Hemp and Flax, according to the present Statute2 , there would grow 120,000 l. worth of the said Commodities, the Manufactures whereof, as also of the Wooll and Hides now exported, would by the labour of the spare hands above-mentioned, amount to above One Million per Annum more than at present.

6. The multitude and proportion of Alehouses above-mentioned, is a sign of want of Employment in those that buy, no less than those that sell the Drink.

7. There being but 800 Thousand Papists in Ireland, and little above 2,0003 Priests; It is manifest that 500 Priests may, in a competent manner, Officiate for the said number of People and Parishes. And that two Popish Bishops (if any at all be necessary) may as well Govern the said 500 Priests, and two Thousand Parishes; as the 26 Bishops of England do Govern near Ten Thousand Parishes.

8. If the Protestants, according to the present practice and understanding of the Law, do work one tenth part of the Year more than the Papists: And that there be 750 Thousand working People in Ireland, ‖ whereof about 600 Thousand Papists. It follows that the Popish Religion takes off 60 Thousand workers, which, at about 4l. per Annum each, is about 250 Thousand Pounds per Annum of it self; besides the Maintenance4 of 25 Hundred superfluous Churchmen, which at 20 l. per Annum each, comes to fifty thousand pounds per Annum more.

9. The Sheriffs of Ireland at 100l. per Annum, the High Constables at 20l. per Annum, and the Petty Constables at 10l. per Annum, each, being all English Protestants (with some other incident Charges for the Administration of Justice) may be sallarated and defrayed for thirty thousand Pounds per Annum, consistent with His Majesty's present Revenue, Forces, &c. which said Sallaries, may also be lessened, by Uniting some of the smaller Counties, Baronies and Parishes, according to the proportion of People Inhabiting within them.

10. If there be not 350 Thousand Pounds Coyned Money in Ireland; And if 590 Thousand Pounds (or near double what there now is) be requisite to drive the Trade thereof: then it follows, that there is not enough in Ireland to drive the Trade of the Nation.‖

11. If the Lands of Ireland and Housing in Corporations, be worth above 10 Millions to be now sold (and if less than One Million of stock will drive all the Trade afore-mentioned, that Ireland is capable of) reckoning but two returns per Annum: It is certain that the lesser part of the said Ten Millions worth of real Estate, being well contrived into a1 Bank of Credit, will with the Cash yet remaining, abundantly answer all the ends of Domestick Improvements, and Foreign Traffick whatsoever.

12. If the whole substance of Ireland be worth 16 Millions, as above said: If the customs between England and Ireland, were never worth above thirty two thousand Pounds per Annum: If the Titles2 of Estates in Ireland, be more hazardous and expensive, for that England and Ireland be not under one Legislative Power: If Ireland till now, hath been a continual Charge to England: If the reducing the late Rebellion did cost England three times more in men and money, than the substance of the whole Countrey, when reduced, is worth: If it be just, that men of English Birth and Estates, living in Ireland, should be represented in the Legislative Power; and that the Irish should not be judged by those who, ‖ they pretend, do usurp their Estates: It then seems just and convenient, That both Kingdoms should be United and Governed by one Legislative Power. Nor is it hard to shew how this may be made practicable, nor to satisfy, repair, or silence those who are Interested or Affected to the contrary.

13. In the mean time, it is wonderful that men born in England, who have Lands granted to them by the King, for service done in Ireland to the Crown of England, when they have occasion to reside or negotiate in England, should by their Countrymen, Kindred and Friends there, be debarred to bring with them out of Ireland food whereupon to live, nor suffered to carry money out of Ireland, nor1 to bring such Commodities as they fetch2 from America directly home, but round about by England, with extream hazard and loss, and be forced to trade only with Strangers, and become unacquainted with their own Country; especially when England gaineth more than it loseth by a free Commerce; as exporting hither three times as much as it receiveth from hence: Inso-much as 95l. in England, was worth about 100l. of the like Money in Ireland, in the freest time of Trade.‖

14. It is conceived that about ⅓d of the Imported Manufactures, might be made in Ireland, and ⅔d of the remainder might be more conveniently had from Foreign parts, than out of England, and consequently that it is scarce necessary at all for Ireland to receive any goods of England3 , and not convenient to receive above ¼th part from hence of the whole which it needeth to Import, the value whereof is under 100 Thousand Pounds per Annum.

The application of the Premisses, in order to remedy the defects and impediments of the Trade of Ireland.

1. Forasmuch as the consideration of Raising Money, hath already, and so lately, been before your Lordships1 ; therefore without giving this Board any further trouble concerning the same: We humbly offer, in order to the regulation of the several species thereof; That whereas Weighty Plate pieces, together with Ducatoons, which2 estimate to be three quarters of the Money now currant in Ireland; do already pass at proportionable Rates; and for that all other species of Silver Money, are neither rated proportionably to the said weighty ‖ pieces, nor to one another; That Whole, Half and Quarter Cobbs of Sterling Silver (if light) may pass at 5s. 7d. per Ounce; but that the other Species of courser Silver, as the Perrues, &c. may pass as Commodity, or at 5s. per Ounce, until there shall be conveniency for new Coyning thereof into smaller Money.

2. That forthwith Application may be made unto England, to restore the Trade from the Plantations, and between the two Kingdoms (and particularly that of Cattel) as heretofore; and in the mean time to discover and hinder, by all means possible, the carrying of Bullion out of Ireland into England; to the end that those in England who are to receive Money from hence, may be necessitated to be very earnest in the said Negotiation.

3. That Endeavours be used in England, for the Union of the Kingdoms under one Legislative Power, proportionably, as was heretofore and successively3 done in the case of Wales.

4. For4 reducing Interest from Ten to Five, or Six, per Centum, for disposing moneyed men to be rather Merchants than Usurers, rather to trade than purchase, and to prevent the bad and uncertain payments, ‖ which Gentlemen are forced5 to make unto Tradesmen, whose Stock and Credit is thereby soon buried in debts, not to be received without long and expensive Suits, and1 that a Bank of Land be forthwith contrived and countenanced.

5. That the Act of State2 which mitigates and compounds, for the Customs of some Foreign goods, purposely made high to hinder their Importation, and to encourage the Manufacture of them here, be taken into consideration (at least before it be renewed).

6. That the Lord Lieutenant and Council, as also the Nobility, Courts of Justice and Officers of the Army, and other Gentlemen in and about Dublin, may by their engagement and example, discountenance the use of some certain Foreign Commodities, to be pitched upon by your Lordships: And that Gentlemen and Freeholders in the Country, at their Assizes, and other Country meetings: and that the Inhabitants of all Corporations, who live in Houses of above two Chimneys in each, may afterwards do the same.

7. That there be a Corporation for the Navigation of this Kingdom, and that other Societies of men may be instituted, ‖ who shall undertake and give security to carry on the several Trades and Manufactures of Ireland; and to see that all goods Exported to Foreign Markets, may be faithfully wrought and packt: Which Societies may direct themselves, by the many several proposals and reports formerly, and of late made by the Council of Trade, and which they are now again ready to enlarge and accommodate to the said several proposals respectively, and more particularly to the Manufactures of Woolen, Linnen, and Leather.

8. That the Corporations of Ireland, may be obliged to engage no Manufactures, but according to their Primitive Instructions; which was to carry on such great works, as exceeded the strength of single Persons; and particularly that they may cause some such like proportions of Yarn, Linnen, and Woolen, as also of Worsted, to be Spun, as Mr. Hawkins hath Propounded.

9. That the Pattents, which hinder the working of Mines may be considered. ‖

10. That the Justices of Peace, may be admonished to protect the Industrious, and not suffer their Labours to be interrupted by vexatious and frivolous Indictments.

11. That the Inhabitants of the wretched Cabbins in Ireland, may be encouraged to reform them; and also compelled thereunto, as an easy and Indulgent Committing for the Penalty of Nine-Pence per Sunday payable, by the Statute; and likewise to make1 Gardens, as the Statute for Hemp and Flax requires2 . And that other the wholesome Laws against Idlers, Vagabonds, &c. may be applied to the prevention of Beggary and Thievery: Whereunto the orderly disposing of the said Cabbins into Townships would also conduce.

12. That the People be dissuaded from the observations of superfluous Holy-Days.

13. That the exorbitant Number of Popish-Priests and Fryars, may be reduced to a bare competency, as also the Number of Ale-houses.

14. That the Constable, Sheriff, and Bailiffs, may also be English Protestants, (though upon Salary).

From all which, and from the settlement of Estates; it is to be hoped, that men seeing more advantage to live in Ireland than elsewhere, may be invited to remove themselves hither; and so supply the want of People, the greatest and most fundamental defect of this Kingdom3 .

[Here follows, in the 1691 edition of the “Political Anatomy,” the Latin commission issued by Charles II. the 21 February, 1661, to the Duke of Ormond as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. It is not reprinted.]

PROPOSITIONS
CONCERNING THE
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND.

NOTE ON THE “PROPOSITIONS.”

The Propositions are not mentioned in the “Advertisement” to the first edition of the Political Anatomy of Ireland (pp. 131–132), and no indication of their authorship accompanies the enumeration of them in the Contents (p. 134). Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice says, however, that “public opinion indicated Sir William as the author of a set of propositions concerning the government of Ireland which the Duke of Ormond submitted about this time to the Crown.”

CHARLES R.

1. THAT his Majesty may declare his express Pleasure, that no Irish Sint by way of reward be moved for by any of his Servants, or others, before the Ordinary Revenue there become, able to sustain the necessary charge of that Crown, and the Debts thereof be fully cleared.

This is most reasonable, it standing with no sound rule of Judgment, to exercise the Acts of bounty in a place which doth not discharge it self, and will prove the readiest and most expedient way to recover his Majesties affairs thereby, thus carrying the Revenues in their natural Channell; and indeed ‖ this course being constantly pursu'd, will much encrease the annual profits above what they now are, and intirely draw the dependance of the inferiors from the great Lords upon his Majesty, and so the interest and assurance the Crown shall have in the Natives thereof, be of no less consequence and advantage than the very profits

2. That there be an express Caveat entred with the Secretary, Signet, Privy Seal and Great Seal here, That no Grant, of what nature soever, concerning Ireland, be suffered to pass, till the Lord Lieutenant be made acquainted, and it first pass the seal of that Kingdom, according to the usual manner.

This will be of great intelligence and safety to his Majesty; for on the one side he will clearly see into the true inward value all things, which formerly, albeit of very great worth, have from so great a distance slipt away here, as little understood by the Crown; as is acknowledged by those that obtain them; who generally, in these causes, sacrifice rather to their own Wit, than the Goodness and Bounty of Kings. And on the other side, nothing can pass to the disadvantage of the Crown; and proper ‖ Ministers, instructed with these Affairs, may be immediately faulted and justly called to a severe Account for their Negligence and Unfaithfulness therein; which will give them good reason to look more narrowly into his Majesties Rights, and their own Duties.

3. That His Majesty Signify his Royal Pleasure, that special Care be taken hereafter, that sufficient and credible Persons be chosen to supply such Bishopricks as shall be void, or admitted of his Pr[Illegible Text. Please Check] y Councel, or sit as Judges, and serve of his learned Councel there; that he will vouchsafe to hear the advice of his Lieutenant before he resolvc of any in these cases, that the Lieutenant be commanded to inform his Majesty truly and impartially, of every mans particular Diligence, and Care in his Service there, to the end his Majesty may truly and graciously reward the well-deserving, by calling them home to better preferment here.

This will advantage the service; it being altogether impossible for the Lieutenant, be he never so industrious and able, to administer the publick Justice of so great a Kingdom, without the round assistance of other able and well-affected Ministers. This will encourage the best men to spend ‖ their stronger years there, when they shall see their elder age recompensed with ease and profit in their own native Soyl; and content and settle the Natives, when they find themselves cared for, and put in the hands of discreet and good men to govern them.

4. That no particular Complaints of Injustice or Oppression be admitted here against any, unless it appears, That the Party made first his Address unto the Lieutenant.

This is but justice to the Lieutenant, who must needs in some measure be a delinquent, if the complaint be true; for that he ought as in chief, universally to take care that his Majesties Justice be truly and fully administred; and therefore good reason that his Judgment should be informed, and his integrity first tryed, before either be impeached; Nay, it is but justice to the Government it self, which would be exceedingly Scandalized through the liberty of complaints, and the Ministers therein extreamly discouraged upon any petty matter, to be drawn to answer here, when as the thing itself is for the most part either Injurious or such as the party might have received good satisfaction for at his own doors: but where the complaint ‖ appeareth formally grounded, that is, where due application hath been made to the Lieutenant, without any help or relief to the party, as may be pretended; let it in the name of God be throughly examined, and severely punished, wheresoever the fault prove to be; especially if it be found to be corrupt or malitious: for thus shall not his Majesty only magnify his own Justice, but either punish an unfaithful Minister, or a clamorous Complainer; and so his Service be better'd by either example.

5. That no Confirmation of any Reversion of Office within that Kingdom be had, or any new Grant of Reversion hereafter to pass.

That disposing of Places thus aforehand, much abates mens endeavours, who are many times stirred up to deserve eminently in the Commonwealth, in hope of those preferments: and being thus granted away, there is nothing left in their Eye, for them to expect and aim at, which might nourish and quicken those good desires in them, besides Places there closely and covertly passed, the persons are not for the most part so able and fitted to the Duties thereof, as when there is choice made out of many publick pretenders, which commonly occur, ‖ when they actually fall void by Death.

6. That the Places in the Lieutenants Gift, as well in the Martial as Civil List, be left freely to his disposing; and that his Majesty may be graciously pleased not to pass them to any person, upon Suits made unto him here.

This course held, preserves the Rights of the Lieutenants Place, and his Person in that Honour and Esteem which can only enable him to do service; and if the contrary happen, it is not only in diminution to him, but draws off all necessary dependance upon him, and regard that ought to be had of him, in all ready obedience in such things he shall command, for the Kings Service, when they shall discern that the natural Powers of the Place are taken from him, whereby he might kindle their chearful endeavours by the preferring and furnishing such as deserve those places.

7. That no New Offices be erected within that Kingdom before such time as the Lieutenant be therewith acquainted; his opinion first required and certified accordingly. ‖

Suits of this Nature, however they pretend the publick, their chief end is the private Profit of the Propounder; and for the most part, in the Execution prove burthens, not benefits to the Subjects; therefore throughly to be understood before they pass, as more easy and less scandalous to the State, to be staid at first than afterwards recalled, and if they be really good, his Majesty may be better informed by his Lieutenants approbation, and so proceed with more assurance to the effecting thereof.

8. That his Majesty would be pleased, not to grant any Licence of absence out of that Kingdom, to any Councillors, Bishops, Governours of any Province or County, or Officers of State, or of the Army, or to any of the Judges, or learned Council, but that it be left to his Lieutenant to give such Licence.

This is but reasonable, because the Lord Lieutenant who is chiefly intrusted under his Majesty with the Care and Government of that Kingdom, is the most competent and proper Judge, who in publick employment may be spared, and how long, without Prejudice to his Majesty, or the publick.

9. That all Propositions moving from the Licutenant, touching matters of Revenue, may ‖ be directed to the Lord Treasurer of England only, and that the Address of all other Dispatches for that Kingdom be by special direction of his Majesty applyed to one of the Secretaries singly, and his Majesty, under his hand-Writing doth Specify, that his Majesty will have this donc by Mr. Secretary Nicholas.

These Propositions made unto his Majesty, by his Grace the Duke of Ormond Lord Steward of his Majesty's Houshold, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, were received and approved at the Council board, the 22 day of June 1662, there being present the King's most excellent Majesty his Royal Highness the Duke of York, his Highness Prince Rupert, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, Duke of Albemarle, Duke of Ormond, Marquess of Dorchester, Lord Great Chamberlain, Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Barkshire, Earl of Portland, Earl of Norwich, Earl of Anglesey, Earl of Lauderdail, the Lord Hatton, Lord Hollis, Lord Ashly, Sir William Compton, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Vice Chamberlain, Mr Secretary Nicholas, Mr. Secretary Morris.

By His Majesties Command,

EDWARD NICHOLAS.

LET this Book called Political Arithmetick, which was long since Writ by Sir William Petty deceased, be Printed.

Given at the Court at Whitehall the 7^th Day of Novemb. 1690.

Nottingham.

Political Arithmetick,
OR
A DISCOURSE
Concerning,

The Extent and Value of Lands, People, Buildings: Husbandry, Manufacture, Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers; Publick Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks; Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's, Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at Sea, &c. As the same relates to every Country in general, but more particularly to the Territories of His Majesty of Great Britain, and his Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and France1 .

By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, and Hen. Mortlock at the Pha'nix in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1690.

NOTE ON THE “POLITICAL ARITHMETICK.”

The Political Arithmetick, like the Political Anatomy, belongs to the third period of Petty's literary activity and was written during his second prolonged residence in Ireland. The precise date of its composition cannot now be determined. The Rawlinson MS. is dated 1671, and in Petty's “Collection of [his] several Works” it is likewise entered under 16711 . Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice accordingly says that it was written in that year2 , and his opinion is confirmed by Sir Peter Pett, who calls the Political Arithmetick a “manuscript discourse in the year 1671–23 .” But Petty's list is not infallible. It enters under 1654 the Discourse against the Transplantation into Connaught published in 1655, and under 1671 the Anatomia Politica Hiberniae, which was not finished before the close of 16724 . The date 1671 is, perhaps, that at which Petty began the Political Arithmetick. He was still working upon it at the end of 16725 , and internal evidence points to its completion not earlier than 1676. This internal evidence is drawn from three passages whose indications pretty closely coincide: 1st, the expenditure of the King of France “in any of these last seven years” is compared with his revenue “as the same appears by the book entitled The State of France… printed anno 16696 “; 2nd, “since the year 1636, the taxes and public levies… have been prodigiously greater,… yet the kingdoms have increased in their wealth and strength for these last forty years7 ” ; 3rd, “his Majesty's navy is now triple or quadruple what it was forty years since, and before the Sovereign was Built1 .” The “Sovereign of the Seas” was launched 14 October, 16372 . These three passages, which all point to 1676 or 1677, occur in the Rawlinson MS. as well as in the undated Southwell MS., and the 1690 edition. The opinion that the Political Arithmetick was completed at a date later than the Political Anatomy is also confirmed by the larger estimate of the population of Ireland which the Arithmetick3 makes.

Of the numerous MSS. of the Political Arithmetick, by far the most important is that bound in the same volume with the MS. Treatise of Ireland, and called by Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice the Neligan MS4 The history of this MS. is similar to that of the Southwell MS of the Political Anatomy already traced5 . It was given to Sir Robert Southwell by Petty and remained in Southwell's family until purchased by Thorpe6 at the De Clifford sale in 1834. It passed into Dr Neligan's possession, and after his death it was bought for the British Museum7 , becoming Additional MS. 21,128. In view of its history, I call it the Southwell MS., and refer to it in the footnotes as S. This MS. is not so neatly written as the Southwell Political Anatomy; the ink is similar but the paper is of a different size, and it has one similar and one different water-mark8 . The corrections are far more numerous, and are unmistakably in Petty's hand9 . It may be the very same MS. which Petty corrected for Southwell in March, 1681 and wished to have compared with “what goeth abroad10 .” If it be the same, Petty's wish is at length fulfilled: the readings of the Southwell MS. are now compared with the text that went forth in 1690 wherever the differences between them are significant. But mere variations in spelling and minor grammatical differences (like “hath” for “has”) are disregarded, and the punctuation of the MS. is noted only where it gives the passage a meaning different from that of the printed version. All Petty's corrections are noted.

Among the remaining MSS. perhaps the most interesting is one endorsed “Pettys Pl. Arithmetic I take to be Corrected by S^r W^m himself having formerly seen a good deal of his Hand Writing,” now among the Rawlinson MSS. in the Bodleian Library1 . The MS. is in two hands, that of the second copyist beginning with chapter five. Petty's corrections are few compared with those in the Southwell MS., and most of them are merely formal, such as changing “300,000” to “300 Thousand.” The more important variations marked R, are given in the foot notes. A transcript of the Political Arithmetick, presented by Willoughby, is in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin2 . It contains no corrections by Petty. A transcript in quarto, made for Essex, is, or was, at Ashburnham Place3 , and the British Museum has, in addition to the Southwell MS., a comparatively worthless copy, unintelligently abridged4 . Besides these, a MS. of the Political Arithmetick was presented by Petty to the King5 and both Sir Joseph Williamson6 and Sir Peter Pett7 had MSS. of it.

Manuscript copies of the Political Arithmetick being thus circulated among Petty's friends, soon after its composition, they seem to have urged him to publish it at once. A letter to Southwell8 in reply to some such request was once in the possession of Thomas Thorpe, who described it as discussing the printing [reprinting] of the Treatise of Taxes, the Political Arithmetick, and the translation of the 104th psalm, “which Petty here expresses his reluctance to be printed9 .” The unauthorized reprinting of the Treatise of Taxes in 167910 apparently convinced Petty that it was safer to have his books printed under supervision, for he subsequently wrote to Aubrey, 12 July, 1681, that he was not forward to print the Political Arithmetick but did wish that what went abroad might be compared with the copy in Southwell's possession, which he had corrected in March1 . In this letter there is no hint of the reason for non-publication which Lord Shelburne advances2 , and Petty's care to secure a good text indicates that he expected the book to be published soon. Nearly a year after the letter to Aubrey, Petty came to London, where he remained until the summer of 1683, being occupied about the reform of the Irish revenues3 . It was probably about this time that he wrote the dedication of the Political Arithmetick to the King4 , and presented his Majesty with a copy of the book in MS. He appears, however, presently to have abandoned the project of publication, and there can be little doubt that the ill-printed edition of the Political Arithmetick which was soon anonymously issued under the title of England's Guide to Industry5 , appeared without his consent.

After Petty's death the demand for an authentic edition of the Political Arithmetick was renewed, and Lady Petty, who was executrix of her husband's will, asked Southwell's advice in the matter. Sir William himself, so she wrote6 , would not suffer the book to be printed, wherefore she was very loath to do it upon any account whatsoever, unless it were to prevent a greater evil. She was told, however, that five hundred false copies were in circulation and that the book would be published to disadvantage unless she authorized the printing of it. Southwell's reply is not preserved, but inasmuch as the Political Arithmetick was issued in 1690 with a dedication written by Lady Petty's son, it may be inferred that her scruples were at length overcome.

TO THE
KING'S
Most Excellent
MAJESTY1 .

SIR,

WHilest every one meditates some fit Offering for Your Majesty, such as may best agree with your happy Exaltation to this Throne; I presume to offer, what my Father long since writ, to shew the weight and importance of the English Crown.

It was by him stiled Political Arithmetick2 , in as much as things of Government, and of no less concern and extent, than the Glory of the Prince, and the happiness and greatness of the People, are by the Ordinary Rules of Arithmetick, brought into a sort of Demonstration. He was allowed1by all, to be the Inventor of this Method of Instruction; where ‖ the perplexed and intricate ways of the World, are explain'd by a very mean peice of Science; and had not the Doctrins of this Essay offended France, they had long since seen the light, and had found Followers, as well as improvements before this time, to the advantage perhaps of Mankind.

But this has been reserved to the felicity of Your Majesty's Reign, and to the expectation which the Learned have therein; and if while in this, I do some honor to the Memory of a good Father, I ‖ can also pay Service, and some Testimony of my Zeal and Reverence to so great a King, it will be the utmost Ambition of

SIR,

Your Majesty's Most Dutiful and Most Obedient Subject,

Shelborne2 .

PREFACE1 .

FOrasmuch as Men, who are in a decaying condition, or who have but an ill opinion of their own Concernments, instead of being (as some think) the more industrious to resist the Evils they apprehend, do contrariwise become the more languid and ineffectual in all their Endeavours, neither caring to attempt or prosecute even the probable means of their relief. Upon this Consideration, as a Member of the Common-Wealth, next to knowing the precise Truth in what condition the common Interest stands, I would in all doubtful Cases think ‖The fears of many concerning the Welfare of England‖ the best, and consequently not despair, without strong and manifest Reasons, carefully examining whatever tends to lessen my hopes of the publick Welfare.

I have therefore thought fit to examin the following Perswasions, which I find too currant in the World2 , and too much to have affected the Minds of some, to the prejudice of all, viz.

That the Rents of Lands are generally fall'n; that The fears of many concerning the Welfare of England. therefore, and for many other Reasons, the whole Kingdom grows every day poorer and poorer1 ; that formerly it abounded with Gold, but now2 there is a great scarcity both of Gold and Silver; that there is no Trade nor Employment for the People, and yet that the Land is under-peopled; that Taxes have been many and great; that Ireland and the Plantations in America; and other Additions to the Crown, are a Burthen to England; that Scotland is of no Advantage; that Trade in general doth lamentably decay; that the Hollanders are at our heels, in the race of Naval Power; the French3 grow too fast upon both, and appear so rich and potent, that it is but their Clemency that they do not devour their Neighbors; and finally, that the Church and State of England, are in the same danger with the Trade of England; with many other dismal Suggestions, which I had rather stifle than repeat4 .

'Tis true, the Expence of foreign Commodities hath of The real Prejudices of England. late been too great; much of our Plate, had it remain'd Money, would have better ‖ served Trade; too many Matters have been regulated by Laws, which Nature, long Custom, and general Consent, ought only to have governed; the Slaughter and Destruction of Men by the late Civil Wars and Plague have been great; the Fire at London, and Disaster at Chatham1 , have begotten Opinions in the Vulgus of the World to our Prejudice; the Nonconformists increase2 ; the People of Ireland think long of their Settlement; the English there apprehend themselves to be Aliens, and are forced to seek a Trade with Foreigners, which they might as well maintain with their own Relations in England. But notwithstanding all this (the like whereof was always in all Places), the Buildings of London grow great and glorious; The Improvements of England. the American Plantations ‖ employ four Hundred Sail of Ships; Actions in the East-India company are near double the principle Money; those who can give good Security, may have Money under the Statute-Interest; Materials for building (even Oaken-Timber) are little the dearer, some cheaper for3 ; the rebuilding of London4 ; the Exchange seems as full of Merchants as formerly; no more Beggars in the Streets, nor executed for Thieves, than heretofore; the Number of Coaches, and Splendor of Equipage exceeding former times; the publique Theatres very magnificent; the King has a greater Navy, and stronger Guards than before our Calamities; the Clergy rich, and the Cathedrals in repair; much Land has been improved, and the Price of Food so reasonable, as that Men refuse ‖ to have it cheaper, by admitting of Irish Cattle1 ; And in brief, no Man needs to want that will take moderate pains. That some are poorer than others, ever was and ever will be: And that many are naturally querulous and envious, is an Evil as old as the World.

These general Observations, and that Men eat, and drink, and laugh as they use to do, have encouraged me to try if I could also comfort others, being satisfied my self, that the Interest and Affairs of England are in no deplorable Condition.

The Author's Method and Manner of Arguing. The Method I take to do this, is not yet very usual; for instead of using only comparative and superlative Words, and intellectual Arguments, I have taken the course (as a Specimen of the Political Arithmetick ‖ I have long aimed at) to express my self in Terms of Number, Weight, or Measure; to use only Arguments of Sense, and to consider only such Causes, as have visible Foundations in Nature; leaving those that depend upon the mutable Minds, Opinions, Appetites, and Passions of particular Men, to the Consideration of others: Really professing my self as unable to speak satisfactorily upon those Grounds (if they may be call'd Grounds), as to foretel the cast of a Dye; to play well at Tennis, Billiards, or Bowles, (without long practice,) by virtue of the most elaborate Conceptions that ever have been written De Projectilibus & Missilibus, or of the Angles of Incidence and Reflection. ‖

The Nature of his Positions and Suppositions. Now the Observations or Positions expressed by Number, Weight, and Measure, upon which I bottom the ensuing Discourses, are either true, or not apparently false, and which if they are not already true, certain, and evident, yet may be made so by the Sovereign Power, Nam id certum est quodcertnm reddi potest1 and if they are false, not so false as to destroy the Argument they are brought for; but at worst are sufficient as Suppositions to shew the way to that2 Knowledge I aim at. And I have withal for the present confined my self to the Ten principal Conclusions hereafter particularly handled, which if they shall be judged material, and worthy of a better Discussion, I hope all ingenious and candid Persons will rectifie the Errors, Defects, and Imperfections, which probably may be found in any of the Positions, upon which these Ratiocinations were grounded. Nor would it misbecome Authority it self, to clear the Truth of those Matters which private Endeavours cannot reach to.

THE
Principal Conclusions1
OF THIS
TREATISE
ARE,

CHAP. I. That a small Country, and few People, may by their Situation, Trade, and Policy, be equivalent in Wealth and Strength, to a far greater People, and Territory. And particularly, How conveniences for Shipping, and Water Carriage, do most Eminently, and Fundamentally, conduce thereunto. Pag. 1 [249]
Chap. II. That some kind of Taxes, and Publick Levies, may rather increase than diminish the Common-Wealth. pag. 35 [268]
Chap. III. That France cannot, by reason of Natural and Perpetual Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English, or Hollanders. 51 [278]
Chap. IV. That the People, and Territories of the King of England, are Naturally near2as considerable, for Wealth, and Strength, as those of France. pag. 64 [284]
Chap. V. That the Impediments of Englands Greatness, are but contingent and removeable. pag. 87 [298]
Chap. VI. That the Power and Wealth of England, hath increased above this forty years. pag. 96 [302]
Chap. VII. That one tenth part, of the whole Expence, of the King of England's Subjects; is sufficient to maintain one hundred thousand Foot, thirty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea, and to defray all other Charges, of the Government: both Ordinary and Extraordinary, if the same were regularly Taxed, and Raised. pag. 101 [305]
Chap. VIII. That there are spare Hands enough among the King of England's Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum, more than they now do, and there are Employments, ready, proper, and sufficient, for that purpose. pag. 104 [307]
Chap. IX. That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the Nation. pag. 110 [310]
Chap. X. That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock, competent, and convenient to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World. pag. 112 [311]

ERRATA.

PAge 7. line 25. read the Rent. p. 8. l. 21. r. a part. p. 20. l. 3. r. for cheap. p. 21. l. 14. r. cold, moist. p. 26. l. 7. r. that Church. p. 32. l. 7. r. yearly profit. l. 18. r. to be the value. p. 47. l. 4 r. fifty thousand. l. 28. r. sixteen thousand. p. 49. l. 13. r. the said half together. p. 52. l. 6. r. should bring. p. 59. l. 24. r. they coast. p. 72. l. 8. r. or above. p. 91. l. 9. r. Exotics. p. 95. l. 13. r. paying for.

CHAP. I.

That a small Country and few People, by its Situation, Trade, and Policy, may be equivalent in Wealth and Strength, to a far greater People and Territory: And particularly that conveniencies for Shipping and Water-Carriage, do most Eminently and Fundamentally conduce thereunto.

THis first principal Conclusion by reason of its length, I consider in three Parts; whereof the first is, That a small Country and few People, may be equivalent in Wealth and Strength to a far greater People and Territory 1 How one Man by art and one Acre of Land by improvement may be equivalent to many.

This part of the first principal Conclusion needs little proof; forasmuch as one Acre of Land, may bear as much Corn, and feed as many Cattle as twenty, by the difference of the Soil; some parcel of Ground is naturally so defensible, as that an Hundred Men being possessed ‖ thereof, can resist the Invasion of Five Hundred; and bad Land may be improved and made good; Bog may by draining be made Meadow; Heath-land may (as in Flanders) be made to bear Flax and Clover-grass, so as to advance in value from one to an Hundred2 ; The same Land being built upon, may centuple the Rent which it yielded as Pasture; one Man is more nimble, or strong, and more patient of labor than another; one Man by Art may do as much work, as many without it; viz. one Man with a Mill can grind as much Corn, as twenty can pound in a Mortar; one Printer can make as many Copies, as an Hundred Men can write by hand; one Horse can carry upon Wheels, as much as Five upon their Backs; and in a Boat, or upon Ice, as Twenty1 : So that I say again, this first point of this general Position, needs little or no proof. But the second and more material part of this Conclusion is, that this difference in Land and People, arises principally from their Situation, Trade, and Policy. ‖

To clear this, I shall compare Holland and Zealand, with A comparison of Holland and Zealand with France. the Kingdom of France, viz. Holland and Zealand do not contain above one Million of English Acres, whereas the Kingdom of France contains above 80.

Now the Original and Primitive difference holds proportion as Land to Land, for it is hard to say, that when these places were first planted, whether an Acre in France was better than the like quantity in Holland and Zealand; nor is there any reason to suppose, but that therefore upon the first Plantation, the number of Planters was in Proportion to the quantity of Land; wherefore, if the People2 are not in the same proportion as the Land, the same must be attributed to the Scituation of the Land, and to the Trade and Policy of the People superstructed thereupon.

The next thing to be shewn is, that Holland and Zealand at this day, is not only an eightieth part as rich and strong as France, but that it hath advanced to one third or thereabouts, which I think will appear upon the Ballance of the following particulars, viz. ‖

As to the Wealth of France, a certain Map of that That the Lands of France, are to the Lands of Holland and Zealand, as 8 to 1 in value. Kingdom, set forth Anno 1647. represents it to be fifteen Millions, whereof six did belong to the Church, the Author thereof (as I suppose) meaning the Rents of the Lands only: And the Author of a most Judicious discourse of Husbandry (supposed to be Sir Richard Weston3 ,) doth from reason and experience shew, that Lands in the Netherlands, by bearing Flax, Turneps, Clover-grass, Madder, &c. will easily yield 10l. per Acre; so as the Territories of Holland and Zealand, should by his account yield at least Ten Millions per annum, yet I do not believe the same to be so much, nor France so little as abovesaid, but rather, that one bears to the other as about 7, or 8 to 1.

The People of Amsterdam, are one third of those in ParisThe Buildings of Amsterdam are about half in value to those at Paris. or London, which two Cities differ not in People a twentieth part from each other, as hath appeared by the Bills of Burials and Christnings for each1 . But the value of the Buildings in Amsterdam, may well be half that of Paris, by reason of the Foundations, Grafts, and Bridges, which ‖ in Amsterdam are more numerous and chargeable than at Paris. Moreover the The Housing in France above five times the value of those in Holland and Zealand. Habitations of the poorest People in Holland and Zealand are twice or thrice as good as those of France; but the People of the one to the People of the other, being but as thirteen to one, the value of the housing must be as about five to one.

The value of the Shipping of Europe, being about two The Shipping of Holland 9 times that France. Millions of Tuns, I suppose the English have Five Hundred Thousand, the Dutch Nine Hundred Thousand, the French an Hundred Thousand, the Hamburgers, and the Subjects of Denmark, Sweden, and the Town of Dansick two Hundred and Fifty Thousand, and Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. two Hundred and Fifty Thousand; so as the Shipping in our case of France to that of Holland and Zealand, is about one to nine, which reckoned as great and small, new and old, one with another at 82l. per Tun, makes the worth to be as Eight Hundred Thousand Pounds, to Seven Millions, and Two Hundred Thousand Pounds. The Comparison of Holl. and France in the India's. The Hollanders Capital in the East-India Company, is worth above Three ‖ Millions; where the French as yet have little or nothing.

The exportations of France and Holland is as 5 to 21. The value of the Goods exported out of France into all Parts, are supposed Quadruple to what is sent to England alone; and consequently in all about Five Millions1 , but what is exported out of Holland into England is worth Three Millions; and what is exported thence into all the World besides, is sextuple to the same.

The Revenues of France. The Monies Yearly raised by the King of France, as the same appears by the Book intituled (The State of France) Dedicated to the King, Printed Anno 1669. and set forth several times by Authority2 , is 82000000 of French Livers, which is about 6½ Millions of Pounds Sterling, of which summ the Author says, that one fifth part was abated for non-valuers or Insolvencies, so (as I suppose) not above Five Millions were effectually raised: But whereas some say, that the King of France raised Eleven Millions as the ⅕ of the effects of France; I humbly affirm, that all the Land and Sea Forces, all the Buildings and Entertainments, which we have heard by common Fame, to have been ‖ set forth and made in any of these seven last Years, needed not to have cost six Millions Sterling; wherefore, I suppose he hath not raised more, especially since there were one fifth Insolvencies, when the Tax was at that pitch. But Holland and Zealand, The Taxes paid by Holl. and Zealand. paying 67 of the 100, paid by all the United Provinces, and the City of Amsterdam paying 27 of the said 67; It follows that if Amsterdam hath paid 4000 l. Flemish per diem, or about1 1400000 l. per annum, or 800000 l. Sterling; that all Holland and Zealand, have paid 2100000 l. per annum: Now the reasons why I think they pay so much, are these, viz.

1. The Author of the State of the Netherlands saith so2 .

2. Excise of Victual at Amsterdam, seems above half the Original value of the same, viz.

Ground Corn pays 20 Stivers the Bushel, or 63 Gilders the Last; Beer 113 Stivers the Barrel, Housing ⅙ of Rent3 , Fruit ⅛ of what it cost; other Commodities , ⅛, , ; Salt ad libitum, all weighed Goods pay besides the Premisses a vast summ; now if the expence of the People of Amsterdam at a medium, ‖ and without Excise were 8 l. per annum, whereas in England 'tis 7 l. then if all the several Imposts above named, raise it Five Pound more, there being 160000 Souls in Amsterdam, the summ of 800000 l. Sterling per annum will thereby be raised.

3. Though the expence of each head, should be 13 l. per annum; 'tis well known that there be few in Amsterdam, who do not earn much more than the said expence.

4. If Holland and Zealand pay p. an. 2100000 l. then all the Provinces together, must pay about 3000000 l. less than which summ per annum, perhaps is not sufficient to have maintained the Naval War with England, 72000 Land Forces, besides all other the ordinary Charges of their Government, whereof the Church is there apart1 : To conclude, it seems from the Premisses, that all France doth not raise above thrice as much from the publick charge, as The Difference of interest between Hol. & France.Holland and Zealand alone do.

5. Interest of Money in France, is 7 l. per cent. but in Holland scarce half so much. ‖

6. The Countries of Holland and Zealand; consisting as it were of Islands guarded with the Sea, Shipping, and Marshes, is defensible at one fourth of the charge, that a plain open Country is, and where the feat of War may be both Winter and Summer; whereas in the others, little2 can be done but in the Summer only.

7. The super-lucration between France and Holl. But above all the particulars hitherto considered, that of superlucration ought chiefly to be taken in; for if a Prince have never so many Subjects, and his Country be never so good, yet if either through sloth, or extravagant expences, or Oppression and Injustice, whatever is gained shall be spent as fast as gotten, that State must be accounted poor; wherefore let it be considered, how much or how many times rather, Holland and Zealand are now above what they were 100 years ago, which we must also do of France: Now if France hath scarce doubled its Wealth and Power, and that the other have decupled theirs; I shall give the preference to the latter, even although the increased by the one, should not exceed the one half gained by the other, ‖ because one has a store for Nine Years, the other but for one.

To conclude, upon the whole it seems, that though France be in People to Holland and Zealand as 13 to 1, and in quantity of good Land, as 80 to one, yet it is not 13 times richer and stronger, much less 80 times, nor much above thrice, which was to be proved.

Having thus dispatched the two first Branches of the The causes of the difference between France and Holl first Principal conclusion; it follows, to shew that this difference of Improvement in Wealth and Strength, arises from the Situation, Trade, and Policy of the places respectively; and in particular from Conveniencies for Shipping and Water Carriage.

Many Writing on this Subject do so magnifie the Hollanders1 as if they were more, and all other Nations less than Men (as to the matters of Trade and Policy) making them Angels, and others Fools, Brutes, and Sots, as to those particulars; whereas I take the Foundation of their atchievements to lie originally in the Situation of the Country, whereby they do things inimitable by others, and have advantages whereof others are incapable. ‖

First, The Soil of Holland and Zealand is low Land, Rich and Fertile; whereby it is able to feed many Men, and The reasons why rich Land is better than course Land tho of the same Rent, and consequently why Holl. is better than Fran. so as that Men may live near each other, for their mutual assistance in Trade. I say, that a Thousand Acres, that can feed 1000 Souls, is better than 10000 Acres of no more effect, for the following reasons, viz.

1. Suppose some great Fabrick were in Building by a Thousand Men, shall not much more time be spared if they lived all upon a Thousand Acres, then if they were forced to live upon ten times as large a Scope of Land.

2. The charge of the cure of their Souls, and the Ministry would be far greater in one case than in the other; as also of mutual defence in case of Invasion, and even of Thieves and Robbers: Moreover the charge of the administration of Justice would be much easier, where Witnesses and Parties may be easily Summoned, Attendance less expensive, when Mens Actions would be better known, when wrongs and injuries could not be covered, as in thin peopled places they are. ‖

Lastly, those who live in Solitary places, must be their own Soldiers, Divines, Physicians, and Lawyers; and must have their Houses stored with necessary Provisions (like a Ship going upon a long Voyage,) to the great wast, and needless expence of such Provisions. The value of this first convenience to the Dutch, I reckon or estimate1 to be about 100000 l. per annum.

The advantages from the level and windmills of Holl. 2ly. Holland is a Level Country, so as in any part thereof, a Windmill may be set up, and by its being moist and vaporous, there is always wind stirring over it, by which advantage the labor of many thousand Hands is saved, forasmuch as a Mill made by one Man in half a year, will do as much Labor, as four Men for Five Years together. This advantage is greater or less, where employment or ease of Labour is so; but in Holland 'tis eminently great, and the worth of this conveniency is near an Hundred and Fifty Thousand Pounds.

3ly. The advantages from Holl. of Manufacture & Commerce. The Situation of Holl &Zeal. upon the Mouths of three great Rivers. There is much more to be gained by Manufacture than Husbandry, and by Merchandize than Manufacture; but Hollan and Zealand, being seated at the mouths of three long great Rivers, ‖ and passing through Rich Countries, do keep all the Inhabitants upon the sides of those Rivers but as Husbandmen, whilst themselves are the Manufactors of their Commodities, and do dispence them into all Parts of the World, making returns for the same, at what prices almost they please themselves; and in short, they keep the Keys of Trade of those Countries, through which the said Rivers pass; the value of this third conveniency, I suppose to be2 200000l.

4ly. Nearness to navigable Waters. In Holland and Zealand, there is scarce any place of work, or business one Mile distant from a Navigable Water, and the charge of Water carriage is generally but or part of Land carriage; Wherefore if there be as much Trade there as in France, then, the Hollanders can out-sell the French of all the expence, of all Travelling Postage and carriage whatsoever, which even in England I take to be 300000 l. p.an. where the very Postage of Letters, costs the People perhaps 50000 l. per annum, though Farmed at much less, and all other Labour of Horses, and Porters, at least six times as much; The value of ‖ this conveniency I estimate to be above Three Hundred Thousand pounds per annum.

5. The defensibleness of the Country, by reason of its The defensibleness of Holland. Situation in the Sea upon Islands1 , and in the Marshes, Impassible ground Diked and Trenched, especially considering how that place is aimed at for its Wealth; I say the charge of defending that Country, is easier than if it were a plain Champion, at least 200000 l. per annum.

6. Holland is so considerable for keeping Ships in Harbouring of Shipping at small expence Harbour with small expence of Men, and ground Tackle, that it saves per annum 200000 l. of what must be spent in France. Now if all these natural advantages do amount to above one Million per annum Profits, and that the Trade of all Europe, nay of the whole World, with which our Europeans do Trade, is not above 45 Millions p. an. and if of the value be of the Profit, it is plain that the Hollander may Command and Govern the whole Trade.

7. Those who have their Situation thus towards the Sea, Advantages from Fishing. and abound with Fish at home, and having also the command ‖ of Shipping, have by consequence the Fishing Trade, whereof that of Herring alone, brings more yearly Profit to the Hollanders than the Trade of the West-Indies to Spain, or of the East to themselves, as many have affirmed, being as the same say2viis & modis of above three Millions per annum Profit.

8. It is not to be doubted, but those who have the Advantages by Naval Provisions. Trade of Shipping and Fishing3 , will secure themselves of the Trade of Timber for Ships, Boats, Masts, and Cask; of Hemp for Cordage, Sails, and Nets; of Salt, of Iron; as also of Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Brimstone, Oil, and Tallow, as necessary Appurtenances to Shipping and Fishing.

9 Fitness for Universal Trade. Those who predominate in Shipping, and Fishing, have more occasions than others to frequent all parts of the World, and to observe what is wanting or redundant every where, and what each People can do, and what they desire, and consequently to be the Factors, and Carriers for the whole World of Trade. Upon which ground they bring all Native Commodities to be Manufactured at home, and carry the same back, even to that Country in ‖ which they grew, all which we see.

For, do they not work the Sugars of the West-Indies? The Timber and Iron of the Baltick? The Hemp of Russia? The Lead, Tin, and Wooll of England? The Quick-silver and Silk of Italy? The Yarns, and Dying Stuffs of Turkey, &c. To be short, in all the ancient States, and Empires, those who had the Shipping, had the Wealth, and if 2 per Cent. in the price of Commodities, be perhaps 20 per Cent. in the gain: it is manifest that they who can in forty five Millions, undersel others by one Million, (upon accompt of natural1 , and intrinsick advantages only) may easily have the Trade of the World without such Angelical Wits and Judgments, as some attribute to the Hollanders.

Having thus done with their Situation, I come now to their Trade.

Artificial advantages of Trade. It is commonly seen, that each Country flourisheth in the Manufacture of its own Native Commodities, viz. England for woollen Manufacture, France for Paper, Luic-land2 for Iron Ware, Portugal for Confectures, Italy for Silks; upon which Principle it follows, that Holland and Zealand must flourish most ‖ in the Trade of Shipping, and so become Carriers and Factors of the whole World of Trade. Now the advantages of the Shipping Trade are as followeth, viz.

Husbandmen, Seamen, Soldiers, Artizans1 and Merchants, Husbandmen, Seamen, Soldiers, Artizans, and Merchants, are the very Pillars of a Common-Wealth, and a Seaman is three of them. are the very Pillars of any Common-Wealth2 ; all the other great Professions, do rise out of the infirmities, and miscarriages of these; now the Seaman is three of these four. For every Seaman of industry and ingenuity, is not only a Navigator, but a Merchant, and also a Soldier; not because he hath often occasion to fight, and handle Arms; but because he is familiarized with hardship and hazards, extending to Life and Limbs; for Training and Drilling is a small part of Soldiery, in respect of this last mentioned Qualification; the one being quickly and presently learned, the other not without many years most painful experience: wherefore to have the occasion of abounding in Seamen, is a vast conveniency.

2. The Husbandman of England earns but about 4 s. per Week, but the Seamen have as good as 12 s. in Wages, ‖ Victuals (and as it were housing) with other accommodations, so as a Seaman is in effect three Husbandmen; wherefore A Seaman equivalent to three Husbandmen. there is little Ploughing, and Sowing of Corn in Holland and Zealand, or breeding of young Cattle: but their Land is improved by building Houses, Ships, Engines, Dikes, Wharfs, Gardens of pleasure, extraordinary Flowers and Fruits; for Dairy and feeding of Cattle, for Rape, Flax, Madder, &c. The Foundations of several advantageous Manufactures.

3. Whereas the Employment of other Men is confined to their own Country, that of Seamen is free to the whole World; so as where Trade may (as they call it) be dead here or there3 , now and then, it is certain that some where or other in the World. Trade is always quick enough, and Provisions are always plentiful, the benefit whereof, those who command the Shipping enjoy, and they only.

4. The great and ultimate effect of Trade is not Wealth Silver, Gold, and Jewels, are Universal Wealth. at large, but particularly abundance of Silver, Gold, and Jewels, which are not perishable, nor so mutable as other Commodities1 , ‖ but are Wealth at all times, and all places: Whereas abundance of Wine, Corn, Fowls, Flesh, &c. are Riches but hic & nunc, so as the raising of such Commodities, and the following of such Trade, which does store the Country with Gold, Silver, Jewels, &c. is profitable before others. But the Labour of Seamen, and Freight of Ships, is always of the nature of an Exported Commodity, the overplus whereof, above what is Imported, brings home mony, &c.

5. Reasons why the Hollanders Sail for less Freight. Those who have the command of the Sea Trade, may Work at easier Freight with more profit, than others at greater: for as Cloth must be cheaper made, when one Cards, another Spins, another Weaves, another Draws, another Dresses, another Presses and Packs; than when all the Operations above-mentioned, were clumsily performed by the same hand; so those who command the Trade of Shipping, can build long slight Ships for carrying Masts, Fir-Timber, Boards, Balks, &c.And short ones for Lead, Iron, Stones &c. One sort of Vessels to Trade at Ports where they need never lie a ground, others where they must jump upon the Sand ‖ twice every twelve hours; One sort of Vessels, and way of manning in time of Peace, and2 cheap gross Goods, another for War and precious Commodities; One sort of Vessels for the turbulent Sea, another for Inland Waters and Rivers; One sort of Vessels, and Rigging, where haste is requisite for the Maidenhead of a Market, another where ⅕ or ¼ part of the time makes no matter. One sort of Masting and Rigging for long Voyages, another for Coasting. One sort of Vessels for Fishing, another for Trade. One sort for War for this or that Country, another for Burthen only. Some for Oars, some for Poles, some for Sails, and some for draught by Men or Horses, some for the Northern Navigations amongst Ice, and some for the South against Worms, &c.3 And this I take to be the chief of several Reasons, why the Hollanders can go at less Freight than their Neighbours, viz. because they can afford a particular sort of Vessels for each particular Trade.

I have shewn how Situation hath given them Shipping, and how Shipping hath given them in effect all other ‖ Trade, and how Foreign Traffick must give them as much Manufacture as they can manage themselves, and as for the overplus, make the rest of the World but as Workmen to their Shops. It now remains to shew the effects of their The Policy of Holland. Policy, superstructed upon these natural advantages, and not as some think upon the excess of their Understandings.

I have omitted to mention the Hollanders were one hundred years since, a poor and oppressed People, living in a Country naturally cold1 and unpleasant: and were withal persecuted for their Heterodoxy in Religion

From hence it necessarily follows, that this People must Labour hard, and set all hands to Work: Rich and Poor, Young and Old, must study the Art of Number, Weight, and Measure; must fare hard, provide for Impotents, and for Orphans, out of hope to make profit by their Labours: must punish the Lazy by Labour, and not by cripling them2 : I say, all these particulars, said to be the subtile excogitations of the Hollanders, seem to me, but what could not almost have been otherwise. ‖

Liberty of Conscience, Registry of Conveyances, small Customs, Banks, Lumbards, and Law Merchant, rise all from the same Spring, and tend to the same Sea; as for lowness of Interest, it is also a necessary effect of all the premisses, and not the Fruit of their contrivance.

Wherefore we shall only shew in particular the efficacy of each, and first of Liberty of Conscience; but before I enter upon these, I shall mention a Practice almost forgotten, (whether it referreth to Trade or Policy is not material,) which is, the Hollanders undermasting, and sailing such of Under-masting of Ships. their Shipping, as carry cheap and gross Goods, and whose Sale doth not depend much upon Season.

It is to be noted, that of two equal and like Vessels, if one spreads one thousand six hundred Yards of like Canvase, and the other two thousand five hundred, their speed is but as four to five, so as one brings home the same Timber in four days, as the other will in five. Now if we consider that although those Ships be but four or five days under Sail, that they are perhaps ‖ thirty upon the Voyage; so as the one is but part longer upon the whole Voyage than the other, though one fifth longer under Sail. Now if Masts, Yards, Rigging, Cables, and Anchors, do all depend upon the quantity and extent of the Sails, and consequently hands also; it follows, that the one Vessel, goes at one third less charge, losing but one thirtieth1 of the time, and of what depends thereupon.

Liberty of Conscience, and the Reasons thereof in Holland. I now come to the first Policy of the Dutch, viz. Liberty of Conscience; which I conceive they grant upon these Grounds. (But keeping up always a Force to maintain the Common Peace,) 1. They themselves broke with Spain, to avoid the imposition of the Clergy. 2. Dissenters of this kind, are for the most part, thinking, sober, and patient Men, and such as believe that Labour and Industry is their Duty towards God. (How erroneous soever their Opinions2 be.) 3. These People believing the Justice of God, and seeing the most Licentious persons, to enjoy most of the World, and its best things, will never venture to be of the same Religion and Profession with Voluptuaries, ‖ and Men of extreme Wealth and Power, who they think have their Portion in this World.

4. They cannot but know, That no Man can believe what himself pleases, and to force Men to say they believe what they do not, is vain, absurd, and without Honor to God.

5. The Hollanders knowing themselves not to be an Infallible Church, and that others had the same Scripture for Guides as themselves, and withal the same Interest to save their Souls, did not think fit to make this matter their business; not more than to take Bonds of the Seamen they employ, not to cast away their own Ships and Lives.

6. The Hollanders observe that in France and Spain, (especially the latter) the Churchmen are about one hundred for one, to what they use or need; the principal care of whom is to preserve Uniformity, and this they take to be a superfluous charge.

7. They observe where most indeavours have been used to keep Uniformity, there Heterodoxy hath most abounded.

8. They believe that if ¼ of the People were Heterodox, and that if ‖ that whole quarter should by Miracle be removed, that within a small time ¼ of the remainder would again become Heterodox some way or other, it being natural for Men to differ in Opinion in matters above Sense and Reason: and for those who have less Wealth, to think they have the more Wit and Understanding, especially of the things of God, which they think chiefly belong to the Poor.

9. They think the case of the Primitives, as it is represented in the Acts of the Apostles, looks like that of the present Dissenters, (I mean externally.) Moreover it is to be observed that Trade doth not (as some think) best The Trade of any Country is chiefly managed by the Heterodox party. flourish under Popular Governments, but rather that Trade is most vigorously carried on, in every State and Government, by the Heterodox part of the same, and such as profess Opinions different from what are publickly established: (that is to say) in India where the Mahometan Religion is Authorized, there the Banians are the most considerable Merchants. In the Turkish Empire the Jews, and Christians. At Venice, Naples, Legorn, Genoua, and Lisbone, ‖ Jews, and Non-Papist Merchant-Strangers: but to be short, in that part of Europe, where the Roman Catholick Religion now hath, or lately hath had Establishment; there three quarters of the whole Trade, is in the hands of such as have separated from the1 Church (that is to say) the Inhabitants of England, Scotland, and Ireland, as also those of the United Provinces, with Denmark, Sueden, and Norway, together with the Subjects of the German Protestant Princes, and the Hans Towns, do at this day possess three quarters of the Trade of the World; and even in France it self, the Hugonots are proportionably far the greatest Traders; Nor is it to be denied but that in Ireland, where the said Roman Religion is not Authorized, there the Professors thereof have a great part of the Trade. From whence it follows that Trade is not fixt to any All the Papists Seamen of Europe are scarce sufficient to Man the King of England's Fleet. Species of Religion as such; but rather as before hath been said to the Hetrodox part of the whole, the truth whereof appears also in all1 the particular Towns of greatest Trade in England; nor do I find reason to believe, that the Roman Catholick Seamen in the whole World, ‖ are sufficient to Man effectually a Fleet equal to what the King of England now hath; but the Non-papist Seamen, can do above thrice as much. Wherefore he whom this latter Party doth affectionately own to be their Head, cannot probably be wronged in his Sea-concernments by the other; from whence it follows, that for the advancement of Trade, (if that be a sufficient reason) Indulgence must be granted in matters of Opinion; though licentious actings as even in Holland, be restrained by force.

Firm Titles to Lands and Houses. The second Policy or help to Trade used by the Hollanders, is securing the Titles to Lands and Houses; for although Lands and Houses may be called Terra Firma & res immobilis, yet the Title unto them is no more certain, than it pleases the Lawyers and Authority to make them; wherefore the Hollanders do by Registries, and other ways of Assurance make the Title as immovable as the Lands, for there can be no incouragement to Industry, where there is no assurance of what shall be gotten by it; and where by fraud and corruption, one Man may take away with ease and by a trick, and in a moment ‖ what another has gotten by many Years2 extreme labour and pains3 .

Of the introducing Registries into England. There hath been much discourse, about introducing of Registries into England; the Lawyers for the most part object against it, alledging that Titles of Land in England are sufficiently secure already; wherefore omitting the considerations of small and oblique reasons pro & contra, it were good that enquiry were made from the Officers of several Courts, to what summ or value Purchasers have been damnified for this last ten Years, by such fraudulent conveyances as Registries would have prevented; the tenth part whereof at a Medium, is the annual loss which the People sustain for want of them, and then computation is to be made of the annual charge of Registring such extraordinary Conveyances, as would secure the Title of Lands; now by comparing these two summs, the Question so much agitated may be determined; though some think that though few are actually damnified, yet that all are hindered by fear and deterred from Dealing1 .

Their third Policy is their Bank, the use whereof is to The Banks of Holland. encrease Mony, or rather to ‖ make a small summ equivalent in Trade to a greater, for the effecting whereof these things are to be considered. 1. How much Money will drive the Trade of the Nation. 2. How much current Money there is actually in the Nation. 3. How much Money will serve to make all payments of under 50 l. or any other more convenient summ throughout the Year. 4. For what summ the keepers of the Bank are unquestionable Security: If all these four particulars be well known, then it may also be known, how much of the ready Money above mentioned may safely and profitably2 be lodged in the Bank, and to how much ready current Money the said deposited Money is equivalent. As for example, suppose a Hund. thous. Pounds will drive the Trade of the Nation, & suppose there be but Sixty thousand Pounds of ready Money in the same; suppose also that Twenty thous. Pounds will drive on and answer all Payments made of under 50 l. In this case Forty of the Sixty being put into the Bank, will be equivalent to Eighty, which eighty and twenty kept out of the Bank do make up an Hundred, (that is to say) enough to drive ‖ the Trade as was proposed; where note that the Bank keepers must be responsible for double the summ intrusted with them, and must have power to levy upon the general, what they happen to loose unto particular Men.

Upon which grounds, the Bank may freely make use of the received Forty thousand Pounds, whereby the said summ, with the like summ in Credit makes Eighty thousand Pounds, and with the Twenty reserved an Hundred.

The Hollanders are seldom Husband-men or Foot Soldiers. I might here add many more particulars, but being the same as have already been noted by others, I shall conclude only with adding one observation which I take to be of consequence, viz. That the Hollanders do rid their hands of two Trades, which are of greatest turmoil and danger, and yet of least profit; the first whereof is that of a common and private Soldier, for such they can hire from England, Scotland, and Germany, to venture their lives for Six pence a day, whilst themselves safely and quietly follow such Trades, whereby the meanest of them gain six times as much, and withal by this entertaining of Strangers for Soldiers; their Country ‖ becomes more and more peopled, forasmuch as the Children of such Strangers, are Hollanders and take to Trades, whilst new Strangers are admitted ad infinitum; besides these Soldiers at convenient intervals, do at least as much work as is equivalent to what they spend, and consequently by this way of employing of Strangers for Soldiers, they People the Country and save their own Persons from danger and misery, without any real expence, effecting by this method, what others have in vain attempted by Laws for Naturalizing of Strangers1 , as if Men could be charmed to transplant themselves from their own Native, into a Foreign Country merely by words, and for the bare leave of being called by a new Name. In Ireland Laws of Naturalization2 have had little effect, to bring in Aliens, and 'tis no wonder, since English Men will not go thither without they may have the pay of Soldiers, or some other advantage amounting to maintenance.

Having intimated the way by which the Hollanders do The Method of computing the value of Men and People. increase their People, I shall here digress to set down the way of computing the value of every Head ‖ one with another, and that by the instance of People in England, viz. Suppose the People of England be Six Millions in number, that their expence at 7 l. per Head be forty two Millions: suppose also that the Rent of the Lands be eight Millions, and the profit1 of all the Personal Estate be Eight Millions more; it must needs follow, that the Labour of the People must have supplyed the remaining Twenty Six Millions, the which multiplied by Twenty (the Mass of Mankind being worth Twenty Years purchase as well as Land) makes Five Hundred and Twenty Millions, as the value2 of the whole People: which number divided by Six Millions, makes above 80 l. Sterling, to be valued of each Head of Man, Woman, and Child, and of adult Persons twice as much; from whence we may learn to compute the loss we have sustained by the Plague, by the Slaughter of Men in War, and by the sending them abroad into the Service of Foreign Princes.3 The other Trade of which the Hollanders have rid their Hands, is the old Patriarchal Trade of being Cow-keepers, and in a great Measure of that which concerns ‖ Ploughing and Sowing of Corn, having put that Employment upon the Danes and Polanders, from whom they have their Young Cattle and Corn. Now here we may take notice, that as Trades and curious Arts increase; so the Trade of Husbandry will decrease, or else the Wages of Husbandmen must rise, and consequently the Rents of Lands must fall.

For proof whereof I dare affirm, that if all the Husband-men of England, who now earn but 8 d. a day or thereabouts, could become Tradesmen and earn 16 d. a day (which is no great Wages 2 s. and 2 s. 6 d. being usually given) that then it would be the advantage of England to throw up their Husbandry, and to make no use of their Lands, but for Grass Horses, Milch Cows, Gardens, and Orchards, &c. which if it be so, and if Trade and Manufacture have increased in England (that is to say) if a greater part of the People, apply themselves to those faculties, than there did heretofore, and if the price of Corn be no greater now, than when Husbandmen were more numerous, and Tradesmen fewer; It follows from that single ‖ reason (though others may be Reasons why Rents do fall. added) that the Rents of Land must fall: As for example, suppose the price of Wheat be 5 s. or 60 pence the Bushel; now if the Rent of the Land whereon it grows, be the third Sheaf; then of the 60 d. 20 d. is for the Land, and 40 d. for the Husbandman; But if the Husbandmans Wages, should rise one eighth part, or from 8 d. to 9 d. per Drem, then the Husbandmans share in the Bushel of Wheat, rises from 40 d. to 45 d. And consequently the Rent of the Land must fall from 20 d. to 15 d for we suppose the price of the Wheat still remains the same: Especially since we cannot raise it, for if we did attempt it, Corn would be brought in to us, (as into Holland) from Foreign Parts, where the State of Husbandry was not changed.

And thus I have done with the first principal Conclusion, that, A small Territory, and even a few People, may by Situation, Trade, and Policy, be made equivalent to a greater; and that convenience for Shipping, and Water-carriage, do most eminently and fundamentally conduce thereunto. ‖

CHAP. II.

That some kind of Taxes and Publick Levies, may rather increase than diminish the Wealth of the Kingdom.

What shifting of Money from hand is profitable or not.IF the Money or other Effects, levyed from the People by way of Tax, were destroyed and annihilated; then 'tis clear, that such Levies would diminish the Commonwealth: Or if the same were exported out of the Kingdom without any return at all, then the case would be also the same or worse1 : But if what is levyed as aforesaid, be only transferred from one hand to another, then we are only to consider whether the said Money or Commodities, are taken from an improving hand, and given to an ill Husband, or vice versa: As for example, suppose that Money by way of Tax, be taken from one who spendeth the same in superfluous eating and drinking; and delivered to another ‖ who employeth the same, in improving of Land, in Fishing, in working of Mines, in Manufacture, &c. It is manifest, that such Tax is an advantage to the State whereof the said different Persons are Members: Nay, if Money be taken from him, who spendeth the same as aforesaid upon eating and drinking, or any other perishing Commodity; and the same transferr'd to one that bestoweth it on Cloaths; I say, that even in this case, the Commonwealth hath some little advantage; because Cloaths do not altogether perish so soon as Meats and Drinks: But if the same be spent in Furniture of Houses, the advantage is yet a little more; if in Building of Houses, yet more; if in improving of Lands; working of Mines, Fishing, &c. yet more; but most of all, in bringing Gold and Silver into the Country: Because those things are not only not perishable, but are esteemed for Wealth at all times, and every where: Whereas other Commodities which are perishable, or whose value depends upon the Fashion; or which are contingently scarce and plentiful, are wealth, but pro hic & nunc, as shall be2 elsewhere said ‖.

In the next place if the People of any Country, who have not already a full employment, should be enjoyned or Taxed Taxing of new works a benefit to the Commonwealth. to work upon such Commodities as are Imported from abroad; I say, that such a Tax, also doth improve the Commonwealth.

Moreover, if Persons who live by begging, cheating, stealing, gaming, borrowing without intention of restoring; The taxing of Idlers. who by those ways do get from the credulous and careless, more than is sufficient for the subsistence of such Persons; I say, that although the State should have no present employment for such Persons, and consequently should be forced to bear the whole charge of their livelyhood; yet it were more for the publick profit to give all such Persons, a regular and competent allowance by Publick Tax; than to suffer them to spend extravagantly, at the only charge of careless, credulous, and good natured People: And to expose the Commonwealth to the loss of so many able Men, whose lives are taken away, for the crimes which ill Discipline doth occasion. ‖

On the contrary, If the Stocks of laborious and ingenious Men, who are not only beautifying the Country where they live by elegant Dyet, Apparrel, Furniture, Housing, pleasant Gardens, Orchards, and Publick Edifices, &c. But are also increasing the Gold, Silver, and Jewels of the Country by Trade and Arms; I say, if the Stock of these Men should be diminished by a Tax, and transferred to such as do nothing at all, but eat and drink, sing, play, and dance: nay to such as study the Metaphysicks, or other needless Speculation; or else employ themselves in any other way, which produce no material thing, or things of real use and value in the Commonwealth: In this case, the Wealth of the Publick will be diminished: Otherwise than as such exercises, are recreations and refreshments of the mind; and which being moderately used, do qualifie and dispose Men to what in it self is more considerable.

Wherefore upon the whole matter, to know whether a Tax will do good or harm: The State of the People, and their employments, must be well known; (that is to say,) what part of the People ‖ are unfit for Labour by their Infancy or Impotency; and also what part are exempt from the same, by reason of their Wealth, Function, or Dignities; or by reason of their charge and employments; otherwise than in governing, directing and preserving those, who are appointed to Labour and Arts.

2. In the next place computation must be made, what part of those who are fit for Labour and Arts as aforesaid, are able to perform the work of the Nation in its present State and Measure1 .

3. It is to be considered, whether the remainder can A judgment of what taxes are advantageous. make all or any part of those Commodities, which are Imported from abroad; which of them, and how much in particular: The remainder of which sort of People (if any be) may safely and without possible prejudice to the Commonwealth, be employed in Arts and Exercises of pleasure and ornament; the greatest whereof is the Improvement of natural knowledge.

Having thus in general illustrated this point, which I think needs no other proof but illustration; I come next to intimate that no part of Europe hath ‖ paid so much by way of Tax, and publick contribution, as Holland and Zealand for this last 100 Years; and yet no Country hath in the same time, increased their Wealth1 comparably to them: And it is manifest they have followed the general considerations above-mentioned; for they Tax Meats and Drinks most heavily of all; to restrain the excessive expence of those things, which 24 hours doth (as to the use of Man,) wholly annihilate; and they are more favourable to Commodities of greater duration.

Nor do they Tax according to what Men gain, but in extraordinary cases; but always according to what Men spend: And most of all, according to what they spend needlesly, and without prospect of return. Upon which grounds, their Customs upon Goods Imported and Exported, are generally low; as if they intended by them, only to keep an account of their Foreign Trade; and to retaliate upon It is probable that Holland and England are grown richer under taxes their Neighbour States, the prejudices done them, by their Prohibitions and Impositions.

It is further to be observed, that since the Year 1636, the Taxes and Publick ‖ Levies made in England, Scotland, and Ireland, have been prodigiously greater than at any time heretofore; and yet the said Kingdoms have increased in their Wealth and Strength, for these last Forty Years, as shall hereafter be shewn2 .

It is said that the King of France, at present doth Levy The difference of Princes Revenues. the Fifth Part of his Peoples Wealth; and yet great Ostentation is made of the Present Riches and Strength of that Kingdom. Now1 great care must be had in distinguishing between the Wealth of the People, and that of an absolute Monarch; who taketh from the People, where, when, and in what proportion he pleaseth. Moreover2 , the Subjects of two Monarchs may be equally Rich, and yet one Monarch may be double as Rich as the other; viz. If one take the tenth part of the Peoples Substance to his own dispose, and the other but the 20th. nay the Monarch of a poorer People, may appear more splendid and glorious, than that of a Richer; which perhaps may be somewhat the case of France, as hereafter shall be examined. As an instance and application of what hath been ‖ said, I conceive that in IrelandThat Ireland may be more advantageously taxed by a Pole in Flax wherein are about 1200 Thousand People, and near3 300 Thousand Smokes4 or Hearths5 ; It were more tolerable for the People, and more profitable for the King; that each Head paid 2s. worth of Flax, than that each smoke should pay 2s. in Silver; And that for the following reasons.

1. Ireland being under peopled, and Land, and Cattle being very cheap; there being every where store of Fish and Fowl; the ground yielding excellent Roots (and particularly1 that bread-like root Potatoes) and withal they being able to perform their Husbandry, with such harness and tackling, as each Man can make with his own hands; and living in such Houses as almost every Man can build2 ; and every House-wife being a Spinner and Dyer of Wool and Yarn, they can live and subsist after their present fashion, without the use of Gold or Silver Money; and can supply themselves with the necessaries above named, without labouring 2 Hours per diem: Now it hath been found, that by reason of Insolvencies arising, rather from the uselessness than want of Money ‖ among these poor People; that from 300 Thousand Hearths, which should have yielded 30 Thousand Pound per annum; not 15 Thousand Pound of Money could be Levyed: Whereas it is easily imagined, that four or five People dwelling in that Cottage, which hath but one smoke; could easily have planted a ground-plot of about 40 foot square with Flax; or the 50 part of an Acre; for so much ground will bear eight or ten Shillings worth of that Commodity; and the Rent of so much ground, in few places amounts to a penny per annum. Nor is there any skill requisite to this practice, wherewith the Country is not already familiar. Now as for a Market for the Flax; there is Imported into Holland it self, over and above what that Country produces; as much Flax, as is there sold for between Eightscore and Two Hundred Thousand Pound; and into England and Ireland is Imported as much Linnen Cloth made of Flax, and there spent, as is worth above ½ a Million of Money. As shall hereafter be shewn1 .

Wherefore having shewn, that Silver Money is useless to the poor People of ‖ Ireland; that half the Hearth Money could not be raised by reason thereof; that the People are not a fifth part employed; that the People and Land of Ireland, are competently qualified for Flax; That one Penny-worth of Land, will produce Ten Shillings2 worth of the same; and that there is Market enough and enough, for above an Hundred Thousand Pounds worth; I conceive my Proposition sufficiently proved; at least to set forwards and promote a practice, which both the present Law and Interest of the Country doth require: Especially, since if all the Flax so produced should yield nothing, yet there is nothing lost; the same time having been worse spent before. Upon the same grounds, the like Tax of 2 s. per Head, may be raised with the like advantage upon the People of England; which will amount to Six Hundred Thousand Pound per annum; to be paid in Flax, Manufactured, into all the sorts of Linnens, Threds, Tapes, and Laces; which we now receive from France, Flanders, Holland, and Germany; the value whereof doth far exceed the summ last mentioned, as hath appeared by the examination of particulars. ‖

It is observed by Clothiers, and others, who employ great Duties put upon redundant Commodities may be a harmless Tax. numbers of poor people, that when Corn is extremely plentiful3 , that the Labour of the poor is proportionably dear4 : And scarce to be had at all (so licentious are they who labour only to eat, or rather to drink.) Wherefore when so many Acres sown with Corn, as do usually produce a sufficient store for the Nation, shall produce perhaps double to what is expected or necessary; it seems not unreasonable that this common blessing of God, should be applied, to the common good of all people, represented by their Sovereign; much rather than the1 same should be abused, by the vile and brutish part of mankind, to the prejudice of the Common-Wealth: And consequently, that such surplusage of Corn, should be sent to publick Store-houses; from thence to be disposed of, to the best advantage of the Publick.

Now if the Corn spent in England, at five shillings per Bushel Wheat, and two shillings six pence Barley, be worth ten Millions Communibus annis; it follows that in years of great plenty, when the said Grains are one third part ‖ cheaper; that a vast advantage might accrue to the Common-Wealth, which now is spent in over-feeding of the People, in quantity or quality; and so indisposing them to their usual Labour.

The like may be said of Sugar, Tobacco, and Pepper; which custom hath now made necessary to all sorts of people; and which the over-planting of them, hath made unreasonably cheap: I say it is not absurd, that the Publick should be advantaged by this extraordinary plenty.

That an Excise should be laid upon Corrants2 also, is not unreasonable; not only for this, but for other reasons also

The way of the present Militia or Trained-Bands, is a Of a Tax by a grand Militia, and by two other sorts of Armies. gentle Tax upon the Country; because it is only a few days Labour in the year, of a few Men in respect of the whole; using their own goods, that is their3 own Arms. Now if there be three Millions of Males in England, there be above two hundred thousand of them, who are between the age of sixteen and thirty, unmarried persons; and who live by their ‖ Labour and Service; for of so many or thereabouts, the present Militia consists.

Now if an hundred and five4 thousand of these, were Armed, and Trayned, as Foot; and fifty thousand as Horse; (Horse being of special advantage in Islands)5 the said Forces at Land, with thirty thousand Men at Sea; would by Gods ordinary blessing, defend this Nation, being an Island, against any Force in view: But the charge of Arming, Disciplining, and Rendezvousing all these Men, twice, or thrice a year; would be a very gentle Tax, Levyed by the people themselves, and paid to themselves. Moreover if out of the said number ⅓ part were selected, of such as are more than ordinarily fit and disposed1 for War, and to be Exercised, and Rendezvoused fourteen or fifteen times per annum; the charge thereof being but a fortnights Pay in the year, would be also a very gentle Tax.

Lastly, If out of this last mentioned number, ⅓ again should be selected, making about twelve2 thousand Foot, and near3 six thousand Horse, to be Exercised, ‖ and Rendezvoused forty days in the year; I say that the charge of all these three Militias, allowing the latter six weeks Pay per annum; would not cost above one hundred and twenty thousand pound per annum; which I take to be an easie burthen, for so great a benefit.

For supplying the Navy, and Merchants with Seamen. Forasmuch as the present Navy of England requires thirty six thousand Men to Man it; and for that the English Trade of Shipping, requires about forty eight thousand Men, to manage it also; it follows, that to perform both well, there ought to be about seventy two thousand Men, (and not eighty four thousand) competently4 qualified for these Services: For want whereof we see, that it is a long while, before a Royal Navy can be manned; which till it be, is of no effectual use, but lies at charge. And we see likewise upon these occasions, that Merchants are put to great straights, and inconveniences; and do pay excessive rates for the carrying on their Trade. Now if twenty four thousand able bodyed Tradesmen, were by5 six thousand of them6per annum, brought up and fitted for Sea-Service; and for ‖ their incouragement allowed 20s. per annum for every year they had been at Sea, even when they stay at home, not exceeding 6l. for those, who have served six years or upward; it follows, that about 72000l. at the medium of 3l. per Man, would Salariate the whole number of twenty four thousand1 ; and so, forasmuch as half the Seamen, which mannage the Merchants Trade, are supposed to be always in Harbour, and are about twenty four thousand2 Men, together with the said half of the Auxilliaries last mentioned, would upon all3 emergencies, Man out the whole Royal Navy with thirty six thousand4 , and leaving to the Merchants twelve thousand of the abler Auxilliaries, to perform their business in Harbour, till others come home from Sea; and thus thirty six thousand, twenty four thousand, and twelve thousand, make the seventy two thousand above mentioned5 : I say that more than this sum of 72000l. is fruitlesly spent, and over paid by the Merchants, whensoever a great Fleet is to be fitted out. Now these whom I call Auxilliary Seamen, are such as have another Trade besides, wherewith ‖ to maintain themselves, when they are not employed at Sea; and the charge of maintaining them, though 72000l. per annum, I take to be little or nothing, for the reasons above mentioned, and consequently an easie Tax to the people, because Leavyed by, and paid to themselves.

As we propounded that Ireland should be Taxed with A Herring Tax upon Scotland. Flax, and England by Linnen, and other Manufacture of the same; I conceive that Scotland also might be Taxed as much, to be paid in Herrings, as Ireland in Flax: Now the three Taxes (viz.) of Flax, Linnen, and Herrings, and the maintainance of the triple Militia, and of the Auxilliary Seamen above-mentioned, do all five of them together, amount to one Million of mony, the raising whereof is not a Million spent, but gain unto the Common-Wealth, unless it can be made appear, that by reason of all, or any of them, the Exportation of Woollen Manufactures, Lead, and Tin, are lessened; or of such Commodities, as our own East and West India Trade do produce, forasmuch as I conceive, that the Exportation ‖ of these last mentioned Commodities, is the Touch-stone whereby the Wealth of England is tryed, and the Pulse whereby the Health of the Kingdom may be discerned.

CHAP. III.

That France cannot by reason of natural, and perpetual Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English, or Hollanders1now are, or may be.

The qualities of Ships fit for the defence of England.POwer at Sea consists chiefly of Men, able to fight at Sea, and that in such Shipping, as is most proper for the Seas wherein they serve; and those are in these Northern Seas, Ships from between three hundred to one thousand three hundred Tuns; and of those such as draw much Water, and have a deep Latch in the Sea, in order to keep a good Wind, and not to fall to Leeward, a matter of vast advantage in Sea Service: Wherefore it is to be examined, 1. Whether the King of France, hath Ports in the Northern Seas (where ‖ he hath most occasion for his Fleets of War, in any contests2 with England) able to receive the Vessels above-mentioned, in all Weathers, both in Winter and Summer Season. For if the King of France, would3 bring to Sea an equal number of fighting Men, with the English and Hollanders, in small floaty Leeward Vessels, he would certainly be of the weaker side For a Vessel of one thousand Tuns manned with five hundred Men, fighting with five Vessels of two hundred Tuns, each manned with one hundred Men apiece, shall in common reason have the better offensively, and defensively; forasmuch as the great Ship can carry such Ordnance, as can reach the small ones at a far greater distance, than those can reach, or at least hurt the other; and can batter, and sink at a distance, when small ones can scarce peirce.

Moreover it is more difficult for Men out of a small Vessel, to enter a tall Ship, than for Men from a higher place, to leap down into a lower; nor is small shot so effectual upon a tall Ship, as vice versa. ‖

And as for Vessels drawing much water, and consequently keeping a good Wind, they can take or leave Leeward Vessels, at pleasure, and secure themselves from being boarded by them: Moreover the windward Ship, has a fairer mark at a Leeward Ship, than vice versa; and can place her shot upon such parts of the Leeward Vessel, as upon the next Tack will be under water.

Now then the King of France, having no Ports able to receive large windward Vessels, between Dunkirk and Ushant, what other Ships he can bring into those Seas, will not be considerable. As for the wide Ocean, which his Harbours of Brest, and Charente1 , do look into; it affordeth him no advantage upon an Enemy; there being so great a Latitude of engaging or not, even when the Parties are in sight of each other.

Wherefore, although the King of France were immensely rich, and could build what Ships he pleased, both for number, and quality; yet if he have not Ports to receive, and shelter, that sort and size of Shipping, which2 is fit for his purpose; the said Riches will in this ‖ case be fruitless, and a mere expence without any return, or profit. Some will say that other Nations cannot build so good Ships as the English; I do indeed hope they cannot; but because it seems too possible, that they may sooner or later, by Practice and Experience; I shall not make use of that Argument, having bound my self to shew, that the impediments of France, (as to this purpose) are natural, and perpetual. Ships, and Guns do not fight of themselves, but Men who act and manage them; wherefore it is more material to shew; That the King of France, neither hath, nor can have Men sufficient, to Man a Fleet, of equal strength to that of the King of England. (viz.)

The qualifications of Seamen for defence. The King of Englands Navy, consists of about seventy thousand Tuns of Shipping, which requires thirty six thousand Men to Man it; these Men being supposed to be divided into eight parts, I conceive that one eighth part, must be persons of great Experience, and Reputation, in Sea Service: another eighth part must be such as have used the Sea seven years and upwards; ‖ half of them, or 4/8 parts more, must be such as have used the Sea above a twelvemonth, viz. two, three, four, five, or six years, allowing but one quarter of the whole Complements, to be such as never were at Sea at all, or at most but one Voyage, or upon one Expedition; so that at a medium I reckon, that the whole Fleet must be Men of three The Number of Seamen in France. or four years growth, one with another. Fournier1 , a late judicious Writer, makeing it his business to persuade the World, how considerable the King of France was, or might be at Sea, in the ninety second and ninety third pages of his Hydrography, saith, That there was one place in Britany, which had furnished the King with one thousand four hundred Seamen, and that perhaps the whole Sea-Coast of France, might have furnished him with fifteen times as many: Now supposing his whole Allegation were true, yet the said number amounts but to twenty one thousand; all which, if the whole Trade of Shipping in France were quite and clean abandoned, would not by above a third, Man out a Fleet equivalent, to that of the King of England: And if ‖ the Trade were but barely kept alive, there would not be one third part Men enough, to Man the said Fleet.

But if the Shipping Trade of France, be not above a quarter as great as that of England, and that one third part of the same, namely the Fishing Trade to the Banks of Newfoundland, is not peculiar, nor fixt to the French; then I say that if the King of England (having power to Press Men) cannot under two or three months time Man his Fleet; then the King of France, with less than a quarter of the same help, can never do it at all; for in France (as shall elsewhere be shewn1 ) there are not above one hundred and fifty thousand Tun of Trading Vessels, and consequently not above fifteen thousand Seamen, reckoning a Man to every ten Tun. As it has been shewn that the King of France, cannot at present Man such a Fleet, as is above described, we come next to shew that he never can, being under natural, and perpetual Impediments: viz. 1. If there be but fifteen thousand Seamen in all France, to manage its Trade, it is not to be ‖ supposed, that the said Trade should be extinguished, nor that it should spare above five of the said fifteen thousand towards manning the Fleet which requires thirty five thousand.

Now the deficient thirty thousand must be supplied, one2The ways whereby the French must increase Seamen. of these four3 ways, either, first by taking in Landmen, of which sort there must not be above ten thousand, since the Seamen will never be contented, without being the major part, nor do they heartily wish well to Landmen at all, or Why Seamen dislike Landmen. rejoyce even at those Successes, of which the Landmen can claim any share; thinking it hard that themselves, who are bred to miserable, painful, and dangerous Employments, (and yet profitable to the Commonwealth) should at a time when booty and purchase is to be gotten, be clogged or hindered, by any conjunction with Landmen, or forced to admit those, to an equal share with themselves. 2. The Seamen which we suppose twenty thousand, must be had, that is hired from other Nations, which cannot be without tempting them with so much Wages, as exceeds what is ‖ given by Merchants, and withal to counterpoise the danger The danger of English Seamen their serving the French. of being hanged by their own Prince, and allowed no Quarter if they are taken; the trouble of conveying themselves away, when Restraints and Prohibitions are upon them; and also the infamy of having been Apostates, to their own Country, and Cause: I say their Wages must be more than double, to what their own Prince gives them, and their assurance must be very great, that they shall not be at long run abused or slighted1 by those who employed them; (as hating the Traitor, although they love the Treason.) I say moreover, that those who will be thus tempted away, must be of the basest, and lewdest sort of Seamen, and such as have not enough of Honour and Conscience, to qualifie them for any How Men learn to be good Seamen. Trust, or gallant Performance. 3. Another way to increase2 Seamen, is to put great numbers of Landmen upon Ships of War, in order to their being Seamen; but this course cannot be effectual, not only for the above mentioned Antipathy, between Landmen, and Seamen; ‖ but also, because it is seen, that Men at Sea do not apply themselves to Labour and Practice, without more necessity than happens in overmanned Shipping. For where there are fifty Men in a Vessel, that ten can sufficiently Navigate, the supernumerary forty will improve little: But where there shall be of ten but one or two supernumeraries, there necessity will often call upon every Man to set his hand to the Work, which must be well done at the peril of their own lives. Moreover Seamen shifting Vessels almost every six or twelve months, do sometimes Sail in small Barks, sometimes in midling Ships, and sometimes in great Vessels of Defence; sometimes in Lighters, sometimes in Hoighs, sometimes in Ketches, sometimes in three Masted Ships, sometimes they go to the Southward, sometimes to the Northward, sometimes the3 Coast, sometimes they cross the Ocean; by all which variety of Service, they do in time compleat themselves, in every Part, and Circumstance of their Faculty: Whereas those who go out for a Summer, ‖ in a Man of War, have not that variety of Practice, nor a direct necessity of doing any thing at all.

Besides it is three or four years at a medium, wherein a Seaman must be made; neither can there be less than three Seamen, to make a fourth, of a Landman: Consequently the fifteen thousand Seamen of France, can increase but five thousand Seamen in three or four years, and unless their Trade should increase with their Seamen in proportion, the King must be forced to bear the charge of this improvement, out of the Publick Stock, which is intolerable. So as the Question which now remains, is, whether the Shipping Trade Whether the Shipping Trade of France is like to increase. of France is like to increase? Upon which accompt it is to be considered, I. That France is sufficiently stored, with all kind of Necessaries within it self; as with Corn, Cattle, Wine, Salt, Linnen Cloth, Paper, Silk, Fruits, &c. So as they need little Shipping, to Import more Commodities of Weight, or Bulk; neither is there any thing of Bulk Exported out of France, but Wines, and Salt; the weight whereof ‖ is under one hundred thousand Tun1per annum, yielding not employment to above twenty five thousand Tun of Shipping, and these are for the most part Dutch and English, who are not only already in Possession of the said Trade, but also are better fitted to maintain it, than the French are, or perhaps ever can be: And that for the following Reasons. (viz.) 1. Because Reasons why it cannot the French cannot Victual so cheap as the English, and Dutch, nor Sail with so few Hands. 2. The French, for want of good Coasts and Harbours, cannot keep their Ships in Port, under double the Charge that the English and Hollanders can. 3. by reason of Paucity, and distance of their Ports, one from another, their Seamen and Tradesmen relating to Shipping, cannot Correspond with, and Assist one another, so easily, cheaply, and advantageously, as in other places. Wherefore if their Shipping Trade, is not likely to increase within themselves, and much less to increase, by their beating out the English, and Hollanders, from being the Carriers of the World; it follows, ‖ that their Seamen will not be increased, by the increase of their said Trade: Wherefore, and for that they are not like to be increased, by any of the several ways above specified, and for that their Ports are not fit to receive Ships of Burthen, and Quality, fit for their purpose; and that by reason of the less fitness of their Ports, than that of their Neighbours; I conceive, that what was propounded, hath been competently proved.

The afore-named Fournier, in the ninety second and ninety third pages of his Hydrography, hath laboured to prove the contrary of all this, unto which I refer the Reader: Not thinking his Arguments of any weight at all, in the present case. Nor indeed doth he make his Comparisons, with the English or Hollanders, but with the Spaniards, who, nor the Grand Seignior, (the latter of whom hath greater advantages, to be powerful at Sea than the King of France) could ever attain to any illustrious greatness in Naval Power: Having often attempted, but never succeeded in the same.‖ Nor is it easie to believe, that the King of England should for so many years, have continued his Title to the Sovereignty of the Narrow Seas, against his Neighbours (ambitious enough to have gotten it from him) had not their Impediments been Natural, and Perpetual, and such, as we say, do obstruct the King of France. ‖

CHAP. IV.

That the People and Territories of the King of England, are naturally near1as considerable for Wealth and Strength, as those of France.

Of comparison between the Territories of England and France.THE Author of the State of England2 , among the many useful truths, and observations he hath set down; delivers the Proportion, between the Territories of England and France, to be as Thirty to Eighty two; the which if it be true, then England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands unto them belonging, will, taken all together, be near as big as France. Tho I ought to take all advantages for proving the Paradox in hand; yet I had rather grant that England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands before mentioned; together with the Planted parts of Newfoundland, New-England, New-Netherland, Virginia, Mary-Land, Carolina, Jamaica, Burmoudas, Barbadoes, and all ‖ the rest of the Carribby Islands, with what the King hath in Asia and Africa1 , do not contain so much2Territory as France, and what Planted Land the King of France hath also in America. And if any Man will be Heterodox in behalf of the French Interest; I would be contented against my knowledge and judgment, to allow the King of France's Territories, to be a seventh, sixth, or even a fifth greater, than those of the King of England; believing that both Princes have more Land, than they do employ to its utmost use.

And here I beg leave, (among the several matters which A Proposition for quitting Ireland & the Highlands of Scotland. I intend for serious,) to interpose a jocular, and perhaps ridiculous digression, and which I indeed desire Men to look upon, rather as a Dream or Resvery, than a rational Proposition; the which is, that if all the moveables and People of Ireland, and of the Highlands of Scotland, were transported into the rest of Great Brittain; that then the King and his Subjects, would thereby become more Rich and Strong, both offensively and defensively, than now they are. ‖

'Tis true, I have heard many Wise Men say, when they were bewailing the vast losses of the English, in preventing and suppressing Rebellions in Ireland, and considering how little profit hath returned, either to the King or Subjects of England, for their Five Hundred3 Years doing and suffering in that Country; I say, I have heard Wise Men (in such their Melancholies4 ) wish, that (the People of Ireland being saved) Island1 were sunk under Water: Now it troubles me, that the Distemper of my own mind in this point, carries me to dream, that the benefit of those wishes, may practically be obtained, without sinking that vast Mountainous Island under Water, which I take to be somewhat difficult; For although Dutch Engineers may drain its Bogs; yet I know no Artists that could sink its Mountains. If Ingenious and Learned Men (among whom I reckon Sir Tho. More, and Des Cartes2 ) have disputed, That we who think our selves awake, are or may be really in a Dream; and since the greatest absurdities of Dreams, are but a Preposterous and Tumultuary contexture of realities; I will crave the ‖ umbrage of these great Men last named, to say something for this wild conception, with submission to the better judgment of all those that can prove themselves awake.

If there were but one Man living in England, then the benefit of the whole Territory, could be but the livelyhood of that one Man: But if another Man were added, the rent or benefit of the same would be double, if two, triple; and so forward until so many Men were Planted in it, as the whole Territory could afford Food unto: For if a Man would know what any Land is worth, the true and natural Question must be, How many Men will it feed? How many Men are there to be fed? But to speak more practically, Land of the same quantity and quality in England, is generally worth four or five3 times as much as in Ireland; and but one quarter, or third of what it is worth in Holland; because England is four or five times4 better Peopled than Ireland, and but a quarter so well as Holland. And moreover, where the Rent of Land is advanced by reason of Multitude of People; there the number of Years purchase, for which ‖ the Inheritance may be sold, is also advanced, though perhaps not in the very same Proportion; for 20 s. per annum in Ireland, may be worth but 8 l. and in England where Titles are very sure, above 20 l. in Holland above 30 l.1

I suppose, that in Ireland and the High-Lands in Scotland, there may be about one Million and Eight hundred thousand People, or about a fifth part of what is in all the three Kingdoms: Wherefore the first Question will be, whether England, Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, cannot afford Food, (that is to say) Corn, Fish, Flesh, and Fowl, to a fifth part more People, than are at the present planted upon it, with the same Labour that the said fifth part do now take where they are? For if so, then what is propounded is naturally possible. 2. It is to be enquired, What the value of the immovables (which upon such removal must be left behind) are worth? For if they be worth less, than the advancement of the Price of Land in England will amount unto; then the Proposal is to be considered. 3. If the Relict Lands, and the immovables left behind upon them, may be ‖ sold for Money; or if no other Nation shall dare meddle with them, without paying well for them; and if the Nation who shall be admitted, shall be less able to prejudice and annoy the Transplantees into England then before; then I conceive that the whole proposal will be a pleasant and a profitable2 Dream indeed3 .

As to the first point, whether England and the Low-Lands That England and the Low-lands of Scotland will feed all the People of England, Scotland, & Ireland of Scotland, can maintain a fifth part more People than they now do (that is to say) Nine Millions of Souls in all? For answer thereunto, I first say, that the said Territories of England, and the Low-Land of Scotland, contain about Thirty Six Millions of Acres, that is four Acres for every Head, Man, Woman, and Child; but the United Provinces do not allow above one Acre and ½, and England it self rescinding Wales, hath but Three Acres to every Head, according to the present State of Tillage and Husbandry. Now if we consider that England having but three Acres to a Head as aforesaid, doth so abound in Victuals, as that it maketh Laws against the Importation of Cattle, ‖ Flesh, and Fish from abroad; and that the draining of Fens, improving of Forests, inclosing of Commons, Sowing of St. Foyne and Clovergrass, be grumbled against by Landlords1 , as the way to depress the price of Victuals; then it plainly follows, that less than three Acres improved as it may be, will serve the turn, and consequently that four will suffice abundantly. I could here set down the very number of Acres, that would bear Bread and Drink, Corn, together with Flesh, Butter, and Cheese, sufficient to victual Nine Millions of Persons, as they are Victualled in Ships, and regular Families; but shall only say in general; that Twelve Millions of Acres viz. ⅓ of 36 Millions, will do it, supposing that Roots, Fruits, Fowl, and Fish, and the ordinary profit of Lead, Tin, Iron-Mines, and Woods, would piece up any defect, that may be feared.

That the value of all the quitted Lands and immovable goods and charge of transplantation are not worth above 17 Millions. As to the second, I say, that the Land and Housing in Ireland, and the High-Lands of Scotland, at the present Market rates, are not worth Thirteen2 Millions of Money; nor would the actual charge of making the Transplantation proposed, amount to four² Millions more: ‖ So then the Question will be, whether the benefit expected from this Transplantation, will exceed Seventeen Millions²?

To which I say, that the advantage will probably be near four3 times the last mentioned summ, or about Sixty nine Millions, Three Hundred thousand Pounds4 . For if the Rent of all England and Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, be about Nine Millions per annum; and if the fifth part of the People be superadded, unto the present Inhabitants of those Countries; then the Rent will amount unto Ten Millions 8000 l. and the number of Years purchase, will rise from seventeen and ½, to a Fifth part more, which is twenty one. So as the Land which is now worth but Nine Millions per annum, at seventeen ½ Years purchase, making 157 Millions and ½, will then be worth Ten Millions Eight Hundred thousand Pounds, at Twenty one Years purchase; viz. Two Hundred Twenty Six Millions, and Eight Hundred thousand Pounds, that is, Sixty nine Millions, and Three Hundred thousand Pounds more than it was before. ‖

And if any Prince willing to inlarge his Territories, will That those who purchase Ireland shall weaken themselves. give any thing more than Six ½ Millions or1 half the present value for the said relinquished Land, which are estimated to be worth Thirteen2 Millions; then the whole profit, will be above Seventy Five3 Millions, and Eight Hundred 600 l. Above four4 times the loss, as the same was above computed. But if any Man shall object, that it will be dangerous unto England, that Ireland should be in the Hands of any other Nation; I answer in short, that that Nation, whoever shall purchase it (being divided by means of the said purchase,) shall not be more able to annoy England, than now in its united condition.5 Nor is Ireland nearer England, than France and Flanders.

Now if any Man shall desire a more clear explanation, how, and by what means, the Rents of Lands shall rise by this closer cohabitation of People above described? I answer, that the advantage will arise in transplanting about Eighteen Hundred thousand People, from the poor and miserable Trade of Husbandry, to more beneficial Handicrafts: For when the superaddition is made, a very ‖ little addition of Husbandry to the same Lands will produce a fifth part more of Food, and consequently the additional hands, earning 40 s. per annum (as they may very well do, nay6 to 8 l. per annum) at some other Trade; the Superlucration will be above Three Millions and Six Hundred thousand1 Pounds per annum, which at Twenty Years purchase is Seventy2 Millions. Moreover, as the inhabitants of Cities and Towns, spend more Commodities, and make greater consumptions, than those who live in wild thin peopled Countries; So when England shall be thicker peopled, in the manner before described, the very same People shall then spend more, than when they lived more sordidly and inurbanely, and further asunder, and more out of the sight, observation, and emulation of each other; every Man desiring to put on better Apparel when he appears in Company, than when he has no occasion to be seen.

I further add, that the charge of the Government, Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical, would be more cheap, safe, and effectual in this condition of closer ‖ co-habitation than otherwise; as not only reason, but the example of the United Provinces doth3 demonstrate.

That the difference between England's & France's Territory is not material. But to let this whole digression pass for a mere Dream, I suppose ‘twill serve to prove, that in case the King of Englands Territories, should be a little less than those of the King of France, that forasmuch as neither of them are over-peopled, that the difference is not material to the Question in hand; wherefore supposing the King of France's advantages, to be little or nothing in this point of Territory; we come next to examine and compare, the number of Subjects which each of these Monarchs doth govern.

The Book called the State of France, maketh that Kingdom to consist of Twenty Seven thousand4 Parishes; and another Book written by a substantial Author, who professedly inquires into the State of the Church and Churchmen of France, sets it down as an extraordinary case, that a Parish in France should have Six Hundred Souls; wherefore I suppose that the said Author (who hath so well examined the matter) ‖ is not of opinion that every Parish, one with another, hath above Five Hundred; by which reckoning the whole People of France1 , are about Thirteen Millions and a half; Now the People of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands adjoyning, by computation from the numbers of Parishes; which commonly have more People in Protestant Churches, than in Popish Countries; as also from the Hearthmoney, Pole-money2 , and Excise, do amount to about Nine Millions and ½3 .

There are in New-England, about 160004 Men mustered in Arms; about 240005 able to bear Arms; and consequently about 1500006 in all: And I see no reason why in all this and the other Plantations of Asia, Africa, and America, there should not be half a Million7 in all. But this last I leave to every Mans conjecture; and consequently, I suppose, that the King of England hath about Ten Millions of Subjects, ubivis Terrarum Orbis; and the King of France about Thirteen and a ½ as aforesaid.

The King of France hath in effect but 13 Millions of Subjects and the K. of England 10 Millions, and the King of France hath 27000 Churchmen and the King of England 20000, the K. of England hath 40000 Sea-men, and the K. of France 10000. Although it be very material to know the number of Subjects belonging to each ‖ Prince, yet when the Question is concerning their Wealth and Strength; It is also material to examin, how many of them do get more than they spend, and how many less.

In order whereunto it is to be considered, that in the King of Englands Dominions, there are not8 twenty Thousand Church-men; But in France, as the aforementioned Author of theirs doth aver, (who sets down the particular number of each Religious Order) there are about Two Hundred and Seventy thousand, viz. Two Hundred and Fifty thousand more than we think are necessary, (that is to say) Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand withdrawn out of the World. Now the said number of adult and able bodied Persons, are equivalent to about double the same number, of the promiscuous Mass of Mankind. And the same Author says, that the same Religious Persons, do spend one with another about 18d. per diem, which is triple even to what a labouring Man requires.

Wherefore the said Two Hundred and Fifty thousand Church-men (living as they do) makes the King of France's ‖ Thirteen Millions and a half, to be less than Thirteen1 :2 Now if Ten Men can defend themselves as well in Islands, as Thirteen3 can upon the Continent; then the said Ten being not concerned to increase their Territory by the Invasion of others, are as effectual as the Thirteen4 in point of Strength also5 ; wherefore that there are more Superlucrators in the English, than the French Dominions, we say as followeth.

The multitude of Clergy's do lessen the K. of France's people, the multitude of Sea & Naval Men do increase the K. of England's Subjects. There be in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Kings other Territories above Forty Thousand6 Seamen; in France not above7 a quarter so many; but one Seaman earneth as much as three common Husbandmen; wherefore this difference in Seamen, addeth to the account of the King of England's Subjects, is an advantage equivalent to Sixty Thousand Husbandmen1 .

There are in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and all other the King of England's Territories2 Six Hundred3 thousand Tun of Shipping, worth about four Millions and a ½4 of Money; and the annual charge of maintaining the Shipping of England, by new Buildings and Reparations, is about ⅓5 part of the ‖ same summ; which is the Wages of one Hundred and Fifty thousand6 Husbandmen, but is not the Wages of above ⅓ part of so many Artisans as are employed, upon Shipping of all sorts; viz. Shiprights, Calkers, Joyners, Carvers, Painters, Block-makers, Rope-makers, Mast-makers, Smiths of several sorts; Flag-makers, Compass-makers, Brewers, Bakers, and all other sort of Victuallers; all sorts of Tradesmen relating to Guns, and Gunners Stores. Wherefore there being four times more of these Artisans in England, &c. than in France; they further add to the account of the King of England's Subjects, the equivalent of Eighty Thousand Husbandmen more.

The Sea-line of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the The K. of England's Territories are in effect but 12 Miles from Navigable Water, the King of France's 65. adjacent Islands, is about Three thousand Eight hundred Miles; according to which length, and the whole content of Acres, the said Land would be an Oblong, or Parallelogram Figure of Three thousand Eight hundred Miles long, and about Twenty four Miles broad; and consequently, every part of England, Scotland, and Ireland, is one with another, but twelve Miles from the Sea: Whereas France containing, but about one Thousand ‖ Miles of Sea line, is by the like method or computation, about Sixty Five Miles from the Sea side; and considering the paucity of Ports, in comparison of what are in the King of England's Dominions, as good as Seventy Miles distant from a Port: Upon which grounds it is clear, that England can be supplied, with all gross and bulkey commodities of Foreign growth and Manufacture, at far cheaper rates than France can be, viz. at about 4s. per cent. cheaper; the Land carriage for the difference of the distance between England and France from a Port, being so much or near thereabouts1 . Now to what advantage this conveniency amounteth, upon the Importation and Exportation of Bulkey Commodities, cannot be less than the Labour of one Million of People, &c. meaning by bulkey Commodities all sorts of Timber, Plank, and Staves for Cask; all Iron, Lead, Stones, Bricks, and Tyles for building; all Corn, Salt, and Drinks; all Flesh and Flish, and indeed all other Commodities, wherein the gain and loss of 4s. per Cent. is considerable; where note that the like Wines are sold in the inner parts of ‖ France for four or Five Pound a Tun, which near the Ports yield 7 l. The decay of timber in Englan. is no very formidable matter. Moreover upon this Principal, the decay of Timber in England is no very formidable thing, as the Rebuilding of London, and of the Ships wasted by the Dutch War do clearly manifest; Nor can there be any want of Corn, or other necessary Provisions in England, unless the Weather hath been universally unseasonable for the growth of the same; which seldom or never happens; for the same causes which make Dearth in one place, do often cause plenty in another; wet Weather being propitious to High-lands, which drowneth the Low.

It is observed that the poor of France, have generally less Wages than in England; and yet their Victuals are generally dearer there; which being so, there may be more superlucration in England than in France.

The K. of England's Subjects spend near as much as the K. of France's. Lastly, I offer it to the consideration of all those, who have travelled through England and France; Whether the Plebeians of England (for they constitute the Bulk of any Nation) do not spend a sixth part more than the Plebeians of France? And if so, it is necessary that ‖ they must first get it; and consequently that Ten Millions of the King of England's Subjects, are equivalent to Twelve of the King of France; and upon the whole matter, to the Thirteen Millions, at which the French Nation was estimated.

It will here be objected, that the splendor and magnificencies The greater spendor of the King of France, no certain argument of the greater Wealth of his People. of the King of France, appearing greater than those of England, that the Wealth of France must be proportionably greater, than that of England; but that doth not follow, forasmuch as the apparent greatness of the King, doth depend upon the Quota pars of the Peoples Wealth which he levyeth from them; for supposing of the People to be equally Rich, if one of the Sovereigns levy a fifth part1 , and another a fifteenth, the one seems actually thrice as Rich as the other, whereas potentially, they are but equal.

Having thus discoursed of the Territory, People, Superlucration, Comparison of the foreign Trade of England and France. and Defencibleness of both Dominions, and in some measure of their Trade, so far as we had occasion to mention Ships, Shipping, and nearness to Ports; we come next to inlarge a little further, upon the Trade of each.‖

Some have estimated, that there are not above Three hundred Millions of People in the whole World. Whether that be so or no, is not very material to be known; but I have fair grounds to conjecture, and would be glad to know it more certainly, that there are not above Eighty Millions, with whom the English and Dutch have Commerce; no Europeans that I know of, Trading directly nor indirectly, where they do not; so as the whole Commercial World, or World of Trade, consisteth of about Eighty Millions of Souls, as aforesaid.

And I further estimate, that the value of all Commodities yearly exchanged amongst them, doth not exceed the value of Forty Five Millions: Now the Wealth of every Nation, consisting chiefly, in the share which they have in the Foreign Trade with the whole Commercial World, rather than in the Domestick Trade, of ordinary Meat, Drink, and Cloaths, &c. which bringing in little Gold, Silver, Jewels, and other Universal Wealth; we are to consider, Whether the Subjects of the King of England, Head for Head, have not a greater share, than those of France. ‖

To which purpose it hath been considered, that the Manufactures of Wool, yearly exported out of England, into several parts of the World, viz. All sorts of Cloth, Serges, Stuffs, Cottons, Bays, Sayes, Frize, perpetuanus1 ; as also Stockings, Caps, Rugs, &c. Exported out of England, Scotland, and Ireland, do amount unto Five Millions per annum.

The value of Lead, Tynn, and Coals, to be Five hundred thousand pounds.

The value of all Cloaths, Houshold-stuff, &c. carried into America, Two hundred thousand pounds.

The value of Silver, and Gold, taken from the Spaniards Sixty thousand pounds.

2 The value of Sugar, Indico, Tobacco, Cotton, and Caccao, brought from the Southward parts of America, Six hundred thousand pounds.

²The value of the Fish, Pipe-staves, Masts, Bever, &c. brought from New-England, and the Northern parts of America, Two Hundred Thousand pounds.

The value of the Wool, Butter, Hides, Tallow, Beef, Herring, Pilchers, ‖ and Salmon, exported out of Ireland, Eight hundred thousand pounds.

The value of the Coals, Salt, Linnen, Yarn, Herrings, Pilchers, Salmon, Linnen-Cloth, and Yarn, brought out of Scotland, and Ireland, 500000l.

The value of Salt-peter, Pepper, Callicoes, Diamonds, Drugs, and Silks, brought out of the East-Indies, above what was spent in England; Eight hundred thousand pounds.

The value of the Slaves, brought out of Africa, to serve in our American Plantations Twenty thousand pounds; which with the Freight of English Shipping, Trading into Foreign parts, being above a Million and a ½, makes in all Ten Millions one Hundred and Eighty thousand pounds.

Which computation is sufficiently justified by the Customs of the Three Kingdoms, whose intrinsick value are thought to be near a Million per annum, viz. Six hundred thousand pounds, payable to the King; 100 thousand Pounds, for the charges of Collecting, &c. Two hundred thousand pounds smuckled by the Merchants, and one Hundred thousand pounds gained by the Farmers; ‖ according to common Opinion, and Mens Sayings: And this agrees also with that proportion, or part of the whole Trade of the World, which I have estimated the Subjects of the King of England to be possessed of, viz. of about Ten of Forty Five Millions.

But the value of the French Commodities, brought into England, (notwithstanding some currant estimates1 ,) are not above one Million Two hundred thousand pounds per annum2 ; and the value of all they export into all the World besides, not above Three or Four times as much; which computation also agreeth well enough, with the account we have of the Customs of France; so as France not exporting above ½ the value of what England doth; and for that all the Commodities of France (except Wines, Brandy, Paper, and the first patterns and fashions for Cloaths, and Furniture (of which France is the Mint) are imitable by the English; and having withal more People than England; it follows that the People of England, &c. have Head for Head, thrice as much Foreign Trade as the People of France; and about ‖ Two parts of Nine of the Trade of the whole Commercial World; and about Two parts in Seven of all the Shipping: Notwithstanding all which it is not to be denied, that the King and some great Men of France, appear more Rich and Splendid, than those of the like Quality in England; all which arises rather from the nature of their Government, than from the Intrinsick and Natural causes of Wealth and Power. ‖

CHAP. V.

That the Impediments of Englands greatness, are but contingent and removable.

The disunion of the Territories of England is an impediment of its greatness. The different Legislatures another impediment.THE first Impediment of Englands greatness is, that the Territories thereunto belonging, are too far asunder, and divided by the Sea into many several Islands and Countries; and I may say, into so many Kingdoms, and several Governments, (viz.) there be Three distinct Legislative Powers in England, Scotland, and Ireland; the which instead of uniting together, do often cross one anothers Interest; putting Bars and Impediments upon one anothers Trades, not only as if they were Foreigners to each other, but sometimes as Enemies.

1 2. The colonies belonging to England a diminution to the Empire. The Islands of Fersey and Gernsey, and the Isle of Man, are under Jurisdictions different from those, either of England, Scotland, or Ireland. ‖

3. The Government of New-England (both Civil and Ecclesiastical) doth so differ from that of his Majesties other Dominions, that 'tis hard to say what may be the consequence of it.

And the Government of the other Plantations, doth also differ very much from any of the rest; although there be not naturally substantial reasons from the Situation, Trade, and Condition of the People, why there should be such differences.

From all which it comes to pass, that small divided remote Governments, being seldom able to defend themselves, the Burthen of protecting of them all, must lye upon the chief Kingdom England; and so all the smaller Kingdoms and Dominions, instead of being Additions are really Diminutions2 ; but the same is remedied by making Two such Grand Councils, as may equally represent the whole Empire, one to be chosen by the King, the other by the People². The Wealth of a King is Three-fold, one is the Wealth of his Subjects, the second is the Quota pars of his Subjects Wealth, given him for the publick Defence, Honour, and Ornament ‖ of the People, and to manage such undertaking for the Common Good, as no one or a few private Men, are sufficient for.

The third sort are the Quota, of the last mention Quota pars, which the King may dispose of, as his own personal inclination, and discretion shall direct him; without account1 . Now it is most manifest, that the afore-mentioned distances, and differencies, of Kingdoms, and Jurisdictions, are great impediments to all the said several sorts of Wealth, as may be seen in the following particulars. First in case of War with Foreign Nations, England commonly beareth the whole burthen, and charge, whereby many in England are utterly undone.

Secondly, England sometimes Prohibiting the Commodities of Ireland, and Scotland, as of late it did the Cattle, Flesh, and Fish, of Ireland2 ; did not only make Food, and consequently Labour, dearer in England, but also hath forced the People of Ireland, to fetch those Commodities from France, Holland, and other places, which before was sold them from England, to ‖ the great prejudice of both Nations.

Thirdly, It occasions an unnecessary trouble, and charge, in Collecting of Customs, upon Commodities passing between the several Nations.

Fourthly, It is a damage to our Barbadoes, and other American Trades, that the Goods which might pass thence immediately, to several parts of the World, and to be sold at moderate Rates, must first come into England, and there pay Duties, and afterwards (if at all) pass into those Countries, whither they might have gone immediatly.

Fifthly, The Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, are protected at the charge of England, nevertheless the Labour, and Industry, of that People (which is very great) redounds most to the profit of the French.

Sixthly, In New-England, there are vast numbers of able bodyed Englishmen, employed chiefly in Husbandry, and in the meanest part of it, (which is breeding of Cattle) whereas Ireland would have contained all those persons, and at worst would have afforded them Lands on better terms, than they ‖ have them in America, if not some other better Trade withal, than now they can have.

Seventhly, The Inhabitants of the other Plantations, although they do indeed Plant Commodities, which will not grow so well in England; yet grasping at more Land, than will suffice to produce the said Exotics in a sufficient quantity to serve the whole World, they do therein but distract, and confound, the effect of their own Indeavours.

Eighthly, There is no doubt that the same People, far and wide dispersed, must spend more upon their Government, and Protection, than the same living compactly, and when they have no occasion to depend upon the Wind, Weather, and all the Accidents of the Sea.

The different Under-standing of Prerogative, and Privileges of Parliament, Law and Equity, Civil and Ecclesiastical; the Supream Legislature of Ireland, &c. A second Impediment to the greatness of England, is the different Understanding of several Material Points, viz. Of the Kings Prerogative, Privileges of Parliament, the obscure differences between Law and Equity; as also between Civil and Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions; ‖ Doubts whether the Kingdom of England, hath power over the Kingdom of Ireland, besides the wonderful Paradox; that Englishmen, Lawfully sent to suppress Rebellions in Ireland, should after having effected the same, (be as it were) Disfranchised, and lose that Interest in the Legislative Power, which they had in England, and pay Customs as Foreigners for all they spend in Ireland, whither they were sent, for the Honour and Benefit of England.

Want of Natural Union for want of mixture and transplantation. The third Impediment is, That Ireland being a Conquered Country, and containing not the tenth part as many Irish Natives, as there are English in both Kingdoms, That natural and firm Union is not made, between the two Peoples, by Transplantations, and proportionable mixture, so as there may be but a tenth part, of the Irish in Ireland, and the same proportion in England; whereby the necessity of maintaining an Army in Ireland, at the expence of a quarter of all the Rents of that Kingdom may be taken away.

The fourth Impediment is, That Taxes in England are The unequal inconvenient method of taxing. not Levied upon the expence, but upon the whole Estate; ‖ not upon Lands, Stock, and Labour, but chiefly upon Land alone; and that not by any equal, and indifferent Standard, but the casual predominancy, of Parties, and Factions: and moreover that these Taxes are not Levied with the least trouble, and charge, but let out to Farmers, who also let them from one to another without explicit knowledge of what they do; but so as in conclusion, the poor People pay twice as much as the King receives.

The fifth Impediment is the inequality of Shires, Diocesses, Inequality of Shires, Diocesses, Parishes, Members of Parliament, &c.Parishes, Church-Livings, and other Precincts, as also the Representation of the People in Parliament; all which do hinder the Operations of Authority in the same manner, as a Wheel irregularly made, and excentrically hung; neither moves so easily, nor performs its Work so truely, as if the same were duely framed and poised.

Sixthly, Whether it be an Impediment, that the power of making War, and raising Mony be not in the same Hand, much may be said; but I leave it to those, who may more properly ‖ meddle with Fundamental Laws.

None of these Impediments are Natural, but did arise as the irregularity of Buildings do, by being built, part at one time, and part at another; and by the changing of the state of things, from what they were at the respective times, when the Practices we complain of, were first admitted, and perhaps, are but the warpings of time, from the rectitude of the first Institution.

As these Impediments are contingent, so they are also removeable; for may not the Land of superfluous Territories be sold, and the People with their moveables brought away? May not the English in the America Plantations (who Plant Tobacco, Sugar, &c.) compute what Land will serve their turn, and then contract their Habitations to that proportion, both for quantity and quality? as for the People of New-England, I can but wish they were Transplanted into Old England, or Ireland (according to Proposals of their own1 , made within this twenty years) although they were allowed more liberty of Conscience, than they allow one another. ‖

May not the three Kingdoms be United into one, and equally represented in Parliament? Might not the several Species of the Kings Subjects, be equally mixt in their Habitations; Might not the Parishes, and other Precincts be better equalized; Might not Jurisdictions, and pretences of Power, be determined and ascertained? Might not the Taxes be equally applotted, and directly applied to their ultimate use? Might not Dissenters in Religion be indulged, they paying2 a competent Force to keep the Publick Peace? I humbly venture to say, all these things may be done, if it be so thought fit by the Sovereign Power, because the like hath often been done already, at several Places and Times. ‖

CHAP. VI.

That the Power and Wealth of England hath increased this last forty years.

Many Territories have been added to England within about forty years, and many improvements made.IT is not much to be doubted, but that the Territories under the Kings Dominions have increased; Forasmuch as New-England, Virginia, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, Tangier, and Bumbay, have since that time, been either added to His Majesties Territories, or improved from a Desart condition, to abound with People, Buildings, Shipping, and the Production of many useful Commodities. And as for the Land of England, Scotland, and Ireland, as it is not less in quantity, than it was forty years since; so it is manifest that by reason of the Dreyning of Fens, watering of dry Grounds, improving of Forrests, and Commons, making of Heathy and Barren Grounds, to bear Saint-foyne, and Clover grass; meliorating, and multiplying several sorts of Fruits, ‖ and Garden-Stuffe, making some Rivers Navigable, &c. I say it is manifest, that the Land in its present Condition, is able to bear more Provision, and Commodities, than it was forty years ago.

Secondly, Although the People in England, Scotland, and Ireland, which have extraordinarily perished by the Plague, and Sword, within this last forty years, do amount to about three hundred thousand, above what have dyed in the ordinary way; yet the ordinary increase by Generation of ten Millions, which doubles in two hundred years, as hath been shewn by the Observators1 upon the Bills of Mortality2 , may in forty years (which is a fifth part of the same time) have increased3 ⅕ part of the whole number, or two Millions. Where note by the way, that the accession of Negroes to the American Plantations (being all Men of great Labour and little Expence) is not inconsiderable; besides it is hoped that New-England, where few or no Women are Barren, and most have many Children, and where People live long, and healthfully, hath produced an increase ‖ of as many People, as were destroyed in the late Tumults in Ireland.

As for Housing, the Streets of London it self speaks it, I The Housing of London doubled in value. conceive it is double in value in that City, to what it was forty years since; and for Housing in the Country, they have increased, at4Newcastle, Yarmouth, Norwich, Exeter, Portsmouth, Cowes, Dublin, Kingsaile, Londonderry, and Coleraine in Ireland, far beyond the proportion of what I can learn have been dilapidated in other places. For in Ireland where the ruin was greatest, the Housing (taking all together) is now more valuable than forty years ago, nor is this to be doubted, since Housing is now more splendid, than in those days, and the number of Dwellers is increased, by near ⅕ part; as in the last Paragraph is set forth.

The Shipping very much increased with the Reasons thereof. As for Shipping, his Majesties Navy is now triple, or quadruple, to what it was forty years since, and before the Sovereign was Built1 ; the Shipping Trading2 to Newcastle, which are now about eighty thousand Tuns, could not be then above a quarter of that quantity3 . First, Because the City of London, ‖ is doubled. 2. Because the use of Coals is also at least doubled, because they were heretofore seldom used in Chambers, as now they are, nor were there so many Bricks burned with them as of late, nor did the Country on both sides the Thames, make use of them as now. Besides there are employed in the Guinny and American Trade, above forty thousand Tun of Shipping per annum; which Trade in those days was inconsiderable. The quantity in Wines Imported was not near so much as now; and to be short, the Customs upon Imported, and Exported Commodities, did not then yield a third part of the present value: which shews that not only Shipping, but Trade it self hath increased, somewhat near that proportion.

Interest of Mony abated near half. As to Mony, the Interest thereof was within this fifty years, at 10 l. per Cent. forty years ago, at 8l. and now at 6l. no thanks to any Laws which have been made to that purpose, forasmuch as those who can give good security, may now have it at less: But the natural fall of Interest, is the effect of the increase of Mony. ‖

Moreover if rented Lands, and Houses, have increased; and if Trade hath increased also, it is certain that mony which payeth those Rents, and driveth on Trade, must have increased also.

Lastly, I leave it to the consideration of all Observers, whether the number, and splendor of Coaches, Equipage, and Houshold Furniture, hath not increased, since that time; to say nothing of the Postage of Letters, which have increased from one to twenty, which argues the increase of Business, and Negotiation. I might add that his Majesties Revenue Mony and the Publick Revenue increased. is near tripled, and therefore the means to pay, and bear the same, have increased also. ‖

CHAP. VII.

That one tenth part of the whole Expence, of the King of England's Subjects, is sufficient to maintain ten thousand1Foot, forty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea; and defray all other Charges of the Government both Ordinary and Extraordinary, if the same were regularly Taxed, and Raised.

TO clear this Point, we are to find out, what is the middle An estimate of the medium of Expence of each Head in England.expence of each Head in the Kings Dominions, between the highest and the lowest; to which I say it is not probably less than the expence of a Labourer, who earneth about 8d. a day; for the Wages of such a Man is 4s. per week without Victuals, or 2s. per week, or 5l. 4s. per annum: Now the value of Clothes cannot be less than the Wages given to the poorest Maid-‖Servant2 ‖ in the Country, which is 30s. per annum, nor can the charge of all other Necessaries, be less than 6s. per annum more; wherefore the whole charge is 7 l.

It is not likely that this Discourse will fall into the hands of any that live at 7l. per annum, and therefore such will wonder at this supposition: But if they consider how much the number of the Poor, and their Children, is greater than that of the Rich; although the personal expence of some Rich Men, should be twenty times more than that of a Labourer; yet the expence of the Labourer above mentioned, may well enough stand for the Standard of the Expence, of the whole mass of Mankind.

Now if the expence of each Man, one with another, be 7 l. per annum, and if the number of the Kings Subjects, be ten Millions, then the tenth part of the whole expence, will be seven Millions: but about five Millions, or a very little more, will amount to one years pay for one hundred thousand Foot, forty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea, Winter and Summer; which can rarely be necessary. ‖ And the ordinary charge of the Government, in times of deep and serene Peace, was not 600000l. per annum.

Where a People thrive, there the income is greater than the expence, and consequently the tenth part of the expence is not a tenth part of the income; now for Men to pay a tenth of their expence, in a time of the greatest exegency (for such it must be when so great Forces are requisite) can be no hardship, much less a deplorable condition, for to bear the tenth part, a Man needs spend but a twentieth part less, and labour a twentieth part more, or half an hour per diem extraordinary, both which within Common Experience are very tolerable; there being very few in England, who do not eat by a twentieth part more than does them good; and what misery were it, in stead of wearing Cloth of 20s. per Yard, to be contented with that of 19s. few Men having skill enough to discern the difference.

Memorandum, That all this while I suppose, that all of these ten Millions of People, are obedient to their Sovereign, and within the reach of his power; ‖ for as things are otherwise, so the Calculation must be varied.

CHAP. VIII.

That there are spare Hands enough among the King of England's Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum more than they now do; and that there are also Employments, ready, prope, and sufficient, for that purpose.

TO prove this Point we must enquire, how much all the People could earn, if they were disposed, or necessitated to labour, and had Work whereupon to employ themselves; and compare that summ, with that of the Total expence above mentioned; deducting the Rents, and Profits of their Land, and Stock, which properly speaking, saveth so much Labour. Now the proceed of the said Lands, and Stock in the Countries, is about three parts of seven, of the whole expence; so as where the expence is seventy Millions, ‖ the Rent of the Land, and the Profit of all the Personal Estate, Interest of mony, &c. must be about thirty Millions; and consequently, the value of the Labour forty Millions, that is 4 l. per Head.

But it is to be noted, That about a quarter of the Mass1 of Mankind, are children, Males, and Females, under seven years old, from whom little Labour is to be expected. It is also to be noted, That about another tenth part of the whole People, are such as by reason of their great Estates, Titles, Dignities, Offices, and Professions, are exempt from that kind of Labour we now speak of; their business being, or ought to be, to Govern, Regulate, and Direct, the Labours and Actions of others. So that of ten Millions, there may be about six Millions and an half, which (if need require) might actually Labour: And of these some might earn 3 s. per week, some 5 s. and some 7 s. That is all of them might earn 5 s. per week at a Medium one with another; or at least 10 l. per annum, (allowing for sickness, and other accidents;) whereby the whole might earn sixty five Millions per annum, that ‖ is twenty five more than the expence.

The Author of the State of England, says that the Children of Norwich, between six and sixteen years old, do earn 1200 l. per annum, more than they spend1 . Now forasmuch as the People of Norwich, are a three hundredth part of all the People of England, as appears by the Accompts of the Hearth mony; and about a five hundredth part, of all the Kings Subjects throughout the World; it follows that all his Majesties Subjects, between six and sixteen years old, might earn five Millions per annum more than they spend.

Again, forasmuch as the number of People, above sixteen years old, are double the number, of those between six and sixteen; and that each of the Men can earn double to each of the Children; it is plain that if the Men and Children every where did do as they do in Norwich, they might earn twenty five Millions per ann. more than they spend: which estimate grounded upon matter of Fact and Experience, agrees with the former. ‖

Although as hath been proved, the People of England do thrive, and that it is possible they might Superlucrate twenty five Millions per annum; yet it is manifest that they do not, nor twenty three, which is less by the two Millions herein meant; for if they did Superlucrate twenty three Millions, then in about five or six years time, the whole Stock, and Personal Estate of the Nation would be doubled, which I wish were true, but find no manner of reason to believe; wherefore if they can Superlucrate twenty five, but do not actually Superlucrate twenty three, nor twenty, nor ten, nor perhaps five, I have then proved what was propounded, viz. That there are spare Hands among the Kings Subjects, to earn two Millions more than they do.

But to speak a little more particularly concerning this matter: It is to be noted that since the Fire of London, there was earned in four years by Tradesmen, (relating to Building only) the summ of four Millions; viz. one Million per annum, without lessening any other sort of Work, Labour, or Manufacture, which was usually done in ‖ any other four years before the said occasion. But if the Tradesmen relating to Building only, and such of them only as wrought in and about London, could do one Million worth of Work extraordinary; I think that from thence, and from what hath been said before, all the rest of the spare Hands, might very well double the same, which is as much as was propounded.

Now if there were spare Hands to Superlucrate Millions of Millions, they signifie nothing unless there were Employment for them; and may as well follow their Pleasures, and Speculations, as Labour to no purpose; therefore the more material Point is, to prove that there is two Millions worth of Work to be done, which at present the Kings Subjects do neglect.

For the proof of this there needs little more to be done, than to compute 1. How much mony is paid, by the King of England's Subjects, to Foreigners for Freights of Shipping. 2. How much the Hollanders gain by their Fishing Trade, practised upon our Seas. 3. What the value is of all the Commodities, Imported into, and spent in England; which ‖ might by diligence be produced, and Manufactured here. To make short of this matter, upon perusal of the most Authentick Accompts, relating to these several particulars, I affirm that the same amounteth to above five Millions, whereas I propounded but two Millions.

For a further proof whereof Mr. Samuel Fortry1 in his ingenious Discourse of Trade, exhibits the particulars, wherein it appears, that the Goods Imported out of France only, amount yearly to two Millions six hundred thousand pounds. And I affirm, That the Wine, Paper, Corke, Rozen, Capers, and a few other Commodities, which England cannot produce, do not amount to one fifth part of the said summ From whence it follows, that (if Mr. Fortry hath not erred) the two Millions here mentioned, may arise from France alone; and consequently five or six Millions, from all the three Heads last above specified. ‖

CHAP. IX.

That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the Nation.

SInce his Majesties happy Restauration, it was thought fit to call in, and new Coin the mony, which was made in the times of Usurpation. Now it was observed by the general consent of Cashiers, that the said mony (being by frequent Revolutions well mixed with old) was about a seventh part thereof: and that the said mony being called in, was about 800000 l. and consequently the whole five Millions six hundred thousand pound1 . Whereby it is probable that (some allowance being given for hoarded mony) the whole Cash of England was then about six Millions, which I conceive is sufficient to drive the Trade of England, not doubting but the rest of his Majesties Dominions have the like means to do the same respectively. ‖

If there be six Millions of Souls in England, and that each spendeth 7 l. per annum, then the whole expence is forty two Millions, or about eight hundred thousand pound per week2 ; and consequently, if every Man did pay his expence weekly, and that the Money could circulate within the compass of a Week, then less than one Million would answer the ends proposed. But forasmuch as the Rents of the Lands in England (which are paid half yearly) are eight Millions per annum, there must be four Millions to pay them. And forasmuch as the Rent of the Housing of England, paid quarterly, are worth about four Millions per ann. there needs but one Million to pay the said Rents; wherefore six Millions being enough to make good the three sorts of Circulations above mentioned, I conceive what was proposed, is competently proved, at least until something better be held forth to the contrary. ‖

CHAP. X.

That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock competent and convenient, to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World.

NOW for the further incouragement of Trade, as we have shewn that there is mony enough in England to manage the Affairs thereof; so we shall now offer to consideration, Whether there be not a competent, and convenient Stock to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World. To which purpose it is to be remembred, That all the Commodities, yearly Exported out of every part of the last mentioned World, may be bought for forty five Millions; and that the Shipping employed in the same World, are not worth above fifteen Millions more, and consequently, that sixty Millions at most, would drive the whole Trade above mentioned, without any trust at all. ‖ But forasmuch as the growers of Commodities, do commonly trust them to such Merchants or Factors, as are worth but such a part of the full value of their Commodities, as may possibly be lost upon the sale of them, whereas gain is rather to be expected; it follows that less than a Stock of sixty Millions, nay less than half of the same summ, is sufficient to drive the Trade above-mentioned: It being well known that any Tradesman of good Reputation worth 500 l. will be trusted with above 1000 l. worth of Commodities: Wherefore less than thirty Millions, will suffice for the said purpose; of which summ, the Coin, Shipping, and Stock, already in Trade, do at least make one half.

And it hath been shewn, how by the Policy of a Bank, any summ of mony may be made equivalent in Trade, unto near double of the same; by all which it seems, that even at present much is not wanting, to perform what is propounded. But suppose twenty Millions or more were wanting, it is not improbable, that since the generality of Gentlemen, and some Noblemen, do put their younger Sons to Merchandize, ‖ they will see it reasonable, as they increase in the number of Merchants, so to increase the magnitude of Trade, and consequently to increase Stock; which may effectually be done, by inbanking twenty Millions worth of Land, not being above a sixth or seventh of the whole Territory of England; (that is to say) by making a Fond of such value, to be security for all Commodities, bought and sold upon the accompt of that Universal Trade here mentioned.

And thus it having appeared, that England having in it, as much Land, like Holland and Zealand, as the said two Provinces do themselves contain, with abundance of other Land, not inconvenient for Trade; and that there are spare Hands enough, to earn many Millions of mony, more than they now do, and that there is also Employment to earn several Millions, (even from the Consumption of England it self) it follows from thence, and from what hath been said in the last Paragraph, about inlarging of Stock, both of Mony, and Land; that it is not impossible, nay a very feasible matter, for the King of ‖ England's Subjects, to gain the Universal Trade of the whole Commercial World.

Nor is it unseasonable to intimate this matter, forasmuch as the younger Brothers, of the good Families of England, cannot otherwise be provided for, so as to live according to their Birth and Breeding: For if the Lands of England are worth eight Millions per annum, then there be at a medium about ten thousand Families, of about 800 l. per annum; in each of which, one with another, we may suppose there is a younger Brother, whom less than two or 300 l. per annum1 will not maintain suitable to his Relations: Now I say that neither the Offices at Court, nor Commands in our ordinary Army and Navy, nor Church Preferments; nor the usual Gains by the Profession of the Law, and Physick; nor the Employments under Noblemen, and Prelates: will, all of them put together, furnish livelyhoods of above 300 l. per annum, to three thousand of the said ten thousand younger Brothers: whereof it remains that Trade alone must supply the rest. But if the said seven thousand Gentlemen, be applyed to Trade, without increasing of ‖ Trade; or if we hope to increase Trade, without increasing of Stock, which for ought appears is only to be done, by imbanking a due proportion of Lands, and Mony; we must necessarily be disappointed. Where note, that selling of Lands to Foreigners for Gold and Silver, would inlarge the Stock of the Kingdom: Whereas doing the same between one another, doth effect nothing. For he that turneth all his Land into Mony, disposes himself for Trade; and he that parteth with his Mony for Land, doth the contrary; But to sell Land to Foreigners, increaseth both Mony and People, and consequently Trade. Wherefore it is to be thought, that when the Laws denying Strangers to Purchase, and not permitting them to Trade, without paying extraordinary Duties, were made; that then, the publick State of things, and Interest of the Nation, were far different from what they now are.

Having handled these Ten Principal Conclusions, I might go on with others, ad infinitum; But what hath been already said, I look upon as sufficient, for to shew what I mean by Political ‖ Arithmetick; and to shew the uses of knowing the true State of the People, Land, Stock, Trade, &c. 2. That the Kings Subjects are not in so bad a condition, as discontented Men would make them. 3. To shew the great effect of Unity, industry, and obedience, in order to the Common Safety, and each Man's particular Happiness1 .

FINIS.

[1]State Papers, Ireland, Charles II., vol. 337.

[2]Cf. Fifteenth Report Hist. MSS. Com., appendix, pt. II., p. 317, also pp. 2, 153, 175, 176, 180, 181.

[1]H omits ‘at.’

[2]A lower estimate than that made in 1672. See p. 187.

[3]H had ‘300,000,’ altered by Petty to ‘1,1001000.’

[1]Later estimates of the houses in Dublin are made in the Observations and the Further Observations upon the Dublin Bills.

[1]H, ‘House-Rents.’

[2]H, ‘the.’

[3]H, Petty substituted ‘Forces’ for a word which he blotted, perhaps 'scores.’

[4]Probably an allusion to the farm of the Irish revenues which expired Christmas, 1675, and to the new farm concluded in December of that year. See Essex to the Lords Justices, 4 December, 1675, in the Capel Letters, 418.

[1]H, ‘Wall.’

[1]H, ‘Garden.’

[2]17 & 18 Charles II., c. 9, Ireland, An Act for the Advancement of the Trade of Linen Manufacture, provided that tenants of cabins outside cities should have not less than one Irish acre of land each, and sow one eighth part of it with hemp or flax.

[3]H, ‘little above 2000,’ altered by Petty to ‘about 3000.’ The correction obviously represents Petty's intention for he goes on to speak of 500 requisite and “25 Hundred superfluous Churchmen.” Cf. also p. 164.

[4]H, ‘Manufacture.’ The blunder was not corrected by Petty.

[1]H has ‘a’ inserted by Petty.

[2]H, ‘Tythes,’ corrected by Petty to ‘Titles.’

[1]H, ‘nor suffered.’

[2]H, ‘bring.’

[3]H, ‘Ireland.’ The blunder was not corrected by Petty.

[1]See note 2, p. 186.

[2]H, ‘we estimate.’

[3]? successfully.

[4] H, ‘The.’

[5]H, ‘bound,’ altered by Petty to ‘forced.’

[1] H, ‘and’ is inserted by Petty.

[2]20 Charles II., c. 20, Ireland.

[1]In H Petty inserted after ‘Penalty,’ ‘viz. of Nine Pence per Sunday payable by the Statute; and likewisé to make.’

[2]See note 2, p. 218.

[3]H, ‘Finis. Dublin, 24 March, 1676.’

[1]The long descriptive title was probably supplied by Lord Shelburne; neither the Southwell, the Rawlmson, nor the Sloane MS. has it. In line six ‘Manufacture’ should be ‘Manufactures,’ an ‘s’ has dropped out.

[1]Fitzmaurice, 318.

[2]P. 185.

[3]Happy future State (written 1680), p. 106.

[4]Polit. Anat., note, pp. 122–123, cf. p. 197.

[5]Letter to Anglesea, 17 Dec., Fitzmaurice, 158.

[6]Pp. 252–253.

[7]P. 271.

[1]P. 304.

[2]Archcologta, XII. 281–282.

[3]P. 272, note, cf. Anatomy, p. 142, note.

[4]Life of Petty, p. 273, also preface, 6–7. Lord E. Fitzmaurice slips in saying that the volume contains the Political Anatomy The Neligan, or Southwell, MS. of the Political Anatomy is a separate volume, B. M. Addl. MS., 21, 127.

[5]P. 123.

[6]Thorpe's Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwelliana, no. 712, p. 410.

[7]Cat. of books sold by Sotheby, 17 Aug., 1855, no. 306.

[8]The characteristic water mark of the Pol. Arith. occurs also in an Order in Council dated 21 May, 1680. State Papers, Dom., Charles II. 413.

[9]See Facsimile.

[10]Fitzmaurice, 262.

[1]Rawlinson MS. D 25.

[2]MSS. E. 2 : 20. Fourth Rept Hist. MSS. Com., 596b.

[3]Eighth Rept. Hist. MSS. Com, III. 39a.

[4]Sloane MS. 2572.

[5]Wood, Athena Oxon., 11. 810.

[6]Ib.

[7]Pett, Happy future State, 106, 193.

[8]Dated 5 Oct., 1678.

[9]Thorpe, Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwelliana, p. 403.

[10]P. 4.

[1]Fitzmaurice, 262.

[2]“Had not the Doctrins of this Essay offended France, they had long since seen the light.–Dedication of 1690 edition, p. 240.

[3]Ibid, 250–253; Birch, IV. 168, 173, 196.

[4]Note on p. 239.

[5]Bibliography, 11. Several readings from England's Guide (G) are given in the footnotes to the Political Arithmetick in order to show how corrupt the text of the Guide was.

[6]Lady Petty to Sir R. Southwell, 18 Feb., 1688, quoted in Thorpe's Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwelliana, p. 409.

[1]R and S have the following original dedication to Charles II. (from S):

To the Kings most Excellent Majestie

May it please your majte.

As few dare venture their Discretions wholly to Disparage Arithmetick, So few doe think much practice of it very necessary in matters of State, otherwise then in what concerns the Revenue. I have therefore for the Sake of severall Young Noblemen who are now fitting themselves for your Majtes Service adventured to shew the vse of comon and easie computations in the ten Political conclusions mentioned in this Treatise, And doe now humbly beg your Majtes Pardon, for having presumed to practice a Vulgar Art upon Matters of so high a nature, and so much beyond my owne calling and Capacity. But since whatever is firm and high must have low and euen foundations, I hope I have done no incongruous thing, nor what your Majte will blame, being the Candid Endeavours of

[2]Petty appears to have been the inventor of this famous phrase. It occurs in the following passage, quoted because it throws light on Petty's conception of his new science, “My Lord Ogle being now about to carve a significant figure upon my Lord his Son, by his careful Education of him, I thought it a service to his Lordship, as well as an expression of my Thanks for his former Endeavours, to call upon him, not only to instruct my Lord his Son in some Mathematicks, but also to store and stock him with variety of Matter, Data and Phænomena, whereupon to exercise the same; since Lines & Numbers without those, are but like Lute-strings without a Lute or Hand. For, my Lord, there is a Political Arithmetick and a Geometrical Justice to be yet further cultivated in the World; the Errors and Defects whereof, neither Wit, Rhetoric, nor Interest can more than palliate, never cure. For, Falsity, Disproportion, and Inconsistence cannot be rectified by any sermocinations, though made all of figurate and measured periods, pronounced in Time and Cadence, through the most advantageous organs; much less by Grandisonous or Euphonical Nonsense, farded with formality; no more than vicious Wines can be remidied with Brandy and Honey, or ill Cookery with enormous proportions of Spice and Sugar: ‘Nam Res nolunt male administrari.’ Epistle to the Duke of Newcastle prefixed to Petty's Discourse of Duplicate Proportion (1674). This has been considered the earliest use of the term “Political Arithmetick.” S.Bauer, History of Political Arithmetic, in Palgrave's Dict. of Polit. Economy, 1. 56. Petty, however, had devised the phrase at an earlier date. He employed it in a letter to Lord Anglesea, 17 December, 1672 (Life, 158), and in his preface (p.244) he describes the book as “a Specimen of the political Arithmetick I have long aimed at.”

[1]Cf. Davenant, Works, 1. 128.

[2]Charles, Sir William Petty's eldest surviving son, born 1673, was created Baron of Shelburne in the peerage of Ireland in 1688 and died in 1696.

[1]S, R, ‘The Preface.’

[2]On the idea that England's industries were declining during the regin of Charles II. see Roscher, Engl. Volkswirthschaftslehre, 74. The formidable list of ‘trades lost’ in the preface of Child's New Discourse of Trade, though not printed until 1693 was written before 1669 and doubtless reflected current opinion.

[1]On rent as a criterion of prosperity see Cunningham, English Industry, II. 191; Patten, Interpretation of Ricardo in Qu. Jour. of Economics, VII. 324.

[2]S, ‘but that now.’

[3]S. ‘power, That the French.’

[4]Petty's whole paragraph is almost a summary, as its closing sentence indicates, of A Treatise Wherein is demonstrated, That the church and state Of England, are in equal danger With the trade Of it. Trcatise I. By Roger Coke. London, 1671, 4°. The book comprises two treatises, with continuous pagination and signatures, but with a second title, at p. 91, Reasons of the increase of the Dutch Trade. Wherein is demonstrated from what Causes the Dutch Govern and Manage Trade better than the English; whereby they have so far improved their Trade above the English. Treatise II. Coke declares that the peopling of the American plantations has diminished the valuable trades of England. Before the accession of the plantations England lost £480,000 yearly in woolen manufactures for want of men to do them, and above £1,372,000 in the fishing trade, and “now we have opened a wide gapp, and by all encouragement excited all the growing youth and industry of England, which might preserve the trades we had herein, to betake them to those of the Planatations"—p. 16. Ireland also is a disadvantage to England for similar reasons—pp. 19–20. The Dutch sell more commodities in trade cheaper and with much more gain than the English, so as now they are swelled to be of such a prodigious greatness by sea that it is a question whether they can be controlled by any power in the world—pp. 128–129. Coke has, curiously, little to say of the rivalry of France under Colbert. Sir Roger L'Estrange's Discourse of the Fishery (1674) says that the cod, herring and ling taken in his Majesty's seas by the Dutch and other nations are valued communibus annis at no less than ten millions of pounds sterling, “which computation has been often published and constantly received for current without contradiction.” (In A small Collection of valuable Tracts relating to the Herring Fishery (1751), p. 45.) Cf. p. 257, note.

[1]Refers to the presence of the Dutch fleet in the Thames, the attack on Chatham, and the burning of the English ships there 10 June, 1667. Mahan, Influence of the Sea Power, 132.

[2]Among the ‘nonconformists’ Petty may have included Roman Catholics. In the Further Observations he numbers them among the ‘dissenters.’

[3]Edward Arber, in his ed. of the Polit. Arith. inserts an ‘all’ in brackets.

[4]Coke admitted that the superior durability of English timber had theretofore offset the advantage which the Dutch enjoyed in being able to build ships for half what the English could. But he held that all the best English timber was at length wasted and destroyed and still more must be in rebuilding the City of London. He could not therefore, understand how, for the future, the English could possibly build as good ships as either Dutch, Dane or French for three times the price. Treatise II, p. 115.

[1]S, R omit 'so’ and ‘as that Men refuse to have it cheaper, by admitting of Irish Cattle.’ Cf. p. 160, 161, note.

[1]“Albeit there appears no certainty of years in the lease, yet if by reference to a certainty it may be made certain it sufficeth, Qura id certum est quod certum reddi potest.” Coke upon Littleton, 45 b.

[2]S, ‘the,’ altered to ‘that’ by Petty, R, ‘yt.’

[1]S has not the list of ‘principal conclusions,’ R has it.

[2]R omits ‘near.’

[2]This was a favourite idea of Petty's friend, Hartlib. Cf. note 3, p. 250.

[1]A list of ‘Experiments to be made relating to Land-Carriage proposed by the learned Sir William Petty, Kt.,’ is in Philosophical Transactions, no. 161, 20 July, 1684, vol. XIV. pp. 666–667. These experiments, if performed, would yield data concerning traction similar to those which Petty here assumes.

[2]S, ‘now are,’ the ‘now’ inserted by Petty.

[3]The relations of Weston's Discourse of Husbandrie used in Brabant and Flanders, 1652, to Hartlib's Discourse, to Hartlib's Legacy, and to the Directions left by a Gentleman to his Sons for the Improvement of barren and heathy Land, 1670, are much involved. They appear to be all substantially the same book. Cf. A biographical Memoir of Hartlib with bibliographical Notices of Works published by him. By H. Dircks (1865), p. 62–87.

[1]The Paris bills began in 1670 (see note on the subject near the end of Graunt's Observations, post) and from that time to 1676 the births in the two cities always differed more than a twentieth, and the burials differed by more than a twentieth each year save in 1672.

[2]S, ‘9,’ altered to ‘8’ by Petty; R, ‘8.’

[1]This estimate, again alluded to on p. 297, is much less than Fortrey's figures of English imports out of France, quoted on p. 309. The well known “Scheme of the trade at present carried on between England and France,” dated 1674, made the total English imports from France £1,136,150, as against total exports to France of only £171,021. Reprinted Somers’ Tracts, VIII. 30–31, and Parl. Hist., IV. appendix, p. cxvii. When printed in King's British Merchant, 29 November, 1674, this estimate was said to have been calculated as exactly as possible, in obedience to the commands of the commissioners for the treaty with France, by sundry London tradesmen. Merchant, 1721 ed., vol. 1. p. 181. But in vol. 11. p. 407 the same figures are said to be taken from a report of Sir George Downing, commissioner of customs, to the Privy Council, dated 9 March, 1675. Whatever their true source, the figures were known at the time when Petty wrote and may have some connection with his estimate of imports at “not above one million two hundred thousand pounds per annum” (p. 297). The Mercator alleged that the calculation as printed by the British Merchant was disingenuous, the exports being those of 1668, the year after Colbert's great increase of the French duties, while the imports were those of 1674. Taking its figures, apparently, from Davenant's Report to the Commissioners for Stating the public Accounts (Works, v. 353), the Mercator of 26–28 May, 1713 gives its own estimate for 1668–69, imports £541,584, exports £108,699.

[2]The present State of France containing the Orders, Dignities and Charges of that Kingdom. Written in French [by Nicolas Besongne] and faithfully Englished. London. 1671. 12°. I can find no English edition of 1669, but L'état de la France, ou l’ on voit tous les Princes, Ducs & Pairs was printed at Paris by Jean Rinom in 1669. The English State says that the taxes and subsidies amount in the whole to 50,359,208 livres. “It is not to be doubted that during the late disorders there were many insolvents, for weh reason this Estimat was not of the last year, but of the years before: in the year 1648 his Majesty by his Declaration remitted the fifth part of the said taxes, but since the said declaration has been revoked, and the taxes advanced above a third.” P. 457–458. De l’ Etat present de la France [par Paul Hay du Chastelet]. À Cologne [? Amsterdam, see Weller, Falsche und fingirte Druckorte, 11. 25], 1672, was not set forth by authority.

[1]S, ‘about’ inserted by Petty, R ‘about 1460,000 p Ann or above 800 thousand.’

[2]“It is commonly reported that in the general contribution of the Provinces toward the War, Holland gives 57 in a 100, and Amsterdam alone gives above 27 of the 57; from whence may be inferred what are the riches of that Town. The revenue of the said City comes to above 4000 pound a day.” The present state of the United Provinces of the Low-countries…. Collected by W[illiam] A[lbigony]. The second edition. London, 1671, p. 360.

[3]1691, ‘the rent,’ cf. errata on p. 248.

[1]1691, ‘a part,’ cf. errata.

[2]S, ‘nothing,’ altered to ‘little’ by Petty.

[1]See Die Nachamung der niederlandischen Handelsbluthe in Roscher, op.cit. p.57.

[1]S, ‘or estimat’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[2]S, R, ‘is,’ S altered to ‘I suppose to be’ by Petty.

[1]S, ‘made by ye sea & Trenches’ was inserted by Petty and then stricken out, not in R.

[2]S, R, ‘themselves, being as some say,’ S altered to ‘themselves as many have affirmed, being as the same say’ by Petty.

[3]See John Keymour's Observations made upon the Dutch Fishing, about the year 1601, demonstrating that there is more Wealth raised out of the Herrings and other Fish in his Majesty's Seas, by the neighbouring Nations in one Year than the King of Spain hath from the Indies in four, London, 1664, 4°. Also Sir John Burroughs, The Sovereignty of the British Seas, London, 1651, 12°, p. 115; Evelyn, Navigation and Commerce in McCulloch's Select Collection of Tracts on Commerce, 95, and note 4, p. 242.

[1]S, R, ‘mutual interest and,’ S altered to ‘natural and’ by Petty.

[2]Luikland or Luykerland, i.e. Liege.

[1]S, ‘Artizans’ inserted by Petty, not in R. Petty neglected to make a corresponding alteration in ‘three of these four,’ three lines further down.

[2]Cf. P. de la Court, Aanwysing (1669), Engl. transl., p. III.

[3]S omits ‘or there,’ R has it.

[1]S, ‘nor so mutable as other Comodityes’ inserted by Petty.

[2]1691, ‘and for,’ cf. errata.

[3]On Petty's experiments in shipbuilding and his writings on the subject see Introduction, part III. and Fitzmaurice, 109–115, 256, 266, et passim.

[1]S, R, 1691 insert ‘moist,’ cf. errata.

[2]S, ‘& not by cripling them’ inserted by Petty.

[1]1691, ‘thirteenth.’

[2]S, ‘principles,’ altered to ‘Opinions,’ R, ‘principalls,’ altered to ‘principles.’

[1]Errata, ‘that.’

[1]S omits ‘all.’

[2]S, ‘and in a moment’ and ‘many years,’ inserted by Petty.

[3]Petty had lost much land of which he once supposed himself the owner. Fitzmaurice, 137, 138, 151.

[1]S, ‘though some think. from Dealing’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, ‘profitably,’ altered by Petty to ‘properly, which R has.

[1]Propositions for the naturalization of aliens were laid before Parliament in 1664, 1667, 1670 and 1672. Commons’ Jour., VIII. 555, 557; IX. 22, 29, 33, 175, 250, 267, 274, 275; Parl. Hist., IV. 577. Cf. Child, New Discourse of Trade, ch. VII.; Cunningham, Engl. Industry, 11. 178, 179.

[2]14 & 15 Charles II. c. 13, Ireland, provided that Protestant strangers, merchants, traders and artizans, who within seven years should transport their stocks and families into Ireland, there reside and take oath of allegiance, should be adjudged to all intents free and naturalized subjects, with all the rights of natives. Cf. Mountmorres, Hist. of the Irish Parliament, 1. 426.

[1]S, 1691, ‘yearly profit,’ ‘yearly’ inserted in S by Petty, obscure, R, ‘ye Profit,’ cf. errata.

[2]1691, ‘to be the value,’ cf. errata.

[3]S, R, ‘The other Trade’ begins a paragraph.

[1]S, ‘or worse’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, R, ‘as hath been.’ See p. 259–260.

[1]S, ‘measures.

[1]G has a dash in place of ‘their Wealth.’

[2]See ch. VI.

[1]S, ‘Although,’ altered to ‘Now’ by Petty.

[2]S, ‘Moreover’ inserted by Petty.

[3]S, ‘about,’ altered to ‘near’ by Petty.

[4]These estimates, being larger than those given in the Polit. Anat., p. 141, argue the later completion of the Polit. Arith Cf. p. 236.

[5]The 8 August, 1662 the Irish Commons, after a long debate, unanimously agreed to abolish the court of wards and to substitute a tax of two shillings annually upon all the hearths in Ireland for ever, according to a similar tax in England. Mountmorres, Hist. of the Irish Parlt., 11. 126, 127; see 14 & 15 Charles II. c. 17, Ireland. The duty was payable by the occupier at one entire payment on the 10th January each year, and was recoverable by distress and sale of his goods. No persons were exempt except those who lived upon alms and widows who procured certificates from two justices of the peace yearly, in writing, that the houses which they inhabited were of no greater value than 8s. a year and that they did not have chattels to the value of 4£. Evasions led to the passage of 17 & 18 Charles II. c. 18, Ireland (1665), which imposed fines for the concealment of hearths and provided that houses having no fixed hearth should be charged two hearths. Until 1704 this tax was farmed by counties to the highest bidder. Howard, A Treatise of the Exchequer and Revenue of Ireland, 1. 89–91. The tax, was beyond question, exceedingly oppressive, and evasions must have been so frequent as to render the returns but an imperfect basis for calculating the population.

[1]S, inserts ‘great plenty of that.’

[2]The original form of S is here represented by Roman type, Petty's corrections by Italic:

‘tackle, as each man can make, and liveing in such Houses as make wth his own hands almost every man can build; and euery housewife.’ The interlined correction, which is much crowded, appears to have been read into the line above it, giving the text of 1690, instead of the sense which Petty intended, viz. such Houses as almost every man can make with his own hands. R, ‘Tackling as each man can make, & living in such Houses as (almost) every man can build, & every Housewife.’

[1]The promise was not kept.

[2]S, ‘about 10 s.’

[3]S, ‘extream plentiful.’

[4]The common assumption of economic theory has been precisely the reverse, viz. that wages will be low when food is plentiful. Petty's assertion, however, is confirmed by the observant author (?W. Temple, or J. Cunningham) of An Essay on Trade and Commerce (1770), pp. 14–16, and Ricardo admitted that it was true of Ireland even in his time. Letters to Malthus, 138. See also Malthus, Political Economy (1820), pp. 382–388, Cunningham, English Industry, II. 689.

[1]S, R, ‘much less that the.’

[2]G, ‘corn.’

[3]S, ‘of their.’

[4]S, R, 1691, ‘fifty,’ cf. errata?

[5]S, ‘(Horse being of speciall advantage in islands)’ is inserted by Petty.

[1]S, ‘and disposed’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, R, 1691, 'sixteen.’ Cf. errata?

[3]S, R, omit ‘near.’

[4]S, ‘& not 84000’ inserted by Petty, R, ‘about 84000 completely,’ altered to ‘about 72000 completely,’ by Petty.

[5]G, ‘whereby.’ The 1683 ed. probably was not printed from S or R, as the words ‘were by’ are plainly written in both.

[6]S, ‘of them’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[1]S, ‘of 24000’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[2]S, ‘men, the said halfe, together with halfe the Auxiliaryes,’ R, ‘men, together with the said [Italicized words inserted] halfe the Auxiliaries last mentioned, would upon emergencies man out the whole Royall Navy, leaving to the Merchants 12 Thousand of the abler auxiliaries to performe their business in harbour, till others come back from the Sea. I say that.’

[3]S, ‘all’ inserted by Petty.

[4]S, ‘with 36000’ inserted by Petty.

[5]S, ‘And thus 36000, 24000 and twelve make up ye 72000 above mentioned’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[1]S, R, omit ‘now are, or may be.’ R, ‘than England or the Dutch,’ altered to ‘or the low countries’ by Petty.

[2]S, ‘with England’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[3]S, ‘could,’ R, ‘would.’ 1691, ‘would’ corrected to 'should’ in errata.

[1]S, R, G, ‘Brouage’ altered to ‘Charente’ in S by Petty.

[2]S, R, ‘as’ altered to ‘wch’ in R.

[1]Hydrographic contenant la theorie et la practiqve de tovtes les parties de la navigation. Composé par le Pere Georges Fournier. A Paris, chez Michel Soly. M.D.C.XLIII, f°. “Les gens de Mer y sont en telle quantité, que durant le siège de la Rochelle, la Roy tira d'vn seul Bourg quatorze cents Maletots, Soldats, bien que ce lieu ne soit pas (possible) le quinzièsme de cette coste en bonté & reputation.” The estimate that the coast could furnish fifteen times as many is omitted from the second edition of Fournier (1667), p. 69.

[1]See p. 251, where the French are assigned 100,000 tons.

[2]S, ‘out.’

[3]The fourth way seems to be the general increase of French trade, p. 283.

[1]S, ‘or slighted’ inserted by Petty.

[2]G, ‘exonerate.’

[3]S, 1691, ‘they.’ See errata?

[1]In margin of S, opposite ‘one hundred thousand Tun,’ stands ‘Qre’ in the hand of the copyist.

[1]In S, ‘neer’ is inserted and ‘naturally’ is imperfectly erased.

[2]Angliae Notira; or the present State of England. By Edward Chamberlayne, 1672, p. 251, “the area of England is in comparison to France as 30 to 82.”

[1]S, ‘wth what ye King hath in Asia & AAfrica’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, R, ‘more territory than France,’ altered in S to 'so much territory as France.’

[3]S, ‘400,’ altered by Petty to ‘500,’ R, ‘500.’

[4]S, ‘Melancholy.’

[1]S, R, ‘that the people of Ireland being saved, that that Island.’

[2]Descartes’ first meditation, Œuvres publ. par. V. Cousin (1824), I. 237–239. Can Petty have thought that the story of Utopia was narrated in the guise of a dream?

[3]S, R, ‘3 or 4,’ altered in S to ‘4 or 5.’

[4]S, R, ‘4 times.’

[1]S, ‘30l,’ 1691, ‘3l.’

[2]S, ‘yea a proffitable’ inserted by Petty.

[3]Petty returns to his pleasant and profitable dream in the Treatise of Ireland, 1687.

[1]It does not appear that much practical result followed from the recommendation of clover, sainfoin and lucerne until the eighteenth century. Cunningham, English Industry, II. 183, Rogers, Hist. of Agriculture and Prices, v. 59, cf. however v. 62. Aubrey writes (before 1685), “Memorandum. Great increase of sanfoine now, in most places fitt for itt.” Natural History of Wiltshire, ed. Britton, ch. x. p. II.

[2]S, R, “10… 2… 12,” altered in S to “13… 4… 17.”

[3]S, ‘6’ altered to ‘4.’

[4]S, ‘above 72 millions’ altered to ‘about 69,300,000.’

[1]S, ‘more than the 7 millions for,’ altered to ‘more than the 6½ millions or ye present value for.’ R, ‘give 3 millions for.’

[2]S, R, ‘10,’ altered in S to ‘13.’

[3]S, R, ‘72,’ altered in S to ‘75’

[4]S, R, ‘or six,’ altered in S to ‘above 4,’ cf. Errata.

[5]S, ‘Nor is… Flanders’ added by Petty, not in R.

[6]S, R, omit ‘do, nay.’

[1]S, ‘3 mill and ½,’ altered to ‘3600000,’ R, ‘3500000’ altered to ‘3600000.’

[2]R, ‘70000000’ altered to ‘72000000,’ S, ‘70000000.’

[3]S, Petty inserted ‘and hath’ after ‘doth.’

[4]G, omits ‘Thousand.’

[1]The present State of France, p. 455 seq., contains a list of the Généralties, with the number of parishes in each of them except Amiens and Nantes. The sum of the parishes accounted for is 24,580.

[2]G, ‘Post-money.’

[3]S, R, ‘9 millions,’ altered to ‘9½ millions’ in S.

[4]S. R, G, ‘50000,’ altered to ‘16000’ in S.

[5]S, R, G, ‘80000,’ altered to ‘24000’ in S.

[6]S, R, G, ‘halfe a million,’ altered to ‘150000’ in S.

[7]S, R, ‘in all the rest of the Plantations there should not be half a million more,’ altered in S to ‘in this and all the other Plantations of Asia, Affrica & America there should not be half a million’ (‘more’ stricken out).

[8]G omits ‘not.’

[1]S, R, ‘be really no better than 12 or thereabouts,’ S, altered to ‘be less than 13.’

[2]S, R, G, have here the following passage, stricken out but still legible in S: ‘In the next place it is to be considered, That the Inhabitants of the Inner Parts of France, remote from the Sea cannot be probably Superlucrators; Now if there be 2 Millions in the King of England's dominions, more then in the King of France's who—[a word rendered illegible by Petty's alteration of it to ‘earn,’ which R and G have] more then they Spend, or if 10 men in England earne more then 12 men in France, then the Subjects of England, are as effective as to the gaining of wealth and Riches as those of France.’ The alteration of one word in this passage implies that Petty intended to let it stand and afterwards decided to strike it out. The passage is in Sloane MS. 2572 also.

[3]S, R, ‘12,’ S altered to ‘13.’

[4]S, R, ‘12,’ S altered to ‘13.’

[5]‘also’ refers to the (omitted) argument about gaining wealth.

[6]S, R, ‘in England, Scotland and Ireland about 60 thousand,’ in S is inserted ‘and y° Kings other Territoryes’ and ‘60’ is altered to above ‘40.’ G, ‘60 million.’

[7]S, R, ‘about,’ S altered to ‘not above.’

[1]S, R, 'subjects the equivalent of 90000 husbandmen,’ in S ‘is an advantage’ is substituted for ‘the’ cancelled, and ‘90000’ is altered to ‘60000.’ G, ‘90,500000.’

[2]S, ‘and all other ye King of England's Teritoryes’ inserted.

[3]G omits ‘Hundred.’

[4]S, R, G, ‘⅓.’

[5]1691 ed., ‘½.’

[6]G omits ‘thousand.’

[1]G, ‘viz. above four shillings per Annum Rent cheaper the Land carriage; for the difference (between England and France) of the distance from a port being so much or near thereabouts.’

[1]R, ‘thereof’ inserted.

[1]S, ‘Perpetuanas’ inserted.

[2]G omits these two paragraphs giving the value of the exports from America, still it gives the total value 10,180,000l.

[1]S, R, G, ‘m. Fortries Estimates,’ S altered to 'some currant.’ For a possible source of Petty's estimate, see note 1, p. 252.

[2]Fortrey asserted that a ‘particular’ delivered to the King of France not long before 1663, upon a design he had to have forbidden the trade between France and England, showed that the yearly value of the English imports from France exceeded the exports to France by 2,600,000 l. England's Interest, in Whitworth's Tracts, I. 21.

[1]In R this entire paragraph is inserted in the margin by Petty.

[2]S, ‘but the same… by the People’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[1]S, ‘without account’ inserted, not in R.

[2]See. Polit. Anat., p. 160, note 5.

[1]The proposal seems to have originated with Cromwell, probably in 1650. Certain individuals replied to him under date 31 October, 1650, accepting the proffered transplantation provided their conditions were met. Ellis, Original Letters, 2d series, vol. III. p. 360–364. But the following year the General Court of Massachussetts made official answer thankfully declining the proposition. Hutchinson, Hist. of Mass., 2d ed., 1. 450–452, 175–176. See also Barry, Hist. of Mass. in the Colonial Period, 1 343.

[2]Errata, ‘paying for.’

[1]S, ‘Observater,’ R, ‘observators,’ altered to ‘Observator.’ The variation is significant in the dispute concerning the authorship of the Observations. See Introduction. This is the last of Petty's alterations in S.

[2]The assertion is based, apparently, on chapter VII. of Graunt.

[3]R. ‘neer’ inserted by Petty.

[4]R, ‘Bristoll’ inserted.

[1]In 1636–37. See p. 236.

[2]S, ‘trading shipping,’ R, ‘shipping trade.’

[3]In 1615 the Newcastle coal trade employed some two hundred sail of carvels that served London, besides some two hundred more that served the sea-coast towns throughout England. The Trades Increase [with address to the reader signed ‘I. R.’] London, printed by Nicholas Okes, 1615, 4°. p. 10. In 1649 the coal trade had so increased “that there was more Coales vented in one yeare. than in seven yeares, forty yeares by-past.” [W. Gray.] Chorographia, or a survey of Newcastle upon Type. London, printed for J. B. 1649, 4°. p. 26.

[1]S, ‘100000.’

[2]S, ‘man Servant,’ R, ‘maid servant.’

[1]S, ‘the whole stock,’ R, ‘y mass.’

[1]Chamberlayne, State of England, Second part, 1671, pp. 150–151. “In the City of Norwich it hath of late years been computed and found, that yearly children from six to ten [not 16] years of age have gained twelve thousand pounds more than what they spend, and that chiefly by knitting fine Jersey stockings.”

[1]See p. 297, note 2.

[1]R, ‘or 5 millions & a halfe’ inserted.

[2]See Treatise of Taxes, p. 56, where the expense of the people of England is estimated at 50 millions, and compare A moderate Computation of the Expences in Provisions, spent in the… Places within the Bills… observed by a scrutinous Enquiry into most of the Particulars. By John Seller, sen. London, sold by Richard Baldwin, 1691. Sellers makes the average expenditure £27[Editor: illegible]1749 per capita.

[1]R, ‘p an’ inserted.

[1]R, Petty adds the incomplete sentence ‘other then wch I have no other,’ and then cancels the last word. Cf. the end of the Author's Preface to the Political Anatomy, p. 130.

[1]S and R have no side notes.

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REPORT FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRADE 1676. - Sir William Petty, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, vol. 1 [1662]

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REPORT FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRADE 1676.

NOTE ON THE “REPORT FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRADE.”

‖A Report from the council of Trade in Ireland, to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, which was drawn by Sir William Petty.

Considerations relating to the Improvement ofIreland.

Inferences from the Premisses.

The application of the Premisses, in order to remedy the defects and impediments of the Trade of Ireland.

PROPOSITIONS CONCERNING THE GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND.

NOTE ON THE “PROPOSITIONS.”

By His Majesties Command,

Political Arithmetick, OR A DISCOURSE Concerning,

NOTE ON THE “POLITICAL ARITHMETICK.”

TO THE KING'S Most Excellent MAJESTY1 .

SIR,

SIR,

PREFACE1 .

THE Principal Conclusions1 OF THIS TREATISE ARE,

ERRATA.

CHAP. I.

That a small Country and few People, by its Situation, Trade, and Policy, may be equivalent in Wealth and Strength, to a far greater People and Territory: And particularly that conveniencies for Shipping and Water-Carriage, do most Eminently and Fundamentally conduce thereunto.

CHAP. II.

That some kind of Taxes and Publick Levies, may rather increase than diminish the Wealth of the Kingdom.

CHAP. III.

That France cannot by reason of natural, and perpetual Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English, or Hollanders1now are, or may be.

CHAP. IV.

That the People and Territories of the King of England, are naturally near1as considerable for Wealth and Strength, as those of France.

CHAP. V.

That the Impediments of Englands greatness, are but contingent and removable.

CHAP. VI.

That the Power and Wealth of England hath increased this last forty years.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. VIII.

That there are spare Hands enough among the King of England's Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum more than they now do; and that there are also Employments, ready, prope, and sufficient, for that purpose.

CHAP. IX.

That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the Nation.

CHAP. X.

That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock competent and convenient, to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World.

PROPOSITIONS
CONCERNING THE
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND.

Political Arithmetick,
OR
A DISCOURSE
Concerning,

TO THE
KING'S
Most Excellent
MAJESTY1 .

THE
Principal Conclusions1
OF THIS
TREATISE
ARE,