The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Preface
• Introduction
• Note On the “treatise of Taxes.”
• The Preface.
• Chap. I.: Of the Several Sorts of Publick Charges.
• Chap. II.: Of the Causes Which Encrease and Aggravate the Several Sorts of Publick Charges.
• Chap. III.: How the Causes of the Unquiet Bearing of Taxes May Be Lessened.
• Chap. IV.: Of the Several Wayes of Taxe, and First, of Setting a Part, a Proportion of the Whole Territory For Publick Uses, In the Nature of Crown Lands; and Secondly, By Way of Assessement, Or Land-taxe.
• Chap. V.: Of Usury.
• Chap. VI.: Of Customs and Free Ports.
• Chap. VII.: Of Poll-money.
• Chap. VIII.: Of Lotteries.
• Chap. IX.: Of Benevolence.
• Chap. X.: Of Penalties.
• Chap. XI.: Of Monopolies and Offices.
• Chap. XII.: Of Tythes.
• Chap. XIII.: Of Several Smaller Wayes of Levying Money.
• Chap. XIV.: Of Raising, Depressing, Or Embasing of Money.
• Chap. XV.: Of Excize.
• Verbum Sapienti.
• Note On the Verbum Sapienti.
• The Introduction.
• Chap. I.: Containing Several Computations of the Wealth of the Kingdom.
• Chap. II.: Of the Value of the People
• Chap. III.: Of the Several Expences of the Kingdom, and Its Revenues.
• Chap. IV.: Of the Method of Apportioning Taxes.
• Chap. V.: Of Money, and How Much Is Necessary to Drive the Trade of the Nation.
• Chap. VI.: The Causes of Irregular Taxing.
• Chap. VII.: The Collateral Advantages of These Taxes.
• Chap. VIII.: Of the Expence of the Navy, Army, and Garisons.
• Chap. IX.: Motives to the Quiet Bearing of Extraordinary Taxes.
• Chap. X.: How to Employ the People, and the End Thereof.
• Note On the “political Anatomy of Ireland.”
• To His Grace the Duke of Ormand 1 .
• To the Right Honourable Thomas, Lord Parker 1 , Baron of Macclesfield In the County of Chester. Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain.
• The Author's Preface.
• Advertisement 1
• The Contents of the Political Anatomy of Ireland 1 .
• The Political Anatomy of Ireland. 1672 1 .
• [chapter I.] 2: Of the Lands of Ireland.
• [chapter II.]: Of People, Houses, and Smoaks; Their Number, Differences, and Values.
• [chapter Iii]: of the Church and Benefices.
• [chapter Iv]: Concerning the Late Rebellion.
• [chapter V]: of the Future Settlement of Ireland, Prorogation of Rebellions, and Its Union With England.
• [chapter Vi]: of the Government of Ireland.
• [chapter Vii]: of the Militia and Defence of Ireland.
• [chapter Viii]: of the Cœlum and Solum of Ireland.
• [chapter Ix]: of the Proportion In Value, Which the Several Counties In Ireland Do Bear to Each Other , Viz.
• [chapter X]: of the Money of Ireland.
• [chapter Xi]: of the Trade of Ireland.
• [chapter Xii]: of the Religion, Diet, Cloaths, Language, Manners, and Interest of the Several Present Inhabitants of Ireland.
• [chapter XIII.]: Several Miscellany Remarks and Intimations Concerning Ireland, and the Several Matters Aforementioned.
• Report From the Council of Trade 1676.
• Political Arithmetick, Or a Discourse Concerning,
• Note On the “political Arithmetick.”
• To the King's Most Excellent Majesty 1 .
• Preface 1 .
• The Principal Conclusions 1 of This Treatise Are,
• Errata.
• Chap. I.: That a Small Country and Few People, By Its Situation, Trade, and Policy, May Be Equivalent In Wealth and Strength, to a Far Greater People and Territory: and Particularly That Conveniencies For Shipping and Water-carriage, Do Most E
• Chap. II.: That Some Kind of Taxes and Publick Levies, May Rather Increase Than Diminish the Wealth of the Kingdom .
• Chap. III.: That France Cannot By Reason of Natural, and Perpetual Impediments, Be More Powerful At Sea, Than the English, Or Hollanders 1 Now Are, Or May Be .
• Chap. IV.: That the People and Territories of the King of England, Are Naturally Near 1 As Considerable For Wealth and Strength, As Those of France.
• Chap. V.: That the Impediments of Englands Greatness, Are But Contingent and Removable .
• Chap. VI.: That the Power and Wealth of England Hath Increased This Last Forty Years .
• Chap. VII.: That One Tenth Part of the Whole Expence, of the King of England's Subjects, Is Sufficient to Maintain Ten Thousand 1 Foot, Forty Thousand Horse, and Forty Thousand Men At Sea; and Defray All Other Charges of the Government Both Ordina
• Chap. VIII.: That There Are Spare Hands Enough Among the King of England 's Subjects, to Earn Two Millions Per Annum More Than They Now Do; and That There Are Also Employments, Ready, Prope, and Sufficient, For That Purpose .
• Chap. IX.: That There Is Mony Sufficient to Drive the Trade of the Nation.
• Chap. X.: That the King of England's Subjects, Have Stock Competent and Convenient, to Drive the Trade of the Whole Commercial World.

THE Political Anatomy OF IRELAND. 16721 .

[CHAPTER I.]2

Of the Lands of Ireland.

3.

Of the 5,200 belonging to Papists and Sequestred Protestants Anno 1641.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

1.

2.

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Mem. That by the Successes of the Army, who serv'd since 1649. and who have 854008 l. per An. for their labour, His Majesty hath received the several Advantages following, viz.

1

2

Mem.

That whereas until Annoother3England always sent Money and other Supplies into Ireland, now the Revenue is 200,000l. and the charge Civil and Military but 170,000l. which is the gain or ease of England.

The ⅛ whereof is 900,000l. The one half whereof being for Foot, was, 450,000l. per Ann. which, at 15l. each, maintains 30,000 Foot, and the rest 15000 Horse, General Officers, and Train of Artillery included; so as there was a British Army, for eight Years, of at least 45000 Men4

The Army who reduced the Rebellion, did Anno 1652, consist of near 35000 Men, as per Debentures. ‖

The Irish transported into Foreign parts, between 1651 and 1654 were 34,000 Men.

The Irish Army could not but be more than double to the English.

The Claymants of Land, or the number of Proprietors before the War was.

Of all that claimed innocency 7 in 8. obtained it.

The restored Persons by innocence and proviso have more than what was their own, Anno 1641. by at least ⅕.

They have gotten by forg'd Feofments of what was more than their own, at least ⅓.

Of those adjudged Innocents, not were really so.

1 The King's Revenue in Ireland Anno 1641.

The yearly charge of the Army for 20 years last past.

[CHAPTER II.]

Of People, Houses, and Smoaks; their Number, Differences, and Values.

1

VIZ.

2

Of Smoaks.

1

And of Smiths Forges, near the same number, or rather ⅕ more.

A more particular Account of the Houses in Ireland, which have more than one Chimney, viz.

2The Number of Coaches, besides Hackneys, near the same Number, or rather fewer.

There be (ut supra) 160,000 Cabins without Chimneys, whose worth are not reckoned; but as for the others, we rate as follows, viz. Houses of ‖

3

1

There is in Nature but one in 500 at most who are Blind, Lame, and under incurable Impotence; so as not above 2000 in Ireland, whom 12000l.2 would maintain without Scandal. ‖

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

Memorandum, That in Dublin, where are but 4000 Families, there are at one time 1180 Ale-houses, and 91 publick Brew-houses, viz. near ⅓ of the whole; it seems, that in Ireland, there being 200 M. Families, that about 60 M. of them should use the same Trade.

In order to Money and Universal Wealth Local Wealth, or Universal Wealth

In order to Money and Universal Wealth.

3

[CHAPTER III]

Of the Church and Benefices.

IF ½ the Non-Papists are Non-Conformists, then there are but 50000 Legal Protestants in Dublin and all other Cities, Towns, &c. which require but 50 preaching Ministers.

And if there are but 50 M. Legal Protestants in the rest of Ireland, they require but 100 Ministers, at 500 to a Flock1 , whereof ⅓, viz. 166 are Children.

If there be in England and Wales about 9000 Parishes, and under 30 Bishops, then every Bishop must have above 300 Parsons in his Charge.

So as one Bishop in Ireland is more than 30 in England.

Wherefore 25,000 l. would afford 150 l. per Ann. of each of 150 Ministers, and 2500 l. to the Bishop.

The value of the Church-Lands and appropriate Tythes, is2per Ann. above the Kings Rent due out of them.

If 100 Ministers can serve all Ireland, they must have Precincts of neer 3 Miles square, and consequently they must be Itinerants, and as Lecturers on week-days; and other honest ordained Men must be Priests. ‖

If 150, nay, if 250 Ministers would serve all Ireland, then 10 per Ann. will supply their Mortality: And consequently a Nursery of 100 will send forth 10 yearly of 10 years standing. Perhaps the Nursery need not be above half so large.

[CHAPTER IV]

Concerning the Late Rebellion.

THE number of the People being now Anno 1672 about 1100,000. and Anno 1652. about 850 M. because I1 conceive that 80 M. of them have in 20 years encreased by Generation 70 M. by return of banished and expelled English; as also by the access of new ones, 80 M. of New Scots, and 20 M. of returned Irish, being all 250 M.

Now if it could be known what number2 of people were in Ireland, Ann. 1641. then the difference between the said number, and 850, adding unto it the encrease by Generation, in 11 years will shew the destruction of people made by the Wars, viz. by the Sword, Plague, and Famine occasioned thereby.

I find, by comparing superfluous and spare Oxen, Sheep, Butter and Beef, that ‖ there was exported above ⅓ more Ann. 1664. than in 1641. which shews there were ⅓ more of people, viz. 1466,000; Out of which Sum take what were left Ann. 1652. there will remain 616,000. destroyed by the Rebellion.

Whereas the present proportion of the British is as 3 to 11; But before the Wars the proportion was less, viz. as 2 to 11. and then it follows that the number of British slain in 11 years was 112 thousand Souls; of which I guess ⅔ to have perished by War, Plague and Famine1 . So as it follows that 37,000 were massacred in the first year of Tumults: So as those who think 154,000 were so destroyed, ought to review the grounds of their Opinion2 .

It follows also, that about 504 M. of the Irish perished, and were wasted by the Sword, Plague, Famine, Hardship and Banishment, between the 23 of October 1641. and the same day 1652.

Wherefore those who say, That not ⅛ of them remained at the end of the Wars, must also review their opinions; there being by this Computation near ⅔ of them; which Opinion I also submit.‖

Anno 1650. there were before the great Plague, above one Million of People, viz. 2½ more than in London Anno 1665. But in that there year died in London by account 97,000 people, but really were 110 M.

1

So as subtracting 412 M. 500 dying of the Plague, and 37 Massacred English, it follows that 167 M. died in 11 years by the Sword and Famine, and other Hardships. Which I think not incredible; for supposing ½ the Number, viz. 87 M. died in 11 years, of Famine and Cold, Transportation to Spain and Barbadoes, &c. it not hard to believe, that the other 87 M. perished by the Sword, when the British had Armies of near 40 M. Men, and the Irish of near double, sometimes2 on Foot.

Corn was then at 50 s. per Barrel, which is now, and 1641. under 12.

1

Wherefore the effects of the Rebellion were these in pecuniary value, viz.

And the 20 years Rent of all the Lands forfeited, by reason of the said Rebellion, viz. since the year 1652, to 1673. hath not fully defray'd the Charge of the English Army in Ireland for the said time; nor doth the said Rents at this day do the same with ½ as much more, or above 100 M. 1. per An. more

And the Adventurers after 10 years being out of their Principal Money, which now ought to be double by its Interest, they sold their Advantures for under 10 s. per 1. Ann. 1652. in open and free Market.

The Number of Landed Irish-Papists, or Freeholders before the Wars, was about 3000; whereof, as appears by 800 Judgments of the Court of Claims, which fate Ann. 1663. upon the Innocence and Effects of the Irish, there were not above part or 400 guilty of the Rebellion, unto each of whom I allow 20 Followers, which would have made up an Army of 8000: But by the 49 Officers account, the British Army before 1649. must have been about 40 M. men; upon whom the said 8000 Nocent Irish so ‖ prevail'd, as that the Peace ended in the Articles of 1648. By which the Irish were made at least equal Partners with His Majesty in the Government of Ireland; which sheweth, that the Irish were men of admirable Success and Courage: Unless we should rather think, that the said Court of Claims were abused by their Perjuries and Forgeries, which one would think, that a Nation, who caus'd the destruction of so many thousand Lives, for the sake of God and Religion, should not be so guilty of.

The Estates of the Irish before the Wars, was double to that of the English; but the number and natural force of the Irish quintuple to that of the English.

The Cause of the War was a desire of the Romists, to recover the Church-Revenue, worth about 110 M. 1. per Ann. and of the Common Irish, to get all the Englishmens Estates; and of the 10 or 12 Grandees of Ireland, to get the Empire of the whole. But upon the Playing of this Game or Match upon so great odds, the English won and have (among, and besides other Pretences) a Gamester's Right at least to their Estates. But as for the Bloodshed in the Contest, God best knows who did occasion it.‖

[CHAPTER V]

Of the future Settlement of Ireland, Prorogation of Rebellions, and its Union with England.

THE English invaded Ireland about 500 years since; at which time, if the Irish were in number about 1,200,000. Anno 1641, they were but 600 M. in number, 200 years ago, and not above 300,000 M.1 at the said time of their Invasion; for 300,000 people will, by the ordinary Course of Generation, become 1200 M. in 500 years; allowance being made for the Extraordinary Effects of Epidemical Diseases, Famines, Wars, &c.

There is at this Day no Monument or real Argument that, when the Irish were first invaded, they had any Stone-Housing at all, any Money, any Foreign Trade, nor any Learning1 but the Legend of the Saints, Psalters, Missals, Rituals, &c. viz. nor Geometry, Astronomy, Anatomy, Architecture, Enginery, Painting, Carving, nor any kind of Manufacture, nor the least use of Navigation, or the Art Military.

Sir John Davys2 hath expressed much Wit and Learning, in giving the Causes why Ireland was in no measure reduced to English ‖ Government, till in Queen Elizabeths Reign, and since; and withal offers several means, whereby what yet remains to be done, may be still effected.

The Conquest made by the English, and described in the Preamble of the Act of Parliament past Ann. 1662. for the Settlement of Ireland3 , gave means for any thing that had been reasonable of that kind; but their Forfeiters being abroad, and suffering with His Majesty from the same usurping hands, made some diversion.

Wherefore (Rebus sic stantibus) what is now to be done is the Question, viz. What may be done by natural possibility, if Authority saw it fit?

Some furious Spirits have wished, that the Irish would rebel again, that they might be put to the Sword. But I declare, that motion to be not only impious and inhumane, but withal frivolous and pernicious even to them who have rashly wish'd for those occasions.

That the Irish will not easily rebel again, I believe from the memory of their former Successes, especially of the last, had not many Providences interpos'd; and withal from the consideration of these following Particulars, viz. ‖

1. That the British Protestants and Church have ¾ of all the Lands; of all the Housing; of all the Housing in wall'd Towns, and Places of strength1 ⅔ of the Foreign Trade. That 6 of 8 of all the Irish live in a brutish nasty Condition, as in Cabins, with neither Chimney, Door, Stairs nor Window; feed chiefly upon Milk and Potatoes, whereby their Spirits are not dispos'd for War. And that although there be in Ireland 8 Papists for 3 others; yet there are far more Soldiers, and Soldierlike-Men of this latter and lesser Number, than of the former.

That His Majesty, who formerly could do nothing for, and upon Ireland, but by the help of England, hath now a Revenue upon the Place, to maintain, if he pleases, 7000 Men in Arms, besides a Protestant Militia of 25000 more, the most whereof are expert in War.

That the Protestants have Housing enough within Places of strength within 5 Miles of the Sea-side, to receive and protect, and harbour every Man, Woman and Child belonging to them, and have also places of strength of their own properly,2 so situate in all parts of Ireland, to which they can easily travel the shortest day of the year.‖

That being able so to secure their Persons, even upon all sudden Emergencies, they can be easily supplied out of England with Food sufficient to maintain them, till they have burnt 160 M. of their Stacks and Haggards of Corn, and disturbed their Tillage, which the embody'd British can soon and easily atchieve.

That a few Ships of War, whereof the Irish have none, nor no Skill or Practice of Navigation, can hinder their relief from all Foreign help.

That few Foreigners can help them if they would. But that none, not the King of France3 can gain advantage by so doing, even tho he succeeded. For England hath constantly lost these 500 years by their meddling with Ireland. And at this day, than when Ireland was never so rich and splendid, it were the advantage of the English to abandon their whole Interest in that Countrey; and fatal to any other Nation to take it, as hath been elsewhere (as I think) demonstrated1 ; and the advantage of the Landlords of England, to give them the Equivalent of what they should so quit out of their own Estates in England. ‖

Lastly, Let the Irish know, That there are, ever were, and will be men discontented with their present Conditions in England, and ready for any Exploit and Change, more than are sufficient to quell any Insurrection they can make and abide by.

Wherefore, declining all Military means of setling and securing Ireland in peace and Plenty, what we offer shall tend to the transmuting one People into the other, and the thorough union of Interests upon natural and lasting Principles; of which I shall enumerate several, tho seemingly never so uncouth and extravagant.

1. If Henry the II. had or could have brought over all the people of Ireland into England, declining the Benefit of their Land; he had fortified, beautified and enrich'd England, and done real Kindness to the Irish. But the same Work is near four times as hard now to be done as then; but it might be done, even now, with advantage to all Parties.

Whereas2 there are now 300 M. British, and 800 M. Papists, whereof 600 M. live in the wretched way above mentioned: If an Exchange was made of but about 200 M. Irish, and the like number of British brought ‖ over in their rooms, then the natural strength of the British would be equal to that of the Irish; but their Political and Artificial strength three times as great; and so visible, that the Irish would never stir upon a National or Religious Account.

3. There are among the 600 M. above-mentioned of the poor Irish, not above 20 M. of unmarried marriageable Women; nor would above two thousand per Ann. grow and become such. Wherefore if ½ the said Women were in one year, and ½ the next transported into England, and disposed of one to each Parish, and as many English brought back and married to the Irish, as would improve their Dwelling but to an House and Garden of 31. value, the whole Work of natural Transmutation and Union would in 4 or 5 years be accomplished.1

The charge of making the exchange would not be 20,000 l. per Ann. which is about 6 Weeks Pay of the present or late Armies in Ireland.

If the Irish must have Priests, let the number of them which is now between 2 and 3 thousand Secular and Regulars, be reduced to the competent number of 1000, which is 800 Souls to the pastorage of each Priest; which let be known persons, and ‖ English-men, if it may be. So as that when the Priests, who govern the Conscience, and the Women, who influence other powerful Appetites, shall be English, both of whom being in the Bosom of the Men, it must be, that no massacring of English, as heretofore, can happen again. Moreover, when the Language of the Children shall be English, and the whole Oeconomy of the Family English, viz. Diet, Apparel, &c. the Transmutation will be very easy and quick.

Add hereunto, That if both Kingdoms, now two, were put into one, and under one Legislative Power and Parliament, the Members whereof should be in the same proportion that the Power and Wealth of each Nation are, there would be no danger such a Parliament should do any thing to the prejudice of the English Interest in Ireland; nor could the Irish ever complain of partiality, when they shall be freely and proportionably represented in all Legislatures.1

The Inconveniences of the Not-Union, and Absurdities seem to be these, viz.

1. It is absurd, that English-men born, sent over into Ireland by the Commission ‖ of their own King, and there sacrificing their Lives for the King's Interest, and succeeding in his Service, should therefore be accounted Aliens, Foreigners, and also Enemies, such as were the Irish before Henry the VII. time; whom, if an English-man had then killed, he had suffer'd nothing for it; for it is but Indulgence and Connivance, that now the same is not still in force. For such formerly was the Condition of Irish-men; and that of English-men is now the same, otherwise than as Custom has relieved them.

It is absurd, that the Inhabitants of Ireland, naturally and necessarily bound to obey their Sovereign, should not be permitted to know who, or what the same is, i.e. Whether the Parliament of England, or that of Ireland; and in what Cases the one, and in what the other. Which uncertainty is or may be made a pretence for my Disobedience.2

It is absurd, that English-men in Ireland, should either be Aliens there, or else to be bound to Laws, in the making whereof they are not represented.

It is absurd if the Legislative Power be in Ireland, that the final judgment of Causes between man and man, should be in England, ‖ viz. the Writs of Error should remove Causes out of Ireland, to1 the King's Bench in England. That the final determination of Admiralty-Causes,2 and of some Causes-Ecclesrastical, should be also ended in England; nor that men should know whether the Chancery of England have jurisdiction in Ireland; and whether the Decrees of Chancery in one Chancery, can be executed in the other.

As for Inconveniences, it is one, That we should do to3 Trade between the two Kingdoms, as the Spaniards in the West-Indies do to all other Nations; for which cause all other Nations have war with them there.

And that a Ship trading from Ireland into the Islands of America, should be forced to unlade the Commodities shipt for Ireland in England, and afterwards bring them home; thereby necessitating the Owners of such goods to run unnecessary hazard and Expences.

It is inconvenient that the same King's Subjects should pay Customs as Aliens, passing from one part of the same their own King's Territories to another.

The chief Objection against the remedy of these Evils is; ‖

That his Majesty would by the Union lose much of his Double-Customs. Which being true, let's see what the same amounts unto; and if it be sufficient to hinder the remedy of these Evils, and if it be irreparable by some other way.

Ann. 1664. which was the best year of Trade that hath been these many years in Ireland, when neither Plague nor Wars impeached it, and when men were generally disposed to Splendor and Liberality,4 and when the Act for hindring Cattel coming out of Ireland into England, was not yet made5 ; nor that made for unlading in England Ships bound from America into Ireland; I say, in that year the Customs upon exported and imported Commodities, between Ireland and England, was but————but not ⅙ thereof, which since, how easily may it be added to the other Charges upon England and Ireland, which are together perhaps 1500 M. per Ann.?

2. If it be for the good of England to keep Ireland a distinct Kingdom, why do not the predominant Party in Parliament (suppose the Western Members) make England beyond Trent another Kingdom, under1 Commerce, and take Tolls and Customs upon the new Borders? Or why was there ‖ ever a Union between England and Wales, the good effects and fruits whereof were never questioned? And why may not the entire Kingdom of England be farther Cantoniz'd, and infinitely for the advantage of Parties?

As for the Practice; The Peers of Ireland assembled in Parliament, may depute so many of their number, as make the ⅛1 part of the Peers of England, to be call'd by Writ into the Lords-House of England: And the Commons in Ireland assembled in like manner, may depute the like proportion of other Members to sit with the Commons of England, the King and that House admitting of them.

But if the Parliament of England be already the Legislative Power of Ireland, why may they not call a competent Number out of Ireland, as aforesaid, or in some other more convenient manner?

All these Shifts and Expedients are necessary but for the first time, until the matter be agreed upon by both Nations, in some one Parliament.

‘Tis suppos'd that the Wealth of Ireland is about the ⅛ or of that of England; and the King's Revenue in both Kingdoms seems about that proportion. ‖

[CHAPTER VI]

Of the Government ofIreland.

THE Government of Ireland is by the King, 21 Bishops (whereof four are Arch-Bishops) and the Temporal Peers2 ; whereof some part,———by reason of the late Rebellion, do not sit in Parliament.

By about 3000 Freeholders, and the Members of about 100 Corporations, the University at Dublin reckoned for one, represented in the House of Commons, by about 270 Knights, Citizens and Burgesses.

The Parliament so constituted, have a Negative upon any Law that the Lord Lieutenant and Councel shall offer to the King, and which the King and his Councel in England shall under the Great Seal remit to the said Parliament.

The Sheriffs of Counties, and of Cities and Counties in Ireland are 40, finally appointed by the Lord Lieutenant, each of which hath about Ten Bailiffs.

The Chief Governour, called sometimes Lord-Lieutenant, sometimes Lord-Deputy, sometimes Lords Justices, with a Council, at this time consisting of about 50 Members, ‖ do govern in all Matters belonging to the Peace, Prerogative, &c.

There be five Courts, viz. a Chancery, consisting of a Lord-Chancellor, Master of the Rolls, and two, three or four Sallariated Masters of Chancery. The King's-Bench, of a Lord-Chief-Justice, and two other Judges. The Common-Pleas of the like: The Exchequer, of a Lord-Chief-Baron, and two other Barons, with the Treasurer and Chancellor of the Exchequer: And a Prerogative, whereof the Primate of Armagh is Judge.

There is also a Palatinate-Court in Tipperary, whereof the Duke of Ormond is Lord of the Liberties and Regalities to it belonging. There is also a Court of Admiralty: Every Bishop hath also two Courts. And there have been formerly and lately (but now An. 1672. suspended) a Presidency of Munster1 , and another of Connaght, who meddle not with Life or Limb, nor Titles of Land2 .

There is also a Court-Marshal, for the Affairs of the Army, who in times of peace often transmit accus'd persons to the Civil-power.

To all these Courts do belong——Officers,———Councellors of Law, whereof I reckon——are ‖ of the first Classis, gaining by Estimation about 6001. per Ann. each——of the 2d. gaining about 3001. per Ann. And——of the 3d gaining not above 1001. per Ann. There are also——sworn Attornies, gaining about 1201. per Ann. one with another.

There are in Ireland about 950 Justices of the Peace, appointed by the Lord-Chancellor; an Head-Constable for each Barony or Hundred, being 252; and a Petty Constable for each Parish; whereof are about 2278.

The Ecclesiastical Government is by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Arch-Deacons, Deans1 of Cathedral-Churches, in all which there are now actually but one Quire entire, and that in Dublin, serving both at Christ-Church, and St. Patrick's. And the Parsons, Vicars and Curates for the Protestant-Religion, are in all Ireland at this day near 500, and about half the Tythes are Impropriate, and belonging to Lay-men.

This is the State of the External and Apparent Government of Ireland, so far as it concerns the Number and Species of Persons managing the same. But the Internal and Mystical Government of Ireland is thus, viz. ‖

1. There are always about Twenty2 Gentlemen of the Irish Nation and Popish-Religion, who by reason of their Families, good Parts, Courtly Education and Carriage, are supported by the Irish to negotiate their Concernments at the Court of England, and of the Vice-Roy in Ireland.

These men raise their Contributions by the Priests (who actually and immediately govern the People.) The Priests are govern'd by at least 24 Romish Bishops, all of whom have a long time been conversant in France, Spain, Italy, Germany, England, where as Chaplains and Almoners, &c. they have made an interest with the governing Men and Ministers of State in those several Kingdoms, and have obtained some Benefits and Preferments from them.

So as the Body of the Irish-Papists (being about 800 M. whereof near 700 M. do live in wretched Cabbins, without Chimney or Window) are govern'd by about 1000 Secular Priests, and 2500 Friars and Regulars3 of several Orders; whereof most are Franciscans, next Dominicans and Augustins, but few Capuchins and fesuits or Carthusians. These, I say, are govern'd by their respective Bishops and Superiors, whom the Ministers ‖ of Foreign States do also govern and direct.

So as upon the whole matter, the Irish, who are the Bulk of the Nation, are govern'd indirectly by Foreign Power; and so are the aforenamed Lay-Patriots4 , their support coming from the Clergy constituted as aforesaid, and who do notoriously exercise their Spiritual Jurisdiction in Ireland: And do also exert a Temporal Power, by prevailing with Papist Justices of the Peace, to send such to Gaol as are disobedient to the Clergy, upon feigned or frivolous Complaints, which they cause to be brought against them.

The Judges aforenamed, all but the Chancellor, go Circuits, whereof there are five twice every year, excepting only the one County of Kerry.

There is an University at Dublin, but lying for the most part within one College, wherein are a Provost and seven Senior and Ruling Fellows; Nine Junior Fellows; sixty Scholars; and at this time——Commoners1 and other Students.

There was about the year 1669 erected a College of Physicians, consisting of a President, and 13 Fellows2 . ‖

There are belonging to the Prerogative, Arch-Deacons Courts, Court-Martial and Admiralty-Courts, not above 10 Advocates, and 30 Proctors.

There are in the City of Dublin a Lord-Mayor, 2 Sheriffs, 24 Aldermen, 48 Sheriffs Peers, and 96 of the Common-Council. There are besides, Companies or Corporations of Trades-men.

There is lately instituted an Hospital for poor Children, not yet fully perfected or endowed3 .

There is also an Hospital for Sick, Lame, and Old Soldiers, but without Endowment, and standing but at discretion and pleasure1 .

There are in and near Dublin, three Publick Prisons, and one House of Correction.

Lastly, I must intimate, that the Footmanship for which the Irish 40 years agone were very famous, is now almost quite lost among them, every man now keeping a small Garran to ride on, unless in such rocky and craggy places, where ‘tis easier to go a foot than to ride.‖

[CHAPTER VII]

Of the Militia and Defence ofIreland.

THERE be in Ireland, as elsewhere, two Militias; one are the Justices of Peace, their Militia of High and Petty Constables; as also the Sheriffs Militia of his Servants and Bailiffs and Posse Comitatus upon extraordinary occasions.

Of these all together there are in Ireland near 3000; all of which are bound within their several Districts, there to act, and not elsewhere.

There is, or hath lately been an Army in Ireland, of about thirty Troops of Horse, and sixty Companies of Foot, with a Regiment of Guard at Dublin, as a Life-Guard for the Lord Lieutenant, making in all about five thousand Men.

There is also a Protestant Militia, of about 24000 Men, viz. about ten thousand Horse, and the rest Foot.

The people of Ireland are all in Factions and Parties, called English and Irish, Protestants and Papists: Though indeed the real distinction is vested and devested1 of the Land belonging to Papists, Ann. 1641. Of which the Irish that are vested by Restoration, seem rather to take part with the devested ‖. And the chief Pique which the Popish-Clergy have at the Protestants is, that they have the Church Livings and Jurisdictions; for the exercise of their Function they have most freely, and had, when they2 undertook their Project in 1641. The differences between the Old Irish, and Old English Papists is asleep now, because they have a Common Enemy.

The Old Protestants of Queen Elizabeth and King James's Plantation (till of late) did not much love the New English; who came over since 1641. or rather since 1646. & 1648. because they envied the great Shares which they had gotten of the forfeited Lands from the Late Usurpers. But now they also are well enough together, since the said Old Protestants have had good Proviso's in the Acts of Settlement and Satisfaction for their Service before June 1649. and since the Church-Revenues have been augmented by the Forfeitures; but chiefly, for that the said Old Protestants have all the Power and Preferments Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical.

Of the New English, some are Conformists, others not: And some have fallen in with other Parties, and others not.‖

Of the Old Protestants, there are also Parties, I cannot say Factions, chiefly denominated by the Names of their Families, as the Butlers and Fitz-Gerralds were of old.

But to return; The chief Factions are the vested and devested of forfeited Lands: all Irish and Papists generally fearing the latter, and most English and Protestants the former, as appears in all Juries and Testimonies given where the Lands or Lives of one or other are concerned. Now in some Counties, as in Kerry, many Forfeitures happened, and few Restorations, and there also few English were ever planted, nor can well endure to live: So as the first sort of Militia in these and other like Counties, are Irish-Papists, devested and discontented Persons. Whereby the few English there, can have no Justice executed, for want of hand wherewith to do it: Nor can they easily get indifferent Juries, but that the Sheriffs are English for the most part, and most commonly Protestants. In which Case, some have been of opinion, that the other Militia, namely the Army, may both in Law and Reason supply this defect in times when there is not occasion for them, to guard the Land from Invasion and Rebellion.‖ For why might not 30 Sheriffs be taken out of 120 Officers of the Army, viz. 60 Captains and Lieutenants of Horse, and 60 Captains of Foot? And why may not such be as responsible for executing just Sentences, as any other? And what Tenor is there in the Force which a Bailiff useth, more than in that which one call'd a Soldier carries with him. And why should the Military Officer or Sheriff use more force or terror than to make the Debtor or Malefactor answer the Law, and obey the Sentence of a Civil Court? And is it not more convenient and easy in great riotous Contempts, to bring a Troop or Company, whose Trade it is to use Arms and apply Force dexterously, than to use the Posse Comitatus; that is, to call abundance of men from their Labour and Calling, to attempt things of Danger, which they do not understand? Moreover, if the General can quarter the Army where he pleases, and that the Sheriffs1 or Constable can, in their respective Precincts, call whom he pleases to his assistance; then the General can cause such a competent Force to be quartered in those thin peopled Counties. And the Sheriffs and Justices can call such to their assistance, excepting where such Soldiers are in formal ‖ Garisons upon actual Duty, or in other cases to be agreed upon between the Civil and Military Powers so call'd, although there can be no Countrey without Force, nor any Army without a Policy and Discipline. But of this let the Lawyers talk further.

As for the Military Force of Ireland, vulgarly and properly so call'd, 1. The standing Army is such as the present Revenue can well maintain, which perhaps is, or very lately was about 6000, and is every year or other year or other year changed, as to his Majesty seems best. 2. The Protestant Militia now already established and formed, is about 24 or 25 thousand men, most of them already experienc'd in the Wars of Ireland.

The Third, of grand Force against Foreign Invasions, I conceive may be 70 M. Men of the best affected, and least Pope-affected Irish; for so many I conceive the 30000 of the standing Army and present Militia could well Officer and Command. Now that 100 M. may be spar'd to send as Soldiers in a time of extremity, I think it plain, for that there are 550 M. Males in Ireland, whereof 150 M. can perform all the necessary Labor of Husbandmen and Tradesmen; 200 M. of them are perhaps under ‖ 16, and above 60. Nor doth the quality of the remaining1 , exempt them from service, who are to stand for a reserve.

And this Force I take to be sufficient to resist any number of men which any Prince of the World hath Shipping enough to bring into Ireland, with such Horse, Arms, Ammunition and Victuals as are2 for such an Enterprize.

To say nothing, that the substance of Ireland is chiefly Cattel, which be easily removed to waste the Countrey where the Enemy shall land.

And how considerable the standing Army of 6000 men, and the Veteran Militia, of above 24000, who have not only the Command, but the possession and propriety of all the strong and terrible Places in Ireland, and ¾ of all the Horse serviceable in War, and at least ¾ of all Shipping, and England to help and countenance, hath been competently mentioned before; and that the Bulk of the Irish are the Inhabitants of the aforenamed 160 M. Wretched Cabins-men1 , slavishly bred and dealt with by their own Lords and Patriots; and that the restored Irish, restored to their Estates almost by Miracle, will be careful how they engage any more upon a frivolous, impious Undertaking.‖

[CHAPTER VIII]

Of the Cœlum and Solum of Ireland.

BY the Cœlum or Sky, I understand the Heat, Coldness, Drowth, Moisture, Weight and Susceptions of Air, and the Impressions made upon it, viz. The state of the Winds, as whether the Wind blows in Ireland in comparison with, or differently from other Places; as from what points of the Compass the Wind blows most frequently or fiercely, and what proportion of the whole year from each Point. 2. As to Heat and Cold, I conceive the same ought to be measur'd by the Weather-Glass or Thermometer. 3. As to Wetness or Moisture, by the shrinking of Lute-strings, by the quantity of Rain falling upon a certain quantity of level superficies, and by the quantity of Water dried up with the same time out of a Vessel of like Figure, and equal dimensions.

As for other changes in the Air, supposed to depend upon the gravity or levity thereof, I suppose the same is to be known by the Instrument call'd the Barrimeter. Lastly, To the much or little Sunshine, whereof Ireland hath been much abus'd; the same is to be measur'd by an Instrument found for that purpose.‖

Wherefore since it is small satisfaction to say the Air of Ireland is mild and temperate, inclin'd to moisture, &c. And since the true and clear knowledge thereof depends upon several long, tedious, and reiterated Observations, simple and comparative, made in the several parts of Ireland, in the several Seasons of the Year, and compar'd with the like Observations, made with the same or like Instruments, in the several parts of the Earth; we must for the present only say, that there are in being the several Instruments following, viz.

• 1. An Instrument to measure the motion of the Wind, and consequently its strength.
• 2. How many Hours in the day in the whole year it blows from any point of the Compass.
• 3. To measure what quantity of Rain falls in the year upon any quantity or space of ground.
• 4. What air is most desiccative of moistness.
• 5. What Alterations are made in the gravity and levity of the Air from Hour to Hour.‖
• 6. The Thermometer or Weather-Glass of the better sort.
• 7. The Instrument to measure and foretel Frost and Snow.

Which Instruments many men must make use of in the several parts of Ireland, and the rest of the World, and corresponding with each other, communicate and correct their Observation by Reason.

In the mean time let it suffice to say, that at Dublin the Wind blows 2 parts of 5 from the South-West to the West, one part from South-West to the South; one other from the West to North-East, and the rest from the North-East to the South: 3 parts of 10 between West and South-West between S.W. and S.S.E. between S.S.E. and N.E. by1 N. N.E. by N. to N. & W.2 or very near thereabouts.

2. That from the 10th of Septemb. to the 10th of March, it blows a kind of Storm for some time or other almost every day.

3. That the Snow lies not long in the lower ground of Ireland. Nor doth it freeze more than what it doth in France, Holland, or England.‖

4. The Rain falling at Dublin and London for the Month October, 1663. was but 20 to 19. That the windiness of the same Month was at Dublin 20. and at London but 17.

5. As for the healthfulness of the Climate, City, or other space of Land; It must be first known how many people are in a certain day living in it, and then the quota pars which die per Ann. for many years together; and for the fruitfulness, how many Births.

6. As to Longævity, enquiry must be made into some good old Register of (suppose) 20 persons, who all were born and buried in the same Parish, and having cast up the time which they all lived as one man, the Total divided by 20 is the life of each one with another; which compared with the like Observation in several other places, will shew the difference of Longævity, due allowance being made for extraordinary contingences, and Epidemical Diseases happening respectively within the period of each Observation.

Wherefore Matters being not as yet prepared for these Experiments, I can say nothing clearly of them; Only, That it seems by the best Estimates and Approaches that I have been able to make, that London is ‖ more healthful than Dublin by 3 in 32.

Having said thus much of the Cœlum or Air, or rather of the Ingenium, and way of distinguishing Airs in a better manner than usual: We come next to try the nature of the Soil by the like Expedients.

To which purpose, first know, that the Perch of Ireland is 21 Foot, that of England but 16½; Wherefore the Acre of 160 Perches is as 121 to 196, that is 121 Irish Acres do make 196 English Statute Acres. Now in Ireland a Milch-Cow, if English breed, upon two Acres of Pasture, and with as much Hay as will grow upon ½ Acre of Meadow, will yield prœter propter 3 Gallons of Milk for 90 days, one with another, and one Gallon at a Medium for 90 more, and for 90 more scarce ¼ of a Gallon one day with another, and for 90 more, dry. Wherefore it follows, that such a Cow upon such feeding, gives above one Tun and half; nay, 384 Gallons of Milk per Ann. And that if the Rent of the said two Acres of Pasture be 5 s per Ann. and of the half Acre of Meadow 3. in all 8 s. That the Gallon of Milk comes but to a Farthing, expecting what the value and hazard of the Cow, and the labour of milking and looking to her, shall add unto that price; which I suppose not above as much more.‖

The said quantity of Milk will make 2½ C. of Raw-Milk-Cheese, and 1 C. of Whey-Butter, besides Whey for the Swine: Or else 2 C. of Butter, and 1 C. of Skim-Milk-Cheese, besides Whey as abovesaid, for Drink to the People, and Food for Swine.

Mem. That one Bull suffices for about 20 Cows. That a Cow continues Milch and bearing, from 3 or 4 years old to 12, sometimes 20, tho seldom suffer'd to live so long. And that three Dairy-women will manage 20 Cows, and do much work of other kind between while; and that one Man will look to them and their Food.

An Ox of 6 or 7 years old will not require so much feeding as a Milch-Cow, but will be maintained with two Acres of good Pasture only, or with 1½ Acres of Pasture, and ½ Acres of Hay, in hard Winters.

An Horse requires 2½ Acres, as a Garran, and a small Horse or Irish Garran 1 ⅔, or thereabouts.

Eight or ten Sheep are equivalent for feeding to an Ox1 .

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

The difference between lean Beef and fat Beef in value is as 5 to 9.

In Sheep the increase of their Flesh, Skin and Tallow, is about the same proportion. And yet Sheeps Flesh is sold dearer than Beef, because of the great trouble and hazard about Sheep.

A Fleece of Wool in Ireland is about 2l. weight.

An Hog eats such things as Sheep and Oxen do not, viz. Roots, Acorns, and consequently the same Land will maintain a proportion of Hogs above Sheep4 and Oxen. One-Cowherd will serve an hundred Oxen; one Shepherd 1000 Sheep.‖

From all that hath been said, we collect, that the natural and genuine Rent of Lands in Ireland, not that of Money, or Gold and Silver; is

Of Milk, deducting Charges—Gall.

Of Beef and Mutton—————

Of Hides and Skin—————

Of Offall——————

Of Wooll——————

So as where Lands produce more or less per Ann. communibus annis of these Commodities, the same is to be accompted more or less fertil than that of Ireland.

Moreover from hence we shall endeavour to gather the number of Cattel in Ireland, as followeth, viz.

There being 7½ Millions of Acres of good Meadow, Arrable, and Pasture-Land in Ireland, besides Bog with Shrub-wood, &c. commonly call'd unprofitable Land; and for that ½ a Million supplies the Inhab:tants with Corn for Bread and Drink, Man and Beast, Hemp, Flax and Rape, as shall be hereafter shewn1 from the number of the people, their manner of eating, from the number of Mills, and from the value of the Tythes, &c. supposing the other 7 Millions to be competently well stockt, let us first ‖ see how many Houses there may probably be.

To which purpose, remember that there are 184 M. Families, whose Houses have but one or no Chimney. Now I guess, that about ⅓ of this number keep a small Horse call'd a Garran, which is 61,000 Garrans for Tillage; and I suppose that the 16,000 Families have for the Coach and Saddle near 40 M. Horses. So as in Ireland there are about 100 M. Horses, whose Food requires 100 M. Acres of good Pasture, 50 M. Acres of Meadow, and the ⅙ of an Acre of Oat-Land, viz. about 16,000 Acres. In all 166 M. Acres: Or if the Horses be such as require little or no Hay and Oats, as the Horses of poor people do not, then as aforesaid 2 or 2 ⅓2 Acres is allowed to each Horse.

The Wooll which is usually exported, being a little above 2 Millions of pounds, grows upon 1000 M. Sheep: And the Wooll which cloaths the Nation, being about 1100 M Bodies, at—1. each for Cloths, Hats and Stockins, requires 6000 M. more; and so 3 Millions more of Sheep, in all 4 Millions. The feeding whereof at 5 to an Acre, require 800 M. Acres. So as Horse and Sheep require one Million of Acres. So as there remains ½, a Millions being allow'd ‖ for all other Cattel, Beasts and Vermine) 5½ Millions3 for great Cattel, which will feed about 3 Millions of that Species.

Of Females 1500 M. whereof ⅖ are milch-Cows, viz. 600 M. 600 M. Calves and Heifers under 3, and 300 of other sorts.

Where note, that of all the Black-Cattel above-named, there are 60 M. exported alive, and 30 M. dead in Barrels. Of the Sheep not 100 M.

Of Butter, whereof one of the 600 M. Milch-Cows may well yield 1 C. weight per Ann. but 26000 C, or the proceed of 26000 Cows. From whence may be seen whether the Trade of those Commodities be yet at best: For I guess that the ⅙ of the whole Stock may be annually spent at home, or exported abroad.

It remains only to say, that one Irish Acre of Irish Land, requires of Seed, and returns as followeth.

One horse plows 10 Acres, and there goes 1 Man to 3 Horses.

[CHAPTER IX]

Of the Proportion in value, which the several Counties in Ireland do bear to each other, viz.

THE value or proportion of the several Counties in Ireland, both seem much to depend upon the number of Acres which each doth contain. And therefore, and for several other Reasons, most of the Land of Ireland hath, By Sir John Bodly1 within these last 40 years, been admeasured by the Chain and Instrument, viz. The King and Queens Counties, about the Year 1630. The County of Londonderry, when the City of London undertook the Plantation by one Mr. Raven1Connought and Tipperary, in the Earl of Strafford's time, by several hands2 , sometimes conducted by Mr. William Gilber3 .‖

The Lands belonging to Papists Ann. 1641. in the three Provinces of Munster, Lemster and Ulster, by Sir William Petty. Other Protestant Lands in the same three Provinces, in order to regulate Contributions, by the Owners of the said Lands themselves: But in so divided and separated a manner, that little Accompt can be given of them, besides what was collected by the said Sir William Petty; who at his own charge, besides those Maps of every Parish, which by his Agreement he delivered into the Surveyor-General's Office, he hath caused distinct Maps to be made of every Barony, or Hundred; as also of every County, engraven in Copper, and the like of every Province, and of the whole Kingdom. All which, could the Defects of them be supplied with the yet unmeasured Lands, would be exposed to publick view4 .

Now as to the value of these Lands, they were Ann. 1642. rated to and by the Adventurers as followeth, viz. in Lemster at 12s. per Acre; in Munster at 9s. in Connaught at 6s. and in Ulster at 4s.1 and to pay I Farthing per Ann. Quit-rent to the King out of each Shillings-worth of Land so rated, viz. 3d. or 12 Farthings for an Acre in Lemster rated at 12s. 9q. or 2¼ an Acre ‖ for Lands in Munster, rated at 9s. & sic de cæteris. Wood, Bog, and Mountain, to be cast in over and above.

Afterwards the Soldiers, who were to have the satisfaction of their Arrears at the same rate, not being willing to cast Lots upon such desperate hazards, did Ann. 1653. equalize Counties within each Province, viz. took some in Lemster, at 1l. 2s. Per Acre, some at 1l. &c. And those who were satisfied Ann. 1655. and afterwards, did equalize not only Counties, but Baronies also, valuing some Baronies in Lemster at 1l. 4s. Per Acre, and some but at 6s. and others at all rates between these two extreams. But so as that, notwithstanding all the said differences, the whole Province should be given and taken at 12s. Per Acre, according to the then Law. And the Inequality remaining after this Equalization, was to be corrected by a Lot2 .

I could here insert all the particulars of these Transactions, but conceive it impertinent to my purpose, especially since they may be seen upon Record3 . The next and best of all preceding equalization, was that which the Concernees of each County made in order to regulate the heavy Contributions paid to the Usurpers before His Majesties ‖ Restoration, and when no Quit-Rent was yet due4 . And in order to this work, not Baronies as before, but Parishes, nay, particular Farms were also equalized. What was done herein, was not publickly recorded, but collected by the curious, and too Bulky to be here inserted. Only take notice, that these Valuations were made as Parties interested could prevail upon and against one another by their Attendance, Friends, Eloquence, and Vehemence; for what other Foundation of Truth it had in Nature, I know not.

Next to this Valuation, there was, in order to a certain1 Gift presented to His Majesty, by the Adventurers and Soldiers, of a years value of all their Lands as it yielded Ann. 1659 next immediately before his Restoration. There2 issued a Commission, Ann. 1663. to enquire and settle the said Values. And about 1667. there were made two several Valuations more; the one in order to reprize such who had restored Lands to the Innocent Irish in equal value; and another was a Determination what each Land was worth Ann. 1659. (whatever it yielded): Both which, especially the latter, are upon Record most authentically. Moreover, Ann. 1653, and 1654. there were Inquisitions taken of the Values which ‖ all and every parcel of Land in Ireland yielded Ann. 1641. There have been also several Acts of the chief Powers Pro tempore, for apportioning what proportion of a certain Sum to be levied in general, should in particular be charg'd on each County, viz. Ann. 1657. there was an Act of the Usurper's Parliament to that purpose3 . Ann. 1662. There was an Act for raising 30 M.l. as a Present to his Grace the Duke of Ormond4 ; and another for raising of inaudible for several publick Uses5 . And Ann. 1672. for the equal raising of 30000l. Per Ann. upon all the Lands and Houses of the whole Nation. There be also Accompts of what was raised out of each County by way of Subsidy and Pole-money, paid Ann. 1661. All which may be of much light to those who have such designs as the same will answer. But I being assur'd1 by whom, and for what ends, and by what means every such Valuations and Inquisitions were respectively made, had rather attempt some Rule in nature, whereby to value and proportionate the Lands of Ireland: The first whereof I propose to be; That how many Men, Women and Children live in any Countrey Parish, that the Rent of that Land is near about so many times 15 s.2 be the quantity ‖ and quality of the Land what it will. 2. That in the meanest of the 160 M. Cabbins, one with another are five Souls, in the 24,000 six Souls3 . In all the other Houses Ten a piece, one with another.

The TABLE4 .

BUT to make nearer approaches to the perfection of this Work, ‘twould be expedient to know the Content of Acres of every Parish, and withal, what quantity of Butter, Cheese, Corn, and Wooll, was raised out of it for three years consequent; for thence the natural Value of the Land may be known, and by the number of People living within a Market-days Journey, and the Value of their housing, which shews the Quality and Expence of the said People; I would hope to come to the knowledg of the Value of the said Commodities, and consequently the Value of the Land, by deducting the hire of Working-People in it. And this brings me to the most important Consideration in Political Oeconomies, viz. how to make a Par and Equation between Lands and Labour, so as to express the Value of any thing by either ‖ alone. To which purpose, suppose two Acres of Pasture-land inclosed, and put thereinto a wean'd Calf, which I suppose in twelve Months will become 1 C. heavier in eatable Flesh; then 1 C. weight of such Flesh, which I suppose fifty days Food, and the Interest of the Value of the Calf, is the value or years Rent of the Land. But if a mans labour——————for a year can make the said Land to yield more than sixty days Food of the same, or of any other kind, then that overplus of days food is the Wages of the Man; both being expressed by the number of days food. That some Men will eat more than others, is not material, since by a days food we understand part of what 100 of all Sorts and Sizes will eat, so as to Live, Labour, and Generate. And that a days food of one sort, may require more labour to produce, than another sort, is also not material, since we understand the easiest-gotten food of the respective Countries of the World.

As for example, I suppose a pint of Oatmeal equal to half a pint of Rice, or a quart of Milk, or a pound of Bread, or a pound and quarter of Flesh, &c. each, in the respective place where each is the ‖ easiest gotten food. But if Rice be brought out of India into Ireland, or Oatmeal carried from Ireland thither; then in India the pint of Oatmeal must be dearer than half a pint of Rice, by the freight and hazard of Carriage, & vice-versa, & sic de cœteris. For, as for pleasant tast, I question whether there1 be any certainty, or regularity of the same in Nature, the same depending upon Novelty, opinion of Virtue, the recommendation of others, &c. Where-fore the days food of an adult Man, at a Medium, and not the days labour, is the common measure of Value, and seems to be as regular and constant as the value of fine Silver. For an ounce, suppose, of Silver in Peru is equivalent to a days food, but the same in Russia is equivalent to four days food, by reason of the Freight, and hazard in carrying the same from Peru to Russia; and in Russia the price of Silver shall grow to be worth more days labour, if a Workman can by the esteem and request of Silver Utensils earn more than he can on other materials. Wherefore I valued an Irish Cabbin at the number of days food, which the Maker spent in building of it. ‖

By the same way we must make a Par and Equation between Art and Simple Labour; for if by such Simple Labour I could dig and prepare for Seed a hundred Acres in a thousand days; suppose then, I spend a hundred days in studying a more compendious way, and in contriving Tools for the same purpose; but in all that hundred days dig nothing, but in the remaining nine hundred days I dig two hundred Acres of Ground; then I say, that the said Art which cost but one hundred days Invention is worth one Mans labour for ever; because the new Art, and one Man, perform'd as much as two Men could have done without it.

By the same way we make an Equation beween Art and Opinion. For if a Picture-maker, suppose, make Pictures at 5l. each; but then, find that more Persons would employ him at that rate than his time would extend to serve them in, it will certainly come to pass that this Artist will consider whether as many of those who apply to him at 5l each Picture, will have 6l. as will take up his whole time to accommodate and upon this Computation he pitcheth the Rate of his Work. ‖

By the same way also an Equation may be made between drudging Labour, and Favour, Acquaintance, Interest, Friends, Eloquence, Reputation, Power, Authority, &c. All which I thought not amiss to intimate as of the same kind with finding an Equation between Land and Labour, all these not very pertinent to the Proportionation of the several Counties of Ireland.

Wherefore to return to the matter in hand, I say, that the Quantity of Commodity produced, and the Quantity of the—shews the effects of the Land; and the number of People living thereupon, with the Quality of their housing, shews the Value of the Commodity: for one days delicate and exquisit Food may be worth ten of ordinary. Now the Nature of Peoples feeding may be estimated by the visible part of their Expence, which is their housing. But such helps of knowing the Value of Lands, I am not yet able to furnish. ‖

[CHAPTER X]

Of the Money ofIreland.

MOney is understood to be the uniform Measure and Rule for the Value of all Commodities. But whether in that sence there be any Money, or such Rule in the World, I know not, much less in Ireland, tho most are perswaded that Gold and Silver Money is such. For 1. The proportion of value between pure Gold and fine Silver, alters as the Earth and Industry of Men produce more of one than of the other; that is to say, Gold has been worth but twelve times its own weight in Silver; of late it has been worth fourteen, because more Silver has been gotten. That of Gold proportionably, i.e. about twelve times as much Silver has been raised as of Gold, which makes Gold dearer. So there can be but one of the two Metals of Gold and Silver to be a fit matter for Money. Wherefore, if Silver be that one Metal fit for Money; then Gold is but a Commodity very like Money. And as things now stand, Silver only is the matter of Money; and that elsewhere as well as in Ireland. ‖

2. The value of Silver rises and falls it self; for Men make Vessels of coyned Silver, if they can gain by the Workmanship enough to defray the Destruction of the Coynage, and withal, more than they could expect by employing the same Silver as Money in a way of Trade. Now the Accidents of so doing, make Silver rise and fall, and consequently take from the perfect Aptitude for being an uniform steady Rule and Measure of all other things.

The Mischiefs and Inconveniences hitherto mentioned, are common to all times and places; but in Ireland, are more particular; and stand thus1 , viz.

A piece of 8 Rials being full 17. penny weight, passeth for 4s. 9d. if2 it want but ½ a grain of the weight, tho half a grain of Silver be worth but the ¼ of a Farthing, or of a Penny, then it passes for 3d less, viz. 4s. 6d. and if it weigh ten grains above 17d. weight, it passes but for 4s. 9d. On the other hand, if it weigh but 12d. weight, it passes nevertheless for 4s. 6d. And if the Silver be course, if not so course, as not to be called Silver, yet still it passes for the same. Moreover, the fineness cannot be determined by common Eyes scarce at all, by the best not within 4d. in an Ounce, ‖ by the Touchstone not within 2d. and by the Test it self not within an half-penny. Lastly, The Scales and Weights differ so much from each other, as what is 4s. 9d. in one House, is but 4s. 6d. in the next, & vice versa. From whence it comes to pass, that all pieces weighing above 17d. weight, are cull'd out to buy or make pieces of 14d. weight pass for 4s. 6d.

2. Other Species of Coyn, which pro rata contain the same quantity of the like Gold and Silver, with the piece of eight Rials, goes in one Species for more, in another for less. What hath been said of the Silver-species, may be said of the Gold-species; and what differences are between Silver and Silver, and between Gold and Gold, is also between Silver and Gold Coyns. So as it becomes a Trade to study and make Advantages of these Irregularities, to the prejudice of the good People, who are taught, that whatever is called Money, is the same, and regular, and uniform, and a just Measure of all Commodities. For whence it hath happened, that all English Money which hath a great and deserved Reputation in the World for its intrinsick Goodness, is quite yn, which pro rata contain the same quantity of the like Gold and Silver, with the piece of eight Rials, goes in one Species for more, in another for less. What hath been said of the Silver-species, may be said of the Gold-species; and what differences are between Silver and Silver, and between Gold and Gold, is also between Silver and Gold Coyns. So as it becomes a Trade to study and make Advantages of these Irregularities, to the prejudice of the good People, who are taught, that whatever is called Money, is the same, and regular, and uniform, and a just Measure of all Commodities. For whence it hath happened, that all English Money which hath a great and deserved Reputation in the World for its intrinsick Goodness, is quite carried aw carried away out of Ireland, and such Money ‖ brought instead of it, as these studied Merchants do from time to time bring in for their Advantage upon the Common People, their Credulity and Ignorance.

But Money, that is to say, Silver and Gold, do at this day much decrease in Ireland, for the following Reasons.

1. Ireland, Anno 1664. did not export to a much greater Value than it imported, viz. about 62 M.1 Since which time there hath been a Law made to prohibit the Importation of great Cattel and Sheep, alive or dead, into England2 ; the Value whereof carried into England in that very year 1664. was above 150 M. l. The which was said to have been done, for that Ireland drained away the Money of England. Whereas in that very year England sent to Ireland, but 91 M. less than it received from thence; and yet this small difference was said to be the reason why the Rents of England fell ⅕, that is 1600 M. in 8 Millions. Which was a strange conceit, if they consider farther, That the value of the Cattel alive or dead, which went out of Ireland into England, was but 132 M. the Hides, Tallow, and Freight whereof were worth about ½ that Money. ‖

2. Whereas the Owners of about ¼, both of all the real and personal Estate of Ireland, do live in England, since the business of the several Courts of Claims was finished in December 1668. all that belongs to them goes out, but returns not.

3. The gains of the Commissioners of that Court, and of the Farmers of the Revenue of Ireland, who live in England, have issued out of Ireland without returns.

4. A considerable part of the Army of Ireland hath been sent into England, and yet paid out of Ireland.

5. To remit so many great Sums out of Ireland into England, when all Trade between the said two Kingdoms is prohibited, must be very chargeable; for now the Goods which go out of Ireland, in order to furnish the said Sums in England, must for Example go into the Barbados, and there be sold for Sugars, which brought into England, are sold for Money to pay there what Ireland owes. Which way being so long, tedious and hazardous, must necessarily so raise the exchange of Money, as we have seen 15 per Cent. frequently given, Anno 1671. and Anno 1672. Altho in truth, exchange can never be naturally ‖ more than the Land and Watercarriage of Money between the two Kingdoms, and the ensurance of the same upon the way, if the Money be alike in both places.

But Men that have not had the faculty of making these Transmissions with dexterity, have chose rather to give 15. per Cent. Exchange, as aforesaid, than to put themselves upon the hazard of such undertakings, and the mischief of being disappointed.

Now the extraordinary decrease of Gold and Silver, put Men, whose Affairs were much disturb'd, thereby upon1 extraordinary Conceits, and some very absurd ones for Remedy, as namely the raising of Spanish pieces of Eight, called Cobs in Ireland, from 4s. 9d. to 5 or 6 Shillings, which were before about 5d. above the Value of English, that is 4s. 4d. English Money weighed the same with a Cob called 4s. 9d. For these distracted People thought, that calling their Money by a better Name, did encrease its value2

2. They thought that no Man would carry Cobs of 5s. out of Ireland into England, where they were called but 4s. 4d. altho he was necessitated to pay 4s. 4d. in ‖ England, and had no other effects to do it with. They thought that all Men who lived in England, would return to their Estates in Ireland, rather than pay 15. per.Cent.1 for Exchange; not considering, that when Cobs were raised, that Exchange would also rise proportionably. They fancied, that he who sold a Stone of Wooll for two Cobs, call'd 9s. when Cobs were rais'd, would sell his Stone of Wooll of 1½ Cob when called 9s. Nor did they think how this frivolous conceit would have taken away a proportionable part of all Landlords Estates in Ireland. As for Example, those who acted moderately, would have the Money rais'd part, and the part of all the Money of Ireland. was then thought to be but about 20,000l. The whole Cash of Ireland being then estimated, but2 400 M. l. whereas the Landlords of Ireland, whose Revenue is 800 M. l. per Annum, must have lost part of their whole Estates for ever, viz. 40 M. l. per Annum upon that empty expedient.

But others, no less sensible of the distress of the People, and the obstructions of Trade by reason of the said decay of Bullion, considering that about 600 M. l. would drive the Trade of that Kingdom; for ‖ that 300 M. would pay one half years Gale of all the Land; 50 M. would pay ¼ rent of all the Housing, and that 150 M. would more than pay a Weeks expence of all the People of Ireland; and that the whole Cash moved chiefly in those Three Circles; They therefore thought to make up their 400 M.l. present Cash by a Bank of 200 M.l. more, the bottom and support whereof should be Land; for the Lands and Houses of Ireland being worth about 8 Millions, whereof 200 M.l. was but the part. ‘Twas3 thought easy to find many Fortieth parts so free from Incumbrances or question as to give a being to such a Bank.

Note, that Interest in Ireland is 10 per Cent, which is a great hinderance to Trade; since the Interest must enflame the price of Irish Commodities, and consequently give to other Nations the means of underselling.

[CHAPTER XI]

Of the Trade ofIreland.

IF it be true, that there are but about 16,000 Families in Ireland, who have above one Chimney in their Houses; and ‖ above 180 M. others; It will be easily understood what the Trade of this latter sort can be, who use few Commodities; and those such as almost every one can make and produce. That is to say, Men live in such Cottages as themselves can make in 3 or 4 Days; Eat such Food (Tobacco excepted) as they buy not from others; wear such Cloaths as the Wooll of their own Sheep, spun into Yarn by themselves, doth make; their Shoes, called Brogues, are but ¼ so much worth as a Pair of English Shoes; nor of more than ¼ in real use and value. A Hat costs 20d. a Pair of Stockins 6d. but a good Shirt near 3s. The Taylors work of a Doublet, Breeches and Coat, about 2s. 6d. In brief, the Victuals of a Man, his Wife, Three Children, and Servant, resolved into Money, may be estimated 3s. 6d. per Week, or i d.1per Diem. The Cloaths of a Man, 30s. per Ann. of Children under 16, one with another 15s. the House not worth 5s. the Building; Fuel costs nothing but fetching. So as the whole Annual expence of such a Family, consisting of 6 in Number, seems to be but about 52 Shillings per Ann. each head one with another. So as 950. M. Inhabitants of these Edifices, may spend 2,375 M. l. per Ann. And the 150,000 ‖ who inhabit the 16,000 other Houses, may spend 10l. per Ann. each one with another, viz. One Million and half. So as the whole People of both sorts spend under 4 Millions, whereof part, viz. 400 M.l. is for Foreign Commodities, Tobacco included, whereof every 1000 Souls spend one Tun per Ann. or every 1000 Tobacco-takers, viz. People above 15. Years old, spend two Tuns one with another: for it appears by the latest accompt of importance, that what is here said, is true to a trifle. From whence I observe by the way, that the King's Revenue, viis & modis, being about 200 M.l. per Ann. that it is part of the whole Expence; which in some of the Grecian Commonwealths was thought too much, although the Israelites allowed to the Levites only, tho perhaps to defray the whole charge of the Government, the Supremacy amongst that People being then Sacerdotal.

I observe also by the way, that the Lands and Housing of Ireland being worth about one Million per Ann. that the Labour of the People may be worth three Millions, which is earned by about 750,000 (of the 1,1000 M.) who by their Age and Quality are Fit and Applicable to Corporal Labours,’ and consequently each Labouring Person Earns but 4s.1per Ann. if all Work. Or if each earns 8l. then but half of them work, or all but half their full time, or otherwise in other proportions. But be it one way or the other; I am as certain that the Hands of Ireland may Earn a Million per Ann. more than they now do, as I am certain that there are 750,000 in Ireland who could earn 2s. a week, or 5l. per Ann. one with another, if they had sutable employment, and were kept to their Labour.

I further observe, that if there be naturally but 2000 Impotents in Ireland, and that 50 Shillings per Ann. doth maintain the poorer sort of People; It follows, that 8,0001.2per Ann. would amply maintain all the Impotents of Ireland, if well apply'd. For other Beggers, as also Thieves, and Rebels, which are but bigger Thieves, are probably but the faults and defects of Government and Discipline3 .

As for the fitness of Ireland for Trade, we say as followeth.

1st. That Ireland consisting of above 18,000 square Miles; it is not one Place with another above 24 Miles from the Sea, because it is 750 Miles about: Wherefore forasmuch as the Land-carriage of Gross ‖ that1 will be easy in such a Country; it is fit for Trade, because the greatest and most profitable part of Trade, and the Imployment of Shipping, depends upon such Goods, viz. Metals, Stones, Timber, Grain, Wood, Salt, &c.

2dly. Ireland lieth Commodiously for the Trade of the new American world; which we see every day to Grow and Flourish.

It lyeth well for sending Butter, Cheese, Beef, Fish, to their proper Markets, which are to the Southward2 , and the Plantations of America.

Thus is Ireland by Nature fit for Trade, but otherwise very much unprepared for the same; for as hath been often said, the Housing thereof consists of 160 M. nasty Cabbins, in which neither Butter nor Cheese, nor Linnen, Yarn nor Worsted, and I think no other, can be made to the best advantage; chiefly by reason of the Soot and Smoaks annoying the same; as also for the Narrowness and Nastiness of the Place; which cannot be kept Clean nor Safe from Beasts and Vermin, nor from Damps and Musty Stenches, of which3 all the Eggs laid or kept in those Cabbins do partake. Wherefore to the advancement of Trade, the ‖ reformation of these Cabbins is necessary.

It may also be consider'd, whether the Institution of these following Corporations would not be expedient, viz. 1. of Cattel, 2. of Corn, 3. of Fish, 4. of Leather 5. of Wool, 6. of Linnen, 7. of Butter and Cheese, 8. of Metals and Minerals: For unto these, almost all the Commodities exportable out of Ireland, may be referred.

It may also be consider'd, whether the Taxing of those Cabbins with Hearth-money be proper, but rather with Days Labour; the former being scarce possible for them to have, but the latter most easy. Insomuch as 'tis more easy for them to give 40 Days Labour Per Ann. at seasonable times, than to pay 2s. in Silver at a pinch, and just when the Collectors call for it.

The Dyet, Housing and Cloathing of the 16,000 Families abovementioned, is much the same as in England: Nor is the French Elegance unknown in many of them, nor the French and Latin Tongues. The latter whereof is very frequent among the poorest Irish, and chiefly in Kerry, most remote from Dublin. ‖

The Housing of 160 M. Families, is, as hath been often said, very wretched. But their Cloathing far better than that of the French Peasants, or the poor of most other Countreys; which advantage they have from their Wooll, whereof 12 Sheep furnisheth a competency to one of these Families. Which Wool, and the Cloth made of it, doth cost these poor people no less than 50 M. l. per Ann. for the dying it; a trade exercised by the Women of the Countrey. Madder, Allum, and Indico, are imported, but the other dying Stuffs they find nearer home, a certain Mud taken out of the Bogs serving them for Copperas, the Rind of several Trees, and Saw-dust, for Galls; as for wild and green Weeds, they find enough, as also of Rhamnus-Berries.

The Diet of these people is Milk, sweet and sower, thick and thin, which also is their Drink in Summer-time, in Winter Small-Beer or Water. But Tobacco taken in short Pipes seldom burnt, seems the pleasure of their Lives, together with Sneezing: Insomuch, that of their Expence in Food, is Tobacco. Their Food is Bread in Cakes, whereof a Penny serves a Week for each; Potatoes from August till May, Muscles, Cockles and Oysters, near the Sea; ‖ Eggs and Butter made very rancid, by keeping in Bogs. As for Flesh, they seldom eat it1 , notwithstanding the great plenty thereof, unless it be of the smaller Animals, because it is inconvenient for one of these Families to kill a Beef, which they have no convenience to save. So as ‘tis easier for them to have a Hen or Rabbet, than a piece of Beef of equal substance.

Their Fewel is Turf in most places; and of late, even where Wood is most plentiful, and to be had for nothing, the cutting and carriage of the Turf being more easy than that of Wood. But1 to return from whence I digressed, I may say, That the Trade of Ireland, among parts of the whole people, is little or nothing, excepting for the Tobacco above-mentioned, estimated worth about 50,000l. for as much as they do not need any Forreign Commodities, nor scarce any thing made out of their own Village. Nor is above ⅕ part of their Expence other than what their own Family produceth, which Condition and state of living cannot beget Trade.

And now I shall digress again to consider, whether it were better for the Common-wealth to restrain the expence of 150 M. Optimates below 10l. per Ann. each; or ‖ to beget a luxury in the 950 M. Plebeians, so as to make them spend, and consequently earn double to what they at present do.

2 To which I answer in brief, That the one shall encrease the sordidness and squallor of living already too visible in 950 M. Plebeians, with little benefit to the Common Wealth; the other shall increase the splendor, Art and Industry of the 950 M. to the great enrichment of the Common-Wealth.

Again, Why should we be forbid the use of any Foreign Commodity, which our own Hands and Countrey cannot produce, when we can employ our spare Hands and Lands upon such exportable Commodities as will purchase the same, and more.

3. The keeping or lessening of money, is not of that consequence that many guess it to be of. For in most places, especially Ireland, nay, England it self, the Money of the whole Nation is but about of the Expence of one Year; viz. Ireland is thought to have about 400 M.l. in Cash, and to spend about 4 Millions per Ann. Wherefore it is very ill-husbandry to double the Cash of the Nation, by destroying half its Wealth; Or to increase the Cash otherwise ‖ than by increasing the Wealth simul & semel.

That is, when the Nation hath more Cash, I require it should have more Wealth, if it be possible. For, there may be as well too much money in a Country, as too little1 . I mean, as to the best advantage of its Trade; onely the Remedy is very easy, it may be soon turn'd into the magnificence of Gold and Silver Vessels.

Lastly, Many think that Ireland is much impoverished, or at least the money thereof much exhausted, by reason of Absentees, who are such as having Lands in Ireland, do live out of the Kingdom, and do therefore think it just that such, according to former Statutes, should lose their said Estates.

Which Opinion I oppose, as both unjust, inconvenient, and frivolous. For 1st. If a man carry Money or other Effects out of England to purchase Lands in Ireland, why should not the Rents, Issues and Profits of the same Land return into England, with the same Reason that the Money of England, was diminished to buy it?

2. I2 suppose ¼ of the Land of Ireland did belong to the Inhabitants of England, and that the same lay all in one place together; why may not the said quarter of the ‖ whole Land be cut off from the other three sent3 into England, were it possible so to do? and if so, why may not the Rents of the same be actually sent, without prejudice to the other three parts of4 the Interessors thereof?

3. If all men were bound to spend the Proceed of their Lands upon the Land it self; then as all the Proceed of Ireland, ought to be spent in Ireland; so all the Proceed of one County of Ireland, ought to be spent in the same; of one Barony, in the same Barony; and so Parish and Mannor; and at length it would follow, that every eater ought to avoid what he hath eaten upon the same Turf where the same grew. Moreover, this equal spreading of Wealth would destroy all Splendor and Ornament; for if it were not fit that one place should be more splendid than another, so also that no one man should be greater or richer than another; for if so, then the Wealth, suppose of Ireland, being perhaps 11 Millions, being divided among 1,100 M. people, then no one man having above 10l. he could Probably build no House worth above 3l. which would be to leave the face of Beggery upon the whole Nation: And withal such Parity would beget Anarchy and Confusion.‖

Of the other Impediment of Trade, the not raising of Money above the value which the generality of the whole World hath of it, that is, the intrinsick value, I have spoken before: And now return to other matters relating to the Trade of Ireland.

Having shewn that there is little or no Trade or Commutation of Commodities, where people live so simply, and as it were exsponte creatis, as the Inhabitants of 184 M.1 do live; It follows, that what Trade is in Ireland must be found in the 16,000 other Houses of above one Chimney in each, and amongst the Inhabitants of them. Though Trade, properly speaking, be the Commutation of Commodities; that2 generally speaking, ‘tis the way whereby to purchase Riches and Power, the Parents of Pleasure: Not only by getting Commodities out of the Earth and Sea; by ploughing, fishing, Mines, Vecture3 , &c. by getting away those Commodities from them, who first got them out of the Earth and Sea, as aforesaid. And not only, or at all encreasing the whole Wealth of the Nation, but ones own former share and proportion of the whole, though diminish'd4 ; that is to say, Supposing the whole Wealth of Ireland were 10 Millions, and the Share ‖ of A. was 1000l. thereof; I say, ‘tis commonly more the care of A. to make his 1000l. 3000, though by lessening the whole Stock 2000l. than to make the whole Stock 30 Millions, by lessening his own 1000l. to 300l.

Now this is the Trade of Ireland, and I think of most other places, but exercised in Ireland by the following ways, viz.

Whereas the Lands of Ireland have within 150 years been most of them forfeited, and the Lands of Monasteries have since then fallen into the King's hands, by the dissolution of the said Monasteries, and several Defects found in the Titles, older than that of time; It hath come to pass, that all the said Lands have been granted to several others; some legally and formally, some otherwise; some under one Condition, some under another. So as by several Defects in the said Grants, or by non-performance of Conditions, and many other ways needless to enumerate, the King in strictness may find a Title to the Estates of many men who have been long in possession of their respective Holdings, (tho some more, some less, some upon better, and some upon worser grounds.) A principal Trade in Ireland, to find out these ‖ Flaws and Defects, to procure Commission for such Inquiries. And a Branch of this Trade, is to give to such seekers flattering and delusive Informations to bring on other Designs; and withal, prevail with persons conversant with the Higher Powers, to give Grants of these Discoveries, and thereupon, right or wrong to vex the Possessors, at least into such a Composition, as may be of profit to the Prosecutors. Whereby it falls out, that the time of all the persons exercised pro & contra in these matters, who do only take from one another like Gamesters (the Lawyers taking from both) is lost, without advancing at all the Publick Wealth. Now this is no Trade, but a Calamity upon the Nation.

2. Whereas the Branches of the Publick Revenue being manifold, and the Accompts of the same vast and numerous, and the Laws, with the Cases and Accidents relating to the same, intricate and new; but chiefly the Officers employed about the Premises, such as could make Friends for their Places, whether Persons of Skill, Experience and Trustiness, or not; It hath come to pass, even in Ireland, in former times, that Principal Officers of the Exchequer have represented the State of the Publick ‖ Treasury near 200 M.l. differently from each other1 : So as new men have been admitted to take the whole to farm, who expected vast Advantages, by mending and clearing what others had marr'd and confounded, though they had still their Places and Perquisites notwithstanding: And in this1 case the people thought fit to pay any thing that was required, rather than to pass the Fire of this Purgatory, even tho they need no burning.

This and other Practices of Farming, taken with the whole Doctrine of Defalcations, hath been a great Trade in Ireland, but a Calamity on the people who have paid great Wages to them that have made Faults, but three times greater to those who would but undertake to mend them, tho indeed they could not.

A Third great Trade and Calamity to the people of Ireland, hath been the Gains made by the aforementioned Difference, Confusion, and badness of Coins, exorbitant Exchange, and Interest of Money, all following also from the Premises.

A Fourth Calamity is implicating poor Work-men, and trapanning them into Crimes, Indictments, Bishops-Courts, &c. feigning and compounding of Trespasses, not without making benefit by the Office of Justice of Peace.‖

A Fifth may be from the manner of making Sheriffs, the execution of their Offices, Accompts in the Exchequer, &c.

A Sixth, from raising Moneys at the Assizes, by Authority of the Grand Juries, but raising too much, and in spending or not spending what was to be raised.

None of these Six Trades do add any more to the Common-wealth than Gamesters, and even such of them as play with false Dice, do to the Common-Stock of the whole Number.

And in these Trades ‘tis thought ⅓ of those who inhabit the aforementioned 16,000 Houses, do exercise themselves, and are the Locusts and Catterpillars of the Common-wealth, as the Inhabitants of the other 184 M. Cottages are the untilled part of the same. Wherefore it remains to see what Trade is to be found among the rest; which I take to be as followeth, viz.

1. In Domestick Wealth: Of which sort is building fine Houses and Gardens, Orchards, Groves, Inns, Mills, Churches, Bridges, High Ways, Causeys; as also Furniture for Houses, Coaches, &c. In which kind I guess the Improvement of Ireland has since the Year 1652.1 1673. advanc'd ‖ from one to four, and I think to a better state than before 1641. that is, than perhaps ever it yet was.

The Foreign Trade, if you will believe the Accompts of Customs, Ann. 1657. and now, hath been advanced from one to seven, but in reality, I think, from one to two: For the Customs yielded Ann. 1656. clear under 12,000l. but were within a year or two, let for above three times the sum, but are now at about 80,000 intrinsecally.

But to speak more clearly and Authentically upon this Subject, I shall insert the following Tables of exported and imported Commodities, and from them make the subnexed Observations, viz.

The TABLES2 .

1. THAT the Customs, managed by the States-Officers, yielded Anno 1657. under 12,000l. but was farm'd Ann. 1658. for above thrice that Sum.

2. That the Stock which drives the Foreign Trade of Ireland, doth near half ‖ of it belong to those who live out of Ireland.

3. That Ann. 1664. before the Cattel-Statute, ¾ of the Ireland Foreign Trade was with England, but now not ¼ part of the same.

4. That the Manufacture bestowed upon a years Exportation out of Ireland, is not worth above 8000l.

5. That because more eatables were exported Anno 1664. than 1641. And more Manufactures 1641. than Ann. 1664. It follows, there were more people in Ireland, Ann. 1641. than 1664. and in that proportion as was formerly mention'd1 .

6. That the Exportations appear more worth than the Importations, excepting that the Accompts of the former are more true, but of the latter very conjectural, and probably less than the Truth.‖

[CHAPTER XII]

Of the Religion, Diet, Cloaths, Language, Manners, and Interest of the several Present Inhabitants ofIreland.

WE said, that of the 1100 M. Inhabitants of Ireland, about 800 M. of them were Irish; and that above 600 M. of them lived very simply in the Cabbins aforemention'd2 . Wherefore I shall in the first place describe the Religion, Diet, &c. of these, being the major part of the whole; not wholly omitting some of the other species also.

The Religion of these poorer Irish, is called Roman Catholick, whose Head is the Pope of Rome, from whence they are properly enough called Papists. This Religion is well known in the World, both by the Books of their Divines, and the Worship in their Churches: wherefore I confine my self to what I think peculiar to these Irish. And first, I observe, that the Priests among them are of small Learning; but are thought by their Flocks to have much, because they can speak Latin more or less; and can often out-talk in Latin those who Dispute with them. So as they are ‖ thereby thought both more Orthodox and Able than their Antagonists.

Their Reading in Latin is the Lives of the Saints, and Fabulous Stories of their Country. But the Superior Learning among them, is the Philosophy of the Schools, and the Genealogies of their Ancestors. Both which look like what St. Paul hath Condemned3 .

The Priests are chosen for the most part out of old Irish Gentry; and thereby influence the People, as well by their Interest as their Office.

Their Preaching seems rather Bugbearing of their flocks with dreadful Stories, than persuading them by Reason, or the Scriptures. They have an incredible Opinion of the Pope and his Sanctity, of the happiness of those who can obtain his Blessing at the third or fourth hand. Only some few, who have lately been abroad, have gotten so far, as to talk of a difference between the Interest of the Court of Rome, and the Doctrine of the Church. The Common Priests have few of them been out of Ireland; and those who have, were bred in Covents, or1 made Friars for the most part, and have humble Opinions of the English and Protestants, and of the mischiefs ‖ of setting up Manufactures, and introducing of Trade. They also comfort their Flocks, partly by Prophecies of their Restoration to their Ancient Estates and Liberties, which the abler sort of them fetch from what the Prophets of the Old-Testament have delivered by way of God's Promise to restore the fews, and the Kingdom to Israel. They make little esteem of an Oath upon a Protestant Bible, but will more devoutly take up a Stone, and swear upon it, calling it a Book, than by the said Book of Books, the Bible. But of all Oaths, they think themselves at much liberty to take a Land-Oath, as they call it: Which is an Oath to prove a forg'd Deed, a Possession, Livery or Seisin, payment of Rents, &c. in order to recover for their Countrey-men the Lands which they had forfeited. They have a great Opinion of Holy-Wells, Rocks, and Caves, which have been the reputed Cells and Receptacles of men reputed Saints. They do not much fear Death, if it be upon a Tree, unto which, or the Gallows, they will go upon their Knees toward it, from the place they can first see it. They confess nothing at their Executions, though never so guilty. In brief, there is much Superstition among them, but formerly much ‖ more than is now; for as much as by the Conversation of Protestants, they become asham'd of their ridiculous Practices, which are not de fide. As for the Richer and better-educated sort of them, they are such Catholicks as are in other places. The Poor, in adhering to their Religion, which is rather a Custom than a Dogma amongst them, They seem rather to obey their Grandees, old Landlords, and the Heads of their Septes and Clans, than God. For when these were under Clouds, transported into Spain, and transplanted into Connaught, and disabled to serve them as formerly, about the year 1656, when the Adventurers and Soldiers appeared to be their Landlords and Patrons, they were observ'd to have been forward enough to relax the stiffness of their pertinacity to the Pope, and his Impositions. Lastly, Among the better sort of them, many think less of the Pope's Power in Temporals, as they call it, than formerly; and begin to say, that the Supremacy, even in Spirituals, lies rather in the Church diffusive, and in qualified General-Councils, than in the Pope alone, or than in the Pope and his Cardinals, or other juncto.

The Religion of the Protestants in Ireland, is the same with the Church of England ‖ in Doctrine, only they differ in Discipline thus, viz.

The Legal Protestants hold the Power of the Church to be in the King, and that Bishops and Arch-Bishops, with their Clerks, are the best way of adjusting that Power under him. The Presbyterians would have the same thing done, and perhaps more, by Classes of Presbyters National and Provincial. The Independents would have all Christian Congregations independent from each other. The Anabaptists are Independent in Discipline, and differ from all those aforemention'd in the Baptism of Infants, and in the inward and spiritual Signification of that Ordinance. The Quakers salute not by uncovering the Head, speak to one another in the second Person, and singular Number; as for Magistracy and Arms, they seem to hold with the Anabaptists of Germany and Holland; they pretend to a possibility of perfection, like the Papists; as for other Tenents, ‘tis hard to fix them, or to understand what things they mean by their Words.

The Diet of the poorer Irish, is what was before discoursed in the illegible Chapter1 . ‖

The Cloathing is a narrow sort of Frieze, of about twenty Inches broad, whereof two foot, call'd a Bandle, is worth from 3½ to 18 d. Of this, Seventeen Bandles make a Man's Suit, and twelve make a Cloak. According to which Measures and Proportions, and the number of People who wear this Stuff, it seems, that near thrice as much Wooll is spent in Ireland, as exported; whereas others have thought quite contrary, that is, that the exported Wooll is triple in quantity to what is spent at home.

As for the Manners of the Irish, I deduce them from their Original Constitutions of Body, and from the Air; next from their ordinary Food; next from their Condition of Estate and Liberty, and from the Influence of their Governours and Teachers; and lastly, from their Ancient Customs, which affect as well their Consciences as their Nature. For their Shape, Stature, Colour, and Complexion, I see nothing in them inferior to any other People, nor any enormous predominancy of any humour.

2 Their Lazing seems to me to proceed rather from want of Imployment and Encouragement to Work3 , than from the natural ‖ abundance of Flegm in their Bowels and Blood; for what need they to Work, who can content themselves with Potato's, whereof the Labour of one Man can feed forty; and with Milk, whereof one Cow will, in Summer time, give meat and drink enough for three Men, when they can every where gather Cockles, Oysters, Muscles, Crabs, &c. with Boats, Nets, Angles, or the Art of Fishing; can build an House in three days? And why should they desire to fare better, tho with more Labour, when they are taught, that this way of living is more like the4 Patriarchs of old, and the Saints of later times, by whose Prayers and Merits they are to be reliev'd, and whose Examples they are therefore to follow? And why should they breed more Cattel, since ‘tis Penal to import them into England? Why should they raise more Commodities, since there are not Merchants sufficiently Stock'd to take them of them, nor provided with other more pleasing foreign Commodities, to give in Exchange for them? And how should Merchants have Stock, since Trade is prohibited and fetter'd by the Statutes of England? And why should Men endeavour to get Estates, where the Legislative Power is not agreed upon; and ‖ where Tricks and Words destroy natural Right and Property?

They are accused also of much Treachery, Falseness, and Thievery; none of all which, I conceive, is natural to them; for as to Treachery, they are made believe, that they all shall flourish again, after some time; wherefore they will not really submit to those whom they hope to have their Servants; nor will they declare so much, but say the contrary, for their present ease, which is all the Treachery I have observed; for they have in their hearts, not only a grudging to see their old Proprieties enjoyed by Foreigners, but a persuasion they shall be shortly restor'd. As for Thievery, it is affixt to all thin-peopled Countries, such as Ireland is, where there cannot be many Eyes to prevent such Crimes; and where what is stolen, is easily hidden and eaten, and where ‘tis easy to burn the House, or violate the Persons of those who prosecute these Crimes, and where thin-peopled Countries are govern'd by the Laws that were made and first fitted to thick-peopled Countries; and where matter of small moment and value must be try'd, with all the formalities which belong to the highest Causes. In this case there ‖ must be thieving, where is withal, neither encouragement, nor method, nor means for Labouring, nor Provision for Impotents.

As for the Interest of these poorer Irish, it is manifestly to be transmuted into England, so to reform and qualify their housing, as that English Women may be content to be their Wives, to decline their Language, which continues a sensible distinction, being not now necessary; which makes those who do not understand it, suspect, that what is spoken in it, is to their prejudice. It is their Interest to deal with the English, for Leases, for1 Time, and upon clear Conditions, which being perform'd they are absolute Freemen, rather than to stand always liable to the humour and caprice of their Landlords, and to have every thing taken from them, which he pleases to fancy. It is their Interest, that he2 is well-pleased with their Obedience to them, when they see and know upon whose Care and Conduct their well-being depends, who have Power over their Lands and Estates. Then, to believe a Man at Rome has Power in all these last mentioned Particulars in this World, and can make them eternally happy or miserable hereafter, ‘tis ‖ their Interest to joyn with them, and follow their Example, who have brought Arts, Civility, and Freedom into their Country.

On the contrary, What did they ever get by accompanying their Lords into Rebellion against the English? What should they have gotten if the late Rebellion had absolutely succeeded, but a more absolute Servitude? And when it fail'd, these poor People have lost all their Estates, and their Leaders encreas'd theirs, and enjoy'd the very Land which their Leaders caus'd them to lose. The poorest now in Ireland ride on Horse-back, when heretofore the best ran on foot like Animals. They wear better Cloaths than ever; the Gentry have better Breeding, and the generality of the Plebeians more Money and Freedom.‖

[CHAPTER XIII.]

Several Miscellany Remarks and Intimations concerning Ireland, and the several matters aforementioned.

WIthout recourse to the Authority of Story, but rather diligently observing the Law and Course of Nature, I conjecture, that whatever is fabled of the Phœnicians, Scythians, Biscayers, &c. their first Inhabiting of Ireland; that the places near Carrickfergus were first peopled, and that with those, who came from the parts of Scotland opposite thereunto1 . For that Ireland was planted by some body in Cœsar's time, is most certain. That the Art of Navigation was not before Cœsar's time so well understood and practis'd, as to bring Men from any other Part of the World thither, save from Great Britain: That from St. Davids-head in South-Wales, and from Holy-head in North-Wales, Ireland is not clearly at any time discern'd, nor often at all. That the Inhabitants of those two British Head-lands had neither Boats fit to pass that Sea, is most probable. But that Carrickfergus may be always seen from Scotland, is well known; and that a small ‖ Boat may Row over in three or four hours, is experienc'd. That the Language of those Parts differ very little. That the Country about Carrickfergus is far better than that of Scotland opposite. That the chief Bishops Seat of Ireland, and probably the first, is near those Parts, are all notorious Truths. From all which ‘tis more probable, that Ireland was first Peopled from Scotland2 , than all the other remote Parts aforementioned.

It hath been much observed, That the Lieutenants and Chancellors of Ireland have often been at variance; the reason whereof seems to be at their Powers, and1 too near an Equilibrium2 ; for the Lieutenant Commands an Army perhaps of 3000, and the Chancellor makes 900 Justices of Peace, who make 2500 Constables, which are the Civil Sword, who Act in times of Peace, and every where, and in all matters; whereas the Army acts only upon rare occasions, and are more Mercenary Men. So as the Civil-Sword seems of far more extent and effect than the Military-Sword.

The Lieutenant disposes perhaps of four or five hundred Places and Imployments; but the Chancellor, of the said nine hundred ‖ Justices of Peace, and several others. The Lieutenant can hurt very few Persons, who do not depend upon the favour of Imployments; but the Chancellor can affect all Men, of Estates and Dealing in the World, by the Power of his Court, and by the Harmony of his own Will with the King's Conscience.

The Lieutenant is for the most part a Stranger to Ireland; but the Chancellor seldom such, but a Person of great Family and Acquaintance. Moreover, all the Lieutenants, Deputies, and Lords Justices, that have been these 150 years, have not, one with another, continued two years in the Office; but the Chancellors have much more, and are seldom remov'd but by Death, and General Revolutions. The Chancellor has ordinarily some other Dignity and Office annex'd, for they be often Eminent Prelates and Church-men; but the Lieutenant is confin'd to Temporals. The Chancellor is Speaker in Parliament, and by keeping the Seal, can check the Lieutenant in many cases. The Chancellors are bred to Eloquence and Arguing; the breeding of a Lieutenant is casual. ‖

Men that bring great Estates into Ireland, do not encrease them proportionably with them who come over with nothing. Not to quote the Examples hereof on both sides, the reason seems not to be very abstruse, viz.1

The Language of Ireland is like that of the North of Scotland, in many things like the Welch and Manques; but in Ireland the Fingallians speak neither English, Irish, nor Welch; and the People about Wexford, tho they agree in a Language differing from English, Welch, and Irish, yet ‘tis not the same with that of the Fingalians near Dublin. Both these two sorts of People are honest and laborious Members of the Kingdom.

The Irish Language, and the Welch, as also all Languages that have not been the Languages of flourishing Empires, wherein were many Things, many Notions and Fancies, both Poetical and Philosophical, hath but few words; and all the names of Artificial things brought into use, since the Empire of these Linguists ceased, are expressed in the language of their Conquerors, by altering the Termination and Accents only.‖

Ireland is now divided into Provinces, Counties, Baronies, Parishes, and Farm-lands, and those, so as that they may be, and have been Geometrically delineated; but formerly it was not so, but the Country was called by the names of the Lords who governed the People. For as a Territory bounded by Bogs, is greater or lesser as the Bog is more dry and passible, or otherwise: So the Country of a Grandee or Tierne in Ireland, became greater or lesser as his Forces waxed or weaned2 ; for where was a large Castle and Garison, there the Jurisdiction was also large.

3 And when these Grandees came to make peace, and parts one with another, the limits of their Land-agreements were no lines Geometrically drawn; but if the Rain fell one way, then the Land whereon it fell, did belong to A. if the other way, to B. &c.

As to their Town-lands, Plough-lands, Colps, Gneeres, Bullibos, Ballibelaghs, Two's, Horsmens, Beds1 , &c. they are all at this day become unequal both in Quantity and Value, having been made upon grounds which are now Obsolete and Antiquated. ‖

For sometimes lands were divided by what certain Societies of men held, which I conceive were Town-lands or Tythings.

Sometimes by Plow-lands2 , viz. such a————of Lands as contained enough of every species of Land Arrable, Meadow, and Pasture, Mountain, Turf-bog, Wood, &c. as serv'd for the whole Use of man, especially of the Owner of such a Plow-land.

3 Sometimes by the Share or Proportion of Land, which an Undertaker would engage to plant and defend according to Articles.

3 Sometimes by the Share which each Servitor4 had given him in reward for his Service, after a Rebellion or Insurrection.

Sometimes by what belonged to the Cell of some Religious Man or Men. But now all the Lands are Geometrically divided, and that without abolishing the Ancient Denominations5 and Divisions abovementioned. So that it is yet wanting to prevent the various spelling of Names not understood, that some both6 comprehending the Names of all publick Denominations according as they are spelled in the latest Grants, should be set out by Authority7 to determine the ‖ same for the time to come. And that where the same Land hath other Names, or hath been spelled with other Conscription of Letters or Syllables, that the same be mentioned with an alias. Where the publick and new authenticated Denominations1 is part of a greater antiquated Denomination, that it be so expressed, as by being called the East, West, South or North part thereof. And if the said Denomination comprehend several obsolete or inconsiderable Parcels, that the same be expressed likewise.

The last Clause of the Explanatory Act, enabled men to put new Names on their respective Lands, instead of those uncouth, unintelligible ones yet upon them. And it would not be amiss if the significant part of the Irish Names were interpreted, where they are not, or cannot be abolished2 . ‖

SOME have thought that little Shipping belongs to Ireland, by the great Policy of the English, who (as they wittily expressed it) would keep the Chain or Draw-Bridge between both Kingdoms, on the English side: But I never perceived ány Impediment of Building, or having Ships in Ireland, but mens own indisposition thereunto, either for not having Stock for so chargeable a Work, or not having Workmen of sorts enough to fit out a Ship in all particulars; as for that they could hire Ships cheaper from the Dutch, than to build them; or, that the Irish had rather eat Potatos and Milk on dry Land, than contest with the Wind and Waves with better Food; or that there is not encouragement, to a full Employment, for an able Ship-wright to reside in Ireland. Nevertheless at this day there belongs to several Ports of Ireland Vessels between 10 and 200 Tuns, about 8000 Tuns of several sorts and Sizes: And there are Five Light-Houses erected for the safety of sailing upon the Coasts.

Concerning the Ambergreece, taken upon the Western Coasts of Ireland, I could never ‖ receive any clear satisfaction, neither of its Odor, nor any other Vertue, nor what use was or could be made of that Stuff which has been so call'd, which is of several Appearances.

What is said of the Herb Mackenbory1 , is fabulous, only that ‘tis a Tythemal, which will purge furiously, and of which there are vast quantities in that part of Kerry call'd Desmond, where the Arbutus-Tree groweth in great numbers and beauty.

There be in Ireland not ten Iron Furnaces2 , but above 20 Forges and Bloomeries, and but one Lead-work, which was ever wrought, tho many in view, which the pretended Patents of them have hindred the working of. There is also a place in Kerry, fit for one Allum-work, attempted, but not fully proceeded upon3 .

There are in the West of Ireland, about 20 Gentlemen, who have engaged in the Pilchard-fishing, and have among them all about 160 Saynes, wherewith they sometimes take about 4000 Hogsheads of Pilchards per Ann. worth about 10,000l. Cork, Kingsale, and Bantry are the best places for eating of Fresh-Fish, tho Dublin be not, or need not be ill supplied with the same. ‖

The Clothing-Trade is not arrived to what it was before the late Rebellion4 . And the Art of making the excellent, thick, spungy, warm Coverlets, seems to be lost, and not yet recovered.

Near Colrane is a Salmon-Fishing, where several Tuns5 of Salmon have been taken at one Draught, and in one Season6 .

The English in Ireland before Henry the VII's time, lived in Ireland as the Europians do in America, or as several Nations do now upon the same Continent; so as an Englishman was not punishable for killing an Irish-man, and they were governed by different Laws; the Irish by the Brehan- Law, and the English there by the Laws of England.

Registers of Burials, Births and Marriages, are not yet kept in Ireland, though of late begun in Dublin, but imperfectly1 .

English in Ireland, growing poor and discontented, degenerate into Irish; & vice versa; Irish, growing into Wealth and Favour, reconcile to the English.

Eleven Irish Miles make 14 English, according to the proportion of the Irish Perch of 21 feet, to the English of 16½.‖

The admeasurement of Land in Ireland, hath hitherto been made with a Circumferencer, with a Needle of 3 ⅓ long, as the most convenient Proportion; but ‘twill be henceforth better done by the help of some old Geometrical Theoremes, joyn'd with this new property of a Circle, demonstrated by Dr. R. Wood2 .

The DIAGRAM3 .

ALtho the Protestants of Ireland, be to Papists, as three to eight; yet, because the former live in Cities and Towns, and the Scots live all in and about five of the 32 Counties of Ireland; It seems, in other open Counties, and without the Corporations, that the Irish and Papists are twenty to one.

REPORT FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRADE 1676.

NOTE ON THE “REPORT FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRADE.”

To the laborious conscientiousness of Essex as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland we are indebted, indirectly, both for the Report from the Council of Trade and for its nearest fellow, Sir William Temple's Essay upon the Advancement of Trade in Ireland. Since the Report was but a summary of the unpublished Political Anatomy, in connection with which alone it has since been printed, it calls for no extended comment.

A MS. copy of the Report, apparently transmitted by Essex to Arlington, is at the Record Office1 . Another copy of greater personal interest, is in the Pepys collection of J. Eliot Hodgkin, Esq., of Childwall, Richmond on Thames. This copy was given by Petty to Pepys and remained in the possession of Pepy's descendants until it was acquired by Mr Hodgkin in 18892 . By his kind permission both Petty's autograph corrections and the significant divergences of the MS. (‘H’) from the printed version are here noted.

‖A Report from the council of Trade in Ireland, to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, which was drawn by Sir William Petty.

IN Obedience to your Lordship's Act of Council, of January the 20th. 1675. we have spent several days in considering how, as well the Wealth of this Kingdom in general, as the Money thereof in particular may be increased. And in order thereunto, we have first set down to the best of our knowledge the state of this Kingdom in reference to Trade. Secondly, We have noted such Inferences from the same, as do shew the several Causes of the smalness of Trade, want of Money, and the general Poverty of this Nation. And in the last place, we have offered such general Remedies and Expedients, in the respective Cases, as may be obtained and practised, without any new Law to be made in Ireland. And we are ready so to inlarge upon the Branches we have ‖ offered, as to make such of our Proposals practicable, as your Lordships shall please to select and approve of for that purpose.

March the 25th. 1676.

Considerations relating to the Improvement ofIreland.

1. THE whole Territory of Ireland consists of about 12 Millions of Acres (English Measure) of Arrable Meadow, and good Pasture Land; with about two Millions of Rocky, Boggy, and Scrubby Pasture, commonly call'd Unprofitable, (tho not altogether such): The rest being absolute Boggs, Loughs, Rocks, Sands, Strands, Rivers and High-ways, &c. Of all which, several Lands, the yearly Rent (comprehending Their Majesties Quit-Rents, Tythes and Tenants Improvements) is supposed to be about 900,000l. and worth to be purchased at1 Nine Millions.

2. The value of all the Housing in Ireland, which have one or more Chimneys in them, (excluding all Cabbins which have none) is supposed to be Two Millions and a half. ‖

3. The Cattel and Live-Stock, Three Millions.

4. Corn, Furniture, Merchandise, Shipping, &c. about One Million.

5. The Coyned and Currant Money, now running in Trade, is between 300, and 350,000l.2 or the 50th part of the value of the whole Kingdom, which we suppose to be about 16 Millions.

6. The number of people in Ireland is about 1100,0003 , viz, Three Hundred Thousand English, Scotch, and Welch Protestants, and 800,000 Papists, whereof ¼th are Children unfit for Labour, and about 75,000 of the Remainder are, by reason of their Quality and Estates, above the necessity of Corporal Labour; so as there remains 750,000 Labouring Men and Women, 500,000 whereof do perform the present Work of the Nation.

7. The said 1100,000 people do live in about 200,000 Families or Houses, whereof there are but about 16,000 which have more than one Chimney in each; and about 24,000 which have but one; all the other Houses, being 160,000, are wretched nasty Cabbins, without Chimney, Window or Door shut, and worse than those of the Savage Americans, and wholly unfit for the ‖ making Merchantable Butter, Cheese, or the Manufactures of Woollen, Linnen or Leather.

8. The Houses within the City and Liberties of Dublin, are under 5,0001 , viz. in the City 1150. And the Ale-Houses within the same about 1200. And it seems, that in other Corporations and Countrey Towns, the proportion of Ale-Houses is yet greater than in Dublin, viz. about ⅓ of the whole.

9. The Counties, Baronies and Parishes, of Ireland, are now become marvellously unequal, so as some are twenty times as big as others, the County of Cork seeming in respect of people and Parishes to be ⅛th of the whole Kingdom, and other Counties not being above the 20th part of the Country of Cork; It hath been found very difficult to get fit persons for Sheriffs, and Juries; and the often holding of Assizes and Quarter-Sessions in the said smaller Counties, hath been found an unnecessary burthen upon them.

10. There are now in Ireland 32 Counties, 252 Baronies, and 2278 Parishes; so as the number of Sheriffs, and Sub-Sheriffs, Sheriff-Bailiffs, High and Petty-Constables, are about three thousand Persons, whereof ‖ not above are English or Protestants. So as the remainder (being about 2700) are Irish Papists, and are the Civil Militia of this Kingdom, and have the executing of all Decrees of Courts, and of Justices of the Peaces Warrants.

11. This Civil Militia, and the rest of the Irish Papists being about 800,000, are influenced and guided by about 3000 Priests and Fryars, and they governed by their Bishops and Superiors, who are for the most part, of the Old Irish Gentry, men of Foreign Education, and who depend upon Foreign Princes and Prelates, for Benefices and Preferments.

12. The Irish Papists (besides Sundays and the 29 Holidays appointed by the Law) do one place with another, observe about 24 days more in the year, in which they do no Corporal Labour, so as they have but about 266 Working-days; whereas Protestants not strictly observing all the Legal Holy-days, by a total forbearing of Labour, have in effect 300 Working-days in the year, that is, 34 days more than the Papists, or at least five of six days in each, or part of the whole year.

13. The expence of the whole people of Ireland is about four Millions per Ann. ‖ the part whereof being 80,000l. and the Quarter of Annual House-Rent1 being about 60,000l. together with 450,000l. more, being the value of half a years Rent, Tythes and Quit-Rent, do make 590,000l. as that sum of Money which will compleatly and plentifully drive the Trade of this Kingdom.

14. The value of the Commodities exported out of Ireland, and the Fraight of the Shipping imployed in the Trade of this2 Nation, together with the fishing of Herrings, is about Five Hundred Thousand pounds per Annum.

15. The value of the Estates in Ireland of such persons as do usually live in England; the Interest of Debts of Ireland, due and payable to England; the pay of the Forces3 of Ireland, now in England; the Expence and Pensions of Agents and Sollicitors commonly residing in England about Irish Affairs; the Expence of English and Irish Youth now upon their Education beyond the Seas; and lastly, the supposed Profit of the two great Farms now on Foot4 , do altogether make up near 200,000l. per Ann. as a Debt payable to England out of Ireland.

16. The value of the Cattel, viz. live Oxen and Sheep, carried out of Ireland into ‖ England, was never more than 140,000l. per Annum; the Fraight, Hides, Tallow, and Wooll of the said live Cattel, were worth about 60,000l. of the said 140,000l. And the value of the Goods imported out of England into Ireland (when the Cattel-Trade was free) was between Treble and Quadruple, to the neat value of the Ox, and Sheeps Flesh transported from hence into England.

17. The Customs of Exported and Imported Goods, between England and Ireland, abstracted from the Excise thereof, was in the freest Trade, about 32,000l. per Ann.

Inferences from the Premisses.

1. BY comparing the Extent of the Territory with the number of people, it appears that Ireland is much underpeopled; for as much as there are above 10 Acres of good Land to every Head in Ireland; whereas in England and France there are but four, and in Holland scarce one.

2. That if there be 250,000 spare Hands capable of Labour, who can earn 4 or five l. ‖ per Ann. one with another, it follows that the people of Ireland, well employed, may earn one Million per Ann. more than they do now, which is more than the years Rent of the whole Country.

3. If an House with Stone-Walls1 , and a Chimney well covered, and half an Acre of Land well ditched about, may be made for 4 or 5l. or thereabouts; then ⅔ of the spare hands of Ireland can in one years time build and fit up 160,000 such Houses and Gardens, instead of the like number of the wretched Cabbins above-mentioned: And that in a time when a Foreign-Trade is most dead and obstructed, and when Money is most scarce in the Land.

4. The other third part of the said spare hands within the same year (besides the making of Bridges, Harbors, Rivers, High-ways, &c. more fit for Trade) are able to plant as many Fruit and Timber-Trees, and also Quick-set Hedges, as being grown up, would distinguish the Bounds of Lands, beautifie the Countrey, shade and shelter Cattel, furnish Wood, Fuel, Timber and fruit, in a better manner than ever was yet known in Ireland or England. And all this in a time when Trade is dead, and Money most scarce.‖

5. If the Gardens1 belonging to the Cabbins above-mentioned, be planted with Hemp and Flax, according to the present Statute2 , there would grow 120,000 l. worth of the said Commodities, the Manufactures whereof, as also of the Wooll and Hides now exported, would by the labour of the spare hands above-mentioned, amount to above One Million per Annum more than at present.

6. The multitude and proportion of Alehouses above-mentioned, is a sign of want of Employment in those that buy, no less than those that sell the Drink.

7. There being but 800 Thousand Papists in Ireland, and little above 2,0003 Priests; It is manifest that 500 Priests may, in a competent manner, Officiate for the said number of People and Parishes. And that two Popish Bishops (if any at all be necessary) may as well Govern the said 500 Priests, and two Thousand Parishes; as the 26 Bishops of England do Govern near Ten Thousand Parishes.

8. If the Protestants, according to the present practice and understanding of the Law, do work one tenth part of the Year more than the Papists: And that there be 750 Thousand working People in Ireland, ‖ whereof about 600 Thousand Papists. It follows that the Popish Religion takes off 60 Thousand workers, which, at about 4l. per Annum each, is about 250 Thousand Pounds per Annum of it self; besides the Maintenance4 of 25 Hundred superfluous Churchmen, which at 20 l. per Annum each, comes to fifty thousand pounds per Annum more.

9. The Sheriffs of Ireland at 100l. per Annum, the High Constables at 20l. per Annum, and the Petty Constables at 10l. per Annum, each, being all English Protestants (with some other incident Charges for the Administration of Justice) may be sallarated and defrayed for thirty thousand Pounds per Annum, consistent with His Majesty's present Revenue, Forces, &c. which said Sallaries, may also be lessened, by Uniting some of the smaller Counties, Baronies and Parishes, according to the proportion of People Inhabiting within them.

10. If there be not 350 Thousand Pounds Coyned Money in Ireland; And if 590 Thousand Pounds (or near double what there now is) be requisite to drive the Trade thereof: then it follows, that there is not enough in Ireland to drive the Trade of the Nation.‖

11. If the Lands of Ireland and Housing in Corporations, be worth above 10 Millions to be now sold (and if less than One Million of stock will drive all the Trade afore-mentioned, that Ireland is capable of) reckoning but two returns per Annum: It is certain that the lesser part of the said Ten Millions worth of real Estate, being well contrived into a1 Bank of Credit, will with the Cash yet remaining, abundantly answer all the ends of Domestick Improvements, and Foreign Traffick whatsoever.

12. If the whole substance of Ireland be worth 16 Millions, as above said: If the customs between England and Ireland, were never worth above thirty two thousand Pounds per Annum: If the Titles2 of Estates in Ireland, be more hazardous and expensive, for that England and Ireland be not under one Legislative Power: If Ireland till now, hath been a continual Charge to England: If the reducing the late Rebellion did cost England three times more in men and money, than the substance of the whole Countrey, when reduced, is worth: If it be just, that men of English Birth and Estates, living in Ireland, should be represented in the Legislative Power; and that the Irish should not be judged by those who, ‖ they pretend, do usurp their Estates: It then seems just and convenient, That both Kingdoms should be United and Governed by one Legislative Power. Nor is it hard to shew how this may be made practicable, nor to satisfy, repair, or silence those who are Interested or Affected to the contrary.

13. In the mean time, it is wonderful that men born in England, who have Lands granted to them by the King, for service done in Ireland to the Crown of England, when they have occasion to reside or negotiate in England, should by their Countrymen, Kindred and Friends there, be debarred to bring with them out of Ireland food whereupon to live, nor suffered to carry money out of Ireland, nor1 to bring such Commodities as they fetch2 from America directly home, but round about by England, with extream hazard and loss, and be forced to trade only with Strangers, and become unacquainted with their own Country; especially when England gaineth more than it loseth by a free Commerce; as exporting hither three times as much as it receiveth from hence: Inso-much as 95l. in England, was worth about 100l. of the like Money in Ireland, in the freest time of Trade.‖

14. It is conceived that about ⅓d of the Imported Manufactures, might be made in Ireland, and ⅔d of the remainder might be more conveniently had from Foreign parts, than out of England, and consequently that it is scarce necessary at all for Ireland to receive any goods of England3 , and not convenient to receive above ¼th part from hence of the whole which it needeth to Import, the value whereof is under 100 Thousand Pounds per Annum.

The application of the Premisses, in order to remedy the defects and impediments of the Trade of Ireland.

1. Forasmuch as the consideration of Raising Money, hath already, and so lately, been before your Lordships1 ; therefore without giving this Board any further trouble concerning the same: We humbly offer, in order to the regulation of the several species thereof; That whereas Weighty Plate pieces, together with Ducatoons, which2 estimate to be three quarters of the Money now currant in Ireland; do already pass at proportionable Rates; and for that all other species of Silver Money, are neither rated proportionably to the said weighty ‖ pieces, nor to one another; That Whole, Half and Quarter Cobbs of Sterling Silver (if light) may pass at 5s. 7d. per Ounce; but that the other Species of courser Silver, as the Perrues, &c. may pass as Commodity, or at 5s. per Ounce, until there shall be conveniency for new Coyning thereof into smaller Money.

2. That forthwith Application may be made unto England, to restore the Trade from the Plantations, and between the two Kingdoms (and particularly that of Cattel) as heretofore; and in the mean time to discover and hinder, by all means possible, the carrying of Bullion out of Ireland into England; to the end that those in England who are to receive Money from hence, may be necessitated to be very earnest in the said Negotiation.

3. That Endeavours be used in England, for the Union of the Kingdoms under one Legislative Power, proportionably, as was heretofore and successively3 done in the case of Wales.

4. For4 reducing Interest from Ten to Five, or Six, per Centum, for disposing moneyed men to be rather Merchants than Usurers, rather to trade than purchase, and to prevent the bad and uncertain payments, ‖ which Gentlemen are forced5 to make unto Tradesmen, whose Stock and Credit is thereby soon buried in debts, not to be received without long and expensive Suits, and1 that a Bank of Land be forthwith contrived and countenanced.

5. That the Act of State2 which mitigates and compounds, for the Customs of some Foreign goods, purposely made high to hinder their Importation, and to encourage the Manufacture of them here, be taken into consideration (at least before it be renewed).

6. That the Lord Lieutenant and Council, as also the Nobility, Courts of Justice and Officers of the Army, and other Gentlemen in and about Dublin, may by their engagement and example, discountenance the use of some certain Foreign Commodities, to be pitched upon by your Lordships: And that Gentlemen and Freeholders in the Country, at their Assizes, and other Country meetings: and that the Inhabitants of all Corporations, who live in Houses of above two Chimneys in each, may afterwards do the same.

7. That there be a Corporation for the Navigation of this Kingdom, and that other Societies of men may be instituted, ‖ who shall undertake and give security to carry on the several Trades and Manufactures of Ireland; and to see that all goods Exported to Foreign Markets, may be faithfully wrought and packt: Which Societies may direct themselves, by the many several proposals and reports formerly, and of late made by the Council of Trade, and which they are now again ready to enlarge and accommodate to the said several proposals respectively, and more particularly to the Manufactures of Woolen, Linnen, and Leather.

8. That the Corporations of Ireland, may be obliged to engage no Manufactures, but according to their Primitive Instructions; which was to carry on such great works, as exceeded the strength of single Persons; and particularly that they may cause some such like proportions of Yarn, Linnen, and Woolen, as also of Worsted, to be Spun, as Mr. Hawkins hath Propounded.

9. That the Pattents, which hinder the working of Mines may be considered. ‖

10. That the Justices of Peace, may be admonished to protect the Industrious, and not suffer their Labours to be interrupted by vexatious and frivolous Indictments.

11. That the Inhabitants of the wretched Cabbins in Ireland, may be encouraged to reform them; and also compelled thereunto, as an easy and Indulgent Committing for the Penalty of Nine-Pence per Sunday payable, by the Statute; and likewise to make1 Gardens, as the Statute for Hemp and Flax requires2 . And that other the wholesome Laws against Idlers, Vagabonds, &c. may be applied to the prevention of Beggary and Thievery: Whereunto the orderly disposing of the said Cabbins into Townships would also conduce.

12. That the People be dissuaded from the observations of superfluous Holy-Days.

13. That the exorbitant Number of Popish-Priests and Fryars, may be reduced to a bare competency, as also the Number of Ale-houses.

14. That the Constable, Sheriff, and Bailiffs, may also be English Protestants, (though upon Salary).

From all which, and from the settlement of Estates; it is to be hoped, that men seeing more advantage to live in Ireland than elsewhere, may be invited to remove themselves hither; and so supply the want of People, the greatest and most fundamental defect of this Kingdom3 .

[Here follows, in the 1691 edition of the “Political Anatomy,” the Latin commission issued by Charles II. the 21 February, 1661, to the Duke of Ormond as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. It is not reprinted.]

PROPOSITIONS
CONCERNING THE
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND.

NOTE ON THE “PROPOSITIONS.”

The Propositions are not mentioned in the “Advertisement” to the first edition of the Political Anatomy of Ireland (pp. 131–132), and no indication of their authorship accompanies the enumeration of them in the Contents (p. 134). Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice says, however, that “public opinion indicated Sir William as the author of a set of propositions concerning the government of Ireland which the Duke of Ormond submitted about this time to the Crown.”

CHARLES R.

1. THAT his Majesty may declare his express Pleasure, that no Irish Sint by way of reward be moved for by any of his Servants, or others, before the Ordinary Revenue there become, able to sustain the necessary charge of that Crown, and the Debts thereof be fully cleared.

This is most reasonable, it standing with no sound rule of Judgment, to exercise the Acts of bounty in a place which doth not discharge it self, and will prove the readiest and most expedient way to recover his Majesties affairs thereby, thus carrying the Revenues in their natural Channell; and indeed ‖ this course being constantly pursu'd, will much encrease the annual profits above what they now are, and intirely draw the dependance of the inferiors from the great Lords upon his Majesty, and so the interest and assurance the Crown shall have in the Natives thereof, be of no less consequence and advantage than the very profits

2. That there be an express Caveat entred with the Secretary, Signet, Privy Seal and Great Seal here, That no Grant, of what nature soever, concerning Ireland, be suffered to pass, till the Lord Lieutenant be made acquainted, and it first pass the seal of that Kingdom, according to the usual manner.

This will be of great intelligence and safety to his Majesty; for on the one side he will clearly see into the true inward value all things, which formerly, albeit of very great worth, have from so great a distance slipt away here, as little understood by the Crown; as is acknowledged by those that obtain them; who generally, in these causes, sacrifice rather to their own Wit, than the Goodness and Bounty of Kings. And on the other side, nothing can pass to the disadvantage of the Crown; and proper ‖ Ministers, instructed with these Affairs, may be immediately faulted and justly called to a severe Account for their Negligence and Unfaithfulness therein; which will give them good reason to look more narrowly into his Majesties Rights, and their own Duties.

3. That His Majesty Signify his Royal Pleasure, that special Care be taken hereafter, that sufficient and credible Persons be chosen to supply such Bishopricks as shall be void, or admitted of his Pr[Illegible Text. Please Check] y Councel, or sit as Judges, and serve of his learned Councel there; that he will vouchsafe to hear the advice of his Lieutenant before he resolvc of any in these cases, that the Lieutenant be commanded to inform his Majesty truly and impartially, of every mans particular Diligence, and Care in his Service there, to the end his Majesty may truly and graciously reward the well-deserving, by calling them home to better preferment here.

This will advantage the service; it being altogether impossible for the Lieutenant, be he never so industrious and able, to administer the publick Justice of so great a Kingdom, without the round assistance of other able and well-affected Ministers. This will encourage the best men to spend ‖ their stronger years there, when they shall see their elder age recompensed with ease and profit in their own native Soyl; and content and settle the Natives, when they find themselves cared for, and put in the hands of discreet and good men to govern them.

4. That no particular Complaints of Injustice or Oppression be admitted here against any, unless it appears, That the Party made first his Address unto the Lieutenant.

This is but justice to the Lieutenant, who must needs in some measure be a delinquent, if the complaint be true; for that he ought as in chief, universally to take care that his Majesties Justice be truly and fully administred; and therefore good reason that his Judgment should be informed, and his integrity first tryed, before either be impeached; Nay, it is but justice to the Government it self, which would be exceedingly Scandalized through the liberty of complaints, and the Ministers therein extreamly discouraged upon any petty matter, to be drawn to answer here, when as the thing itself is for the most part either Injurious or such as the party might have received good satisfaction for at his own doors: but where the complaint ‖ appeareth formally grounded, that is, where due application hath been made to the Lieutenant, without any help or relief to the party, as may be pretended; let it in the name of God be throughly examined, and severely punished, wheresoever the fault prove to be; especially if it be found to be corrupt or malitious: for thus shall not his Majesty only magnify his own Justice, but either punish an unfaithful Minister, or a clamorous Complainer; and so his Service be better'd by either example.

5. That no Confirmation of any Reversion of Office within that Kingdom be had, or any new Grant of Reversion hereafter to pass.

That disposing of Places thus aforehand, much abates mens endeavours, who are many times stirred up to deserve eminently in the Commonwealth, in hope of those preferments: and being thus granted away, there is nothing left in their Eye, for them to expect and aim at, which might nourish and quicken those good desires in them, besides Places there closely and covertly passed, the persons are not for the most part so able and fitted to the Duties thereof, as when there is choice made out of many publick pretenders, which commonly occur, ‖ when they actually fall void by Death.

6. That the Places in the Lieutenants Gift, as well in the Martial as Civil List, be left freely to his disposing; and that his Majesty may be graciously pleased not to pass them to any person, upon Suits made unto him here.

This course held, preserves the Rights of the Lieutenants Place, and his Person in that Honour and Esteem which can only enable him to do service; and if the contrary happen, it is not only in diminution to him, but draws off all necessary dependance upon him, and regard that ought to be had of him, in all ready obedience in such things he shall command, for the Kings Service, when they shall discern that the natural Powers of the Place are taken from him, whereby he might kindle their chearful endeavours by the preferring and furnishing such as deserve those places.

7. That no New Offices be erected within that Kingdom before such time as the Lieutenant be therewith acquainted; his opinion first required and certified accordingly. ‖

Suits of this Nature, however they pretend the publick, their chief end is the private Profit of the Propounder; and for the most part, in the Execution prove burthens, not benefits to the Subjects; therefore throughly to be understood before they pass, as more easy and less scandalous to the State, to be staid at first than afterwards recalled, and if they be really good, his Majesty may be better informed by his Lieutenants approbation, and so proceed with more assurance to the effecting thereof.

8. That his Majesty would be pleased, not to grant any Licence of absence out of that Kingdom, to any Councillors, Bishops, Governours of any Province or County, or Officers of State, or of the Army, or to any of the Judges, or learned Council, but that it be left to his Lieutenant to give such Licence.

This is but reasonable, because the Lord Lieutenant who is chiefly intrusted under his Majesty with the Care and Government of that Kingdom, is the most competent and proper Judge, who in publick employment may be spared, and how long, without Prejudice to his Majesty, or the publick.

9. That all Propositions moving from the Licutenant, touching matters of Revenue, may ‖ be directed to the Lord Treasurer of England only, and that the Address of all other Dispatches for that Kingdom be by special direction of his Majesty applyed to one of the Secretaries singly, and his Majesty, under his hand-Writing doth Specify, that his Majesty will have this donc by Mr. Secretary Nicholas.

These Propositions made unto his Majesty, by his Grace the Duke of Ormond Lord Steward of his Majesty's Houshold, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, were received and approved at the Council board, the 22 day of June 1662, there being present the King's most excellent Majesty his Royal Highness the Duke of York, his Highness Prince Rupert, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, Duke of Albemarle, Duke of Ormond, Marquess of Dorchester, Lord Great Chamberlain, Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Barkshire, Earl of Portland, Earl of Norwich, Earl of Anglesey, Earl of Lauderdail, the Lord Hatton, Lord Hollis, Lord Ashly, Sir William Compton, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Vice Chamberlain, Mr Secretary Nicholas, Mr. Secretary Morris.

By His Majesties Command,

EDWARD NICHOLAS.

LET this Book called Political Arithmetick, which was long since Writ by Sir William Petty deceased, be Printed.

Given at the Court at Whitehall the 7^th Day of Novemb. 1690.

Nottingham.

Political Arithmetick,
OR
A DISCOURSE
Concerning,

The Extent and Value of Lands, People, Buildings: Husbandry, Manufacture, Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers; Publick Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks; Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's, Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at Sea, &c. As the same relates to every Country in general, but more particularly to the Territories of His Majesty of Great Britain, and his Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and France1 .

By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, and Hen. Mortlock at the Pha'nix in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1690.

[1]his caption occupies the title-page of S.

[2]It was, apparently, Petty's intention to divide his book into chapters. Cf. p. 201. Accordingly the Chapter division made by the editor of the second edition is here adopted for convenience of reference.

[3.]In 1719 is a note, ‘A Perch or Pole, Irish measure, is 21 Foot; the Acres are measured by that Perch, as the Acres in England are measured by a Perch of 16 Foot and half.’ Cf. p. 172.

[1]A ‘list of lands granted to the Duke of Ormond by the Act of Settlement and Court of Claims’ is given by Carte, Ormond, Appendix, pp. 132–133.

[2]By the Act of Settlement the lands lately held by the Regicides were given to the Duke of York.

[3]1719, ‘1,410,000.’

[4]Upon this entry Sir Richard Cox comments in his letter to Southwell, ‘The redemption of Mortgages being given to y° 49 how comes 100000[Editor: illegible text] to be restored to Prot Mgees.’

[5]The true total is 5,230,000. The source of the error is not made obvious by the following margiual calculation in S,

The editor of the 1719 ed. corrects Perry's blunder by the simple method of subtracting 30,000 acres from the largest single item. See note 3, P. 136.

[1]S, ‘now.’

[2]In the margin of S, opposite this footing, occur the following three notes, to which I have made certain additions in brackets:

These marginal calculations give Ormond 30,000 acres more than the text allows him, and introduce an item of 180,000 acres which cannot be identified with anything preceding. On the other hand they do not include 1,200,000 acres to the Innocents nor 40,000 to Lord Inchiquin, Lord Roscommon, and others. A grouping in accordance with Petty's probable meaning would be:

or in all 5,230,000 acres.

[1]1719, ‘80,000.’

[2]The 5,140,000 acres are found by adding to the 2,300,000 acres held by the Church and the transplanted protestants in 1641 (see p. 136), the 2,400,000 acres of the “Protestants and Churches additions,” the 60,000 acres purchased by protestants in Connaught and the 380,000 acres “Of a more indifferent Nature” remaining after the deduction of the 80,000 acres in the common stock from the total of 460,000 acres.

[3]The 2,280,000 acres are found by subtracting the transplantees’ sales of 60,000 acres from the 2,340,000 acres which the Papists recovered.

[4]In S the total ‘7500’ is written beneath the ‘80,’ as it obviously should be.

[5]Cox, ‘What or where are y° 80000° left in y° Common Stock and how comes it they are undisposed, many adventurers being deficient & many designd to be restord are still excluded for want of Previous reprizal.’

[1]Cox, ‘y6 computacon of 9000000a to be worth yearly 9000001 p ann which is but 2[Editor: illegible] a plantacon acre is to low by ⅓.’

[2]Cox, ‘ye quitrent &c he makes to be 900001 p ann but tis not near soe much.’

[2]Cox, ‘That ye Tithe should be a fifth, seems a great paradox.’

[4]Cox, ‘& so tis ye leases and improvemt5 should be deducted out of ye Small value of 2[Editor: illegible] p acre.’

[5]Cox, ‘And therefore notwithstanding his calculacon yt ye 2520000a gaind by ye rebell is worth but 144000 p ann he should have said yt the [the words in Italics ar cancelled, and Cox proceeds] they are at 2[Editor: illegible] p acre worth p ann 2520001 & really worth more.’

[6]In the margin of S, ‘Memd that ye charge of the army from 1653 to 1673 communibus Annis far exceeds ye charge of ye Goverment 1641, and ye rent of the forfeited lands.’

[7]Beneath ‘144000’ in S, ‘wch is less than ye present charge of ye Army.’

[8]Apparently a mistake for ‘86400,’ so corrected in the margin of S, but not in the text.

[1]Cox, ‘he might add yt ye K gaind 12 Subsidyes, A great established revenew by hearthmoney excise and customs, from a flourishing Kingdome made soe by the Act of Setlemt, which else would not grant, and could not pay, those vast sumes.’

[2]Apparently should be ‘864000.’

[3]A blank in S.

[4]Cox, ‘I doubt the 49 army was not 30000 foot and 15000 horse nor above half yt number at any one time, Neither was any footsouldier allowed 151 p ann.’

[1]1719 omits the last two paragraphs of the chapter.

[2]On the hearth money in Ireland see a note to chap. II of the Polit. Arith.

[2]See note on p. 142

[Note to last line of p. 144 :]

The editors of the 1691 and 1719 eds., by an obvious blunder, made the total 2,200,000. Neither here nor elsewhere does Petty make use of the returns of the census taken in 1659, though it is probable that he once had the figures of that enumeration for nearly the whole of Ireland. The population at that time has been calculated at 500,091, of whom about one fifth were Englishmen or Scotsmen. Hardinge in Trans. R. I. Acad., xxiv., Antiquities, 317–328. If these figures are correct, Petty unquestionably overestimated the population of Ireland, both here and when, at a later date, he increased his estimate to ‘about 1,200,000 people’ and ‘near 300,000 hearths,’ and still later to 1,300,000. Polit. Arith., chap. II, and the Treatise of Ireland. Subsequent investigations have thrown but little additional light upon the correctness of his figures. The next estimate is for the year 1696. Calculating from the poll tax returns in three counties and in the city of Dublin, Capt. Sough set the population of Ireland at 1,034,102. ‘An Account of the Number of People in Ireland,’ Philos. Trans., 1700, no. 261, vol.xxii., p. 520. Nearly a century later Mr G P. Bushe, commissioner of revenue, published in the Trans. of the R. I. Academy, iii., Science, 145–155, his ‘Essay towards ascertaining the Population of Ireland.’ Bushe points out that the returns of hearth money before 1686 were very defective, 200,000 houses being added by Ormond's reform in that year. He thinks that the houses must have been more numerous in 1672 thatn Petty makes them, and intimates that Petty's calculation of the population also is too small. But Thomas Newsham, an investigator quite as careful as Bushe, is of the contrary opinion. “Whether Sir William Petty overrated the population of Ireland in 1672, it is impossible now to determine. That he did not underrate it we may consider as certan.” An Historical and Statistical Inqutry into the Progress and Magnitude of the Population of Ireland (1805), p. 89.

[1]‘165, M’ should be ‘16 M,’ and is so corrected in S.

[2]1719 omits this paragraph.

[3]This footing falls, both in S and in the first edition, in the middle of a page, where it is superfluous. It may have originated in a MS. which was the arche-type of S as well as of the first edition. Cf. note 4, p. 145.

[1]‘2,000,000’ appears to be a misprint for ‘200,000,’ the reading of S. But on p. 142 Petty found 300,000 ‘Non-Papists’ in Ireland. See also p. 148.

[2]Cox, ‘he allows 120001 to 2000 Impotents & pag 60 [of the MS., p. 189 of this ed.] but 80001.’

[1]Had Petty adopted Graunt's table [Observations, ch. XI.] without modification, his figures would have been 704, 440, 275, 176, 110, 66, 33. The figures actually used correspond more nearly to the probable mortality of Ireland at the time, but there is no indication of the reasons which led Petty to substitute them for Graunt's (or his own) 'six mean proportional numbers.’

[2]

[3]Cox, ‘6,000,000 of black Cattle or their equivalent is more yn all Ireland will feed vide pag 42’ [of the MS., p. 175 of this ed.].

[4]This line stands at the top of folio 10 in S and repeats the total (‘220,000,’ one line above) from the bottom of folio 9 (misnumbered 13). In the first edition both lines fall (as here) in the middle of a page where they are superfluous. Cf. note 3, p. 143.

[5]Cox, 'smiths 15000 and their servts but 7500: whereas of all Trades Smiths doe most need a servt to help: It is indeed a two handed trade yt cannot be without a servt: ergo there should be as many Servts as Smiths.’ But Petty allows a servant to each smith, though none to the smiths’ wives.

[1]Cox, ‘Workers of Wool & their wives are x times as many as are computed it being comon for one bagmaker to Imploy 1000 Spinners weavers &c. There are also three times as many Carpenters and Masons as he mentions.’

[2]S, 1691, ‘331,600,’ 1719, ‘364,600,’ which is the correct footing.

[3]Making the corrections indicated, Petty's ‘employments’ foot up to £2,384,833. 6s. 8d. as against £2,380,000 of employments required.

[1]Cox, ‘The calculacon of ye number of Ministers from Number of Auditors is very Strange because they may live at such distance yt tis impossible to attend them, for example in Kerry, phaps there are not above 500 prot & yet one Minister could never suply ye Cure, yt is visit ye sick, Christen, bury &c.’

[2]The amount is wanting in all editions.

[3]1719, ‘13 or 14.’ In margin of S, ‘about 180007 square miles in Ireland.’ The version of the second ed., therefore, probably represents Petty's intention.

[1]Another punctuation may be suggested, VIZ. ‘I conceive that 80 M. of them have in 20 years encreased by Generation, 70 M. by return of banished and expelled English as also by the access of new ones, 80 M. of New Scots, and 20 M. of returned Irish, being [in] all 250 M.’

[2]Cox, ‘If in anno 52 there were 850000 inhabitants, 130000 were Eng 20000 Scots & 700000 Ir: & in anno 72: 1100000 of all sorts y° Ir have encreasd 60000: y° Eng 100000 and y° Scots 80000: it will follow by y° same rule of proportion viz yt they encrease a 25th every x year by generation yt in ann 1687 they are as followeth.

But if to this be added yt in these 15 years (sic) last past, at least 35000 Eng. have come from Engld and the plantations to settle in Ir, & yt 42500 Scotts have come in y° same time, & yt at least 60000 Ir have in yt time gone to Clergy War Service Travail &c. then at this day there will be found in Ireland—Ir 800000 Eng 250000 Scotts 150000 and soe y° Ir are but just double y° Number of y° brittish.’ Cox arrives at the distribution of population in 1652 by assuming that the 80000 increase by generation is confined to the Irish. Petty returns to his calculation in the Dialogue appended to the Treatise of Ireland.

[1]

[2]Cox, ‘If y° Ir in 1641 were to y° Eng as 11 to 2. & in all 1466000: then the Ir were 1199450 and ye Eng were 266550: and since it is notorious yt 100000 Eng did not survive ye first year of ye wars, I cannot find any error in their Calculaction yt say 166550 Brittish were massacred yt yeare, and I am sure if there be any difficulty in proving yt Assertion, it will be in yt part of it yt says there were 266550 Brittish in Ir in 1641.

‘Besides his way of Computation is this: In 1641 there were 266550 Brittish in 1652 there were left above 150000 ergo there were destroyed but 112000 to which I answer yt besides the Brittish in Ireland there came above 150000 Eng & Scotts into Ireland before y° year (52) which being added to his 112000 doe manifest that there were in all 262000 Brittish pished in ye late war whereof 150000 being massacred in ye first year there will remain our Authors 11200 for ye rest of y rebellion:

‘Moreover his Computacion supposes yt y 150000 brittish liveing in 1652 were part of those liveing in 1641; whereas revera ¾ of ye Brittish in 1652 were the Army and others yt had newly come out of Eng & Scottland & their children y very army as this gent says besides wives and children being 35000.’

[1]

[2]S, ‘double the number sometimes.’

[1]

[1]S, ‘300 M. 000.’ Cox, ‘That ye Ir were but 300000 in ye time of H. 2. I doe not believe, nor is yt method of computaction convincing for if 200 years agoe there were but half as many as now, & 200 years before but half yt number again & soe on, it would follow yt 1000 years agoe there were but of ye people now living.’

[1]Cox, ‘he says Ir had no monument of Learning &c, to which I oppose ye Noted Verse in Cambden Brittania 2d pte (68:): Motus amore patrum et commot9 amore legendi Venit ad hibernos Sophia (mirabile) claros.’

[2]A discoverie of the true causes why Ireland was neuer entirely subdued nor brought under Obedience of the Crowne of England untill the Beginning of his Majesties happy Raigne. Printed for John Iaggard, dwelling within the Temple Bar, at the Signe of the Hand and Star. 1612. 4° Frequently reprinted.

[3]14 & 15 Charles II, c. 2, Ireland.

[1]A comma here in the 1719 edition.

[2]No comma in S.

[3]Cox, ‘It is a paradox that ffrance could not be advantagd by ye acquisition of Ireland not intelligible to me, since our Author allows Ireland abounds in harbours and other conveiencyes of Trade, but what is more, it is so scituate yt it could at any time destroy ye Trade of Engld if in ye hands of a Potent or a Pyraticall enemy, and without those considerations, we know yt being well managd it is able to supply the Crowne of Engld with men money and other conveniences, & is since our Author wrote become an additional strength to Engld.’

[1]Perhaps an allusion to the “digression” in chap. IV. of the Polit. Arith. Petty was working upon the Polit. Arith. in 1671, although he did not complete it until after the Polit. Anat.

[2]S, ‘2. Whereas.’

[1]Cox, ‘The expedient of Transmutacon is mistaken in ye sex, for if a million of women were married to as many poor Ir, it is certain they would degenerate into meer Irish & yt in a few years, experience proves my Assertion; besides in reason it must be soe, for women unless elevated by education and a principle of honr are less virtuous than men, yt is they are more easy & sooner allured by temptation or frightened by anything yt is like terrible, they are naturally more slothfull and love their ease, besides ye Irish naturally lord it over their wives & are not soe uxorious as we Eng but if a number of young boys were exchanged yearly it would do wt our Author designs for boys bred after ye English manner would not marry but with women soe bred, wherefore ye Ir women would betake themselves to Eng service to qualify themselves for such husbands.’

[1]This scheme is further elaborated in the Treatise of Ireland.

[2]S, ‘my disobedience’; 1719, ‘any Disobedience.’ It is not clear to what disobedience of his own Petty here refers. His arrest by order of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland took place to Feby. 1677. Fitzmaurice, 170.

[1]S, ‘into.’

[2]Cf. Fitzmaurice, 247.

[3]‘we should do to’ is not in S.

[4]S, ‘libe and.’

[5]By 15 Charles II., c. 7 (1663) a duty so high as to be practically prohibitive had been placed upon the importation of Irish cattle between I July and 20 December. On 18 October, 1665 a bill was introduced into the House of Commons prohibiting the importation of Irish cattle entirely. On the 20th it was advanced to a second reading and a public hearing before a committee was set for the 21st. Petty appeared with others against the measure, but they were refused a copy of the bill or even a list of its chief heads. They might hear it read once and immediately speak against it. The protesters declined to speak unprepared in a matter of such moment and prayed for delay that the Lord Lieutenant might be consulted. Delay was refused and the bill was ordered to be engrossed on the twenty-third. H. C. four., VIII. 617, 619, 620. Before the Lord's committee Petty appeared two or three times in opposition to the measure and sufficient delay was there secured to prevent its passage before the prorogation of Parliament, 31 October, 1665. Lord E. Fitzmaurice, who had MS. memoranda, says that the substance of Petty's argument is reproduced in ch. x. of the Polit. Anat. (p. 185post). Life, 142. It seems possible that some part of his argument was also printed at the time, as Thomas Thorpe had, in 1842, a printed sheet of Observations on the Irish Cattle Trade, which he attributed to Petty. Thorpe's Catalogue, 1842, no. 5597. The 27 November, 1667, a petition from Chester was presented in the House of Commons alleging infractions of 15 Charles II., c.7 and calling for a more stringent enactment. H.C. Jour., IX. 26–27. A bill was accordingly introduced 9 December and passed, after violent debate, the 2 March, 1668, declaring the importation from beyond seas of any great cattle, sheep or swine, or any beef, pork or bacon or of any ling, herring, cod, pilchard, salmon, eels or congers taken by foreigners aliens to the kingdom of England to be a nuisance. Such imports were therefore to be seized and sold for the benefit of the informer and of the poor of the parish. The debate in the House of Lords was even more violent then than in the Commons, and the bill was returned, 18 March, 1668, with amendments which were agreed to 30 March,—18 & 19 Charles II., c. 2. On the history of these measures see Parl. Hist., IV. 337–347, Clarendon's Life, P. 959 seq., Carte, Ormond, II. 317–323, 329–338, Fitzmaurice, 140–142.

[1]S, ‘hinder.’

[1]1719, ‘One sixth.’

[2]S, ‘and…… other Peers.’

[1]The complaints against the presidential court of Munster are alluded to by Carte, Ormond, II. 369.

[2]S, ‘lands.’

[1]S, ‘by 21 Bishops, Arch Deacons…. Deans.’

[2]S, ‘12 or 20.’

[3]S, ‘Regular.’

[4]S, ‘12 or 20 Lay-Patriots.’

[1]S, ‘at this time about…. commoners.’

[2]The Dublin “Fraternity of Physicians”; founded by Dr John Stearne in 1654 was incorporated by Royal Charter in 1667 as “The President and Fellows of the College of Physicians in Dublin.” In this first charter fourteen Fellows were nominated, the first of whom, Dr Stearne, was appointed President for life, and ‘the next on the list was the celebrated Sir William Petty,’ who had been a member of the Fraternity from its first organization. In 1692 the College received a new Charter under its present name. Register of the King's and Queen's College of Physicians in Ireland (1865), pp. 5,6,91.

[3]Probably the hospital on Oxmantown-Green, officially “The Hospital and Free School of King Charles the Second, Dublin.” Towards the support of this hospital Petty gave £20 per annum out of £321. 2s. II½d. so contributed. Narrative and Account concerning the Hospital on Oxmantown Green. Published for the Satisfaction of the Subscribers, 1671. Now Republished by Charles Lucas, Dublin, 1749. Petty's gift was made after 15 Jany., 1670, as his name does not appear in the list of “Benefactors or Subscribers for the Hospital,” of that date, printed by Gilbert, Calendar, IV. 492–494.

[1]This paragraph may have been inserted after the completion of the Polit. Anat., which occurred in 1672 or 1673. An Account of the Founding of the Royal Hospital of Charles II. near Dublin for the Relief and Maintenance of Antient and Infirm Officers and Soldiers Serving in the Army of Ireland. [By Thomas Wilson.] Dublin, 1713, says that from the example of Louis XIV. in establishing the Hôtel des Invalides ‘first sprung the Notion of Building the Like in this Kingdom, which was happily Entertain'd at first by the Earl of Granard…. in or about the Year 1675.’ Granard communicated with the Lord Lieutenant, Essex, but nothing came of the matter until the arrival of Ormond in 1677. On 27 October, 1679 Ormond wrote to the King in favour of the proposed hospital, and an order for its endowment was accordingly given at the Council Chamber, 27 February, 1680. The building was erected 1680–1686. Pp. 4–15.

[1]Cox, ‘If ye Irish yt are vested take part with ye divested (as our Author says) then the true distinction of factions is Eng & Ir or rather Papist & Antipapist & not Vested and divested: and indeed since there are not above 3000 freeholders in Ireland ye notions of vested & divested cannot denominate factions yt are more generall and 100 times more Numerous.’

[2]S omits ‘they.’

[1]S, 'sherif.’

[1]S, ‘remaining 100 M.’

[2]S, 1719 Insert ‘fit.’

[1]S, ‘Cabbins, men slavishly bred.’

[1]S, ‘NEly.’

[2]S, ‘NEly to N & W.’

[1]In the margin of S, ‘A sheep weighs 80lb.’

[2]1719, ‘56l.’

[3]1719, ‘784l.’

[4]1719, ‘560l.’

[5]1719, ‘84l.’

[1]1719 inserts ‘The Offal about 60l,’ and sums up ‘In all 784l or 7 C.wt.’

[2]1719, ‘Consequently the said Ox gaineth in weight one year with another near 1301.’

[3]1719 omits this paragraph.

[4]S, ‘above…. sheep.’

[1]Chap. XII. discusses the diet of the inhabitants of Ireland.

[2]S, 1719, ‘2½.’

[3]S, ‘remains (½ a million being allow'd for all other Cattle, beasts, and Vermine) 5½ Millions.’

[1]In 1616 Mr Alderman Proby and Mr Matthias Springham, sent from London to report upon the condition of Derry, “continued Mr Thomas Raven as surveyor for two years more, holding his services necessary for measuring and setting out the fortifications of Derry and Culmore.” Ordnance Survey of the County of Londonderry, i. 40. Raven accordingly directed the building of the walls of Londonderry in 1617. Hempton, The Siege and History of Londonderry, 327.

[2]Petty's History of the Down Survey, 54–62, 325–27, 346, 393; Hardinge, “On MS. mapped and other Townland Surveys in Ireland of a public Character, embracing the Gross, Civil and Down Surveys, from 1640 to 1688,” in Trans. Roy. Irish Acad., vol. XXlV. Antiquities (1873), pp. 3–118.

[3]See Hardinge “On MS. mapped Townland Surveys,” in Proc. R. I. A., viii. 39, 54.

[4]On Petty's surveys and maps see Introduction, and note on p. 6; also Petty's History, Hardinge, loc. cit., and Fitzmaurice, chap. ii.

[1]By 17 Charles I., c. 34, Scobell, I. 26.

[2]Probably in accordance with c. 12, Acts of 1653. Scobell, ii. 240, 242.

[3]Many of the records were destroyed by the fire in the Council office in Essex Street, 1711. Report from the Commissioners respecting the Public Records of Ireland, 1810–1815, pp. 400, 541 et passim.

[4]Probably a reference to c. 32, Acts of 1654, which imposed upon Ireland an assessment of £10,000 per month, together with the same excise and customs as in England, and temporarily remitted quit-rents upon the lands granted to adventurers and soldiers. Scobell, II. 313.

[1]S, ‘to ascertain a gift.’

[2]S, ‘restoration, there.’

[3]Acts of 1656, c. 25 laid an assessment of £9000 per month upon Ireland for three years from 24 June, 1657. Scobell, II. 491; valuations of the several counties of Ireland, pp. 496–497.

[4]14 & 15 Charles II., c. 16, Ireland. Cf. p. 2.

[5]Perhaps 13 Charles I., c. I, An Act for the speedy raising of money for his Majesty's service. “Search has been made for this act in the Rolls, but it is not to be found.” Irish Statutes at Large, ii. 235.

[1]S, ‘well assur'd.’

[2]Cox, ‘The computation of ye value of land p 15[Edidor: illegible] for every inhabitant is very strange and can have noe certainty nor pbability—for Example Typerary has not more people in it twice than the Barony of Carbury, but it is 40 times yt value p ann. & is for ye most pte kept under sheep, & therefore thinly inhabited.’

[3]

[4]The Table was probably omitted from the original MS. and the copyist of S left no space for it.

[1]S omits ‘there.’

[1]S, ‘is more particular, stand thus.’

[2]‘If’ begins a sentence in S.

[1]S, ‘Ml.’

[2]See note 5, p. 160.

[1]S, ‘disturbed thereby, upon.’

[2]Ruding says that in 1667 cobs were bought in England for 4s. 3d. and sold in Ireland for 5s., which led to attempts to change their value. Annals, II. 13–16, also Fabian Philipps's “Expedient to pay the Forces,” 4. July, 1667, in Archaeologia, XIII. 185, 191. The proposition to raise foreign corn was for some time opposed in London (Carte, II. 342), but on the 31 August, 1672, the royal consent was obtained for raising Portuguese crusadoes to 3s. 10 d. for full weight coins. On 12 May, 1673, Essex wrote to Arlington, “we have had severall debates in Councell about ye raising ye value of Spanish money here. There has bin great difference of opinion amongst men of all sorts.” State Papers, Ireland, Charles II., 333. For his own part, Essex could not see how calling money more will induce men to take it above its intrinsic value, nor how a kingdom can be made to abound with silver save by a favourable balance of trade. Nevertheless he issued proclamations raising coin on the 28 July and the 17 October, 1673, and finally, 26 July, 1675, a proclamation was issued forbiding the exportation of coin. Simon, Essay, 52–53, 133–137; Capel Letters, 74, 83–89, and Essex's unprinted letters at the Record Office, S.P. Irel., Charles II., 333–334. Cf. also Sir W. Temple, Advancement of Trade in Ireland, 22 July, 1673, in his Works (1770), III. 9.

[1]Cox, ‘is mistaken & phaps is ye fault of ye Clerk: for one reason why Cobbs should be raysd to 5[Editor: illegible] is because yt would rayse ex8 to 20 p cent or higher, and which ye Ir Nobility & gentry being loath to pay, would rather returne and spend their estates in Ireld.’

[2]S, ‘estimated but.’

[3]1719, ‘part, ‘twas.’

[1]In the margin of S stands'q’ in the hand of the copyist. Petty.obviously means 1d. per capita per diem.

[1]S, ‘4l’; 1691, 1719, ‘4s.’

[2]A differing estimate above. See note 2, p. 144.

[3]S has a half page blank after ‘Discipline.’

[1]S omits ‘that.’

[2]The market to the north and east had been tested in 1667 by the shipment of live cattle to Rotterdam, but it was found that they could not be delivered there so cheap as the Dutch could be supplied with them from Holstein. Carte, Ormond, II. 341.

[3]S omits ‘which.’

[1]S omits ‘it.’

[1]‘But’ begins a paragraph in S.

[2]No paragraph in S.

[1]Cox, ‘It is difficult to prove that there can be too much money in a Kingdome.’

[2]S, ‘If suppose.’

[3]S, ‘and sent.’

[4]S, ‘or.’

[1]1719 inserts ‘Hutts.’

[2]1719, ‘yet.’ The copyist of S may have misread Petty's ‘yt.’

[3]1719 omits ‘Vecture.’

[4]1719 omits ‘though diminish'd.’

[1]Cf. Carte's Ormond, ii. 368–371.

[1]S omits ‘this.’

[1]S, 1719, ‘to.’

[2]The promised tables, omitted from S and from both editions, have not been recovered.

[1]P. 149.

[2]P. 142.

[3]1 Tim. i.4.

[1]S, ‘of.’

[1]Chapter XI. p. 191.

[2]No paragraph in S.

[3] Cf. the similar opinion of Sir W. Temple, Observations upon the United Provinces (1673), p. 188, also Temple's Works (1770), 1. 184.

[4]S omits ‘the.’

[1]S, ‘English for leases for.’

[2]S omits ‘he.’ The passage may be made approximately intelligible: ‘It is [rather] their interest that he is well-pleased with their Obedience to him, when [etc. to] estates, than to believe [etc. to] hereafter. ‘Tis their interest’ [etc.].

[1]Cox, ‘It is allowed by all antiquarys yt Scotland was peopled from Ireland & therefore calld Scotia minor: And ye names of (firbolg or Belgi) and (Tuahde-danaan or Damnonii) which inhabited Cornwall and other ptes of England doe manifest yt those people wch first dwelt in Ireland came from Engld.’

[2]1719 omits ‘than… aforementioned.’

[1] So in S. Conjectural emendation, ‘be that their Powers are.’ 1719, ‘be their Powers were.’

[2] Cox, ‘It is not soe yt ye Chanr has an equall power to ye Ld Leivt: nor did our Author ascribe it to him for any other cause then to ridicule ye exorbitant power yt he thought was usd by that court to his prejudice in several causes which occasioned him thus to chant

• Heu ruimus cives, ingens succure Michael
• Nam tu Archangelus atque Archepiscopus es.’

On Petty's trouble with ‘the two chanceries’ see Fitzmaurice, 169–172.

[1]In the margin of S, ‘q’; after ‘viz.’ several lines blank.

[2]S, ‘waned.’

[3]No paragraph in S.

[1]S, ‘horsemens-beds.’

[2]A term so indefinite that by acts of 4, 8 and 9 Anne a grand jury was to determine whether a specific parish had plough-lands, and was obliged in consequence to work the roads, or not. Mountmorres, Hist. of the Irish Parliament, II. 126–127.

[3]In S these paragraphs are transposed.

[3]In S these paragraphs are transposed.

[4]Prendergast, Cronrwellian Settlement, 2d. ed., 44 n.

[5]From this point, where ‘Denominations’ is corrected from ‘Demesnes,’ to the end of the MS. occasional blanks left by the copyist of S are filled in by a hand which I take to be Petty's.

[6]S, ‘book.’

[7]1719, ‘that some Person or Persons who can rightly comprehend the names of all publick Denominations according as they are spelled in the atest Grants, should be appointed by Authority.’

[1]S, ‘denomination.’

[2]S, ‘Although I know almost nothing of the Irish Tongue, yet I have collected the following Words, by the composure of which one with another the Names of most lands in Ireland are constituted, vizt.

The Dictionary.’ This paragraph, not printed in A or B, is followed in S by a large blank space.

[1]S, ‘Mackenbuoy.’ The last three letters added in Petty's hand.

[2]Fitzmaurice says that Petty had iron and copper works at Kenmare. P. 149.

[3]‘Petty in his writings makes mention of Allum Works having been formerly erected in this county. But in what particular part of it I could never learn.’ Charles Smith, Antient and present State of the County of Kerry (1758), p. 398.

[4]Cox, ‘That ye Clothing Trade is not arrived to wt it was before ye rebellion, is certainly a mistake now, what ever it was in 1672.’

[5]S, ‘where…. Tuns.’

[6]S, ‘and…. in one season.’

[1]See the Note to the Observations upon the Dublin Bills.

[2]Robert Wood was born at Pepper Harrow near Godalming, Surrey, about 1622. He was educated at Eton and at New Inn Hall, Oxford, and became B.A. of Merton College in 1647. He was a parliamentary fellow of Lincoln, a ‘retainer’ of Henry Cromwell in Ireland and a frequenter of the Rota club. It is therefore probable that Petty and he had been long acquainted. He became mathematical master at Christ's Hospital School, and subsequently accountant general of revenue in Ireland, and contributed several papers to the Philos. Trans. Wood, Athena Oxon., 11. 780; Burroughs, Register, 508; Foster, Alumni Oxon.; Fitzmaurice, 264. Since Petty failed to give the promised diagram “it is not known what particular quality of the circle is here referred to as demonstrated by” Wood.—General Larcom in Petty's Hist. of the Down Survey, 323.

[3]In S half a page is left blank, apparently for the insertion of the diagram.

[1]State Papers, Ireland, Charles II., vol. 337.

[2]Cf. Fifteenth Report Hist. MSS. Com., appendix, pt. II., p. 317, also pp. 2, 153, 175, 176, 180, 181.

[1]H omits ‘at.’

[2]A lower estimate than that made in 1672. See p. 187.

[3]H had ‘300,000,’ altered by Petty to ‘1,1001000.’

[1]Later estimates of the houses in Dublin are made in the Observations and the Further Observations upon the Dublin Bills.

[1]H, ‘House-Rents.’

[2]H, ‘the.’

[3]H, Petty substituted ‘Forces’ for a word which he blotted, perhaps 'scores.’

[4]Probably an allusion to the farm of the Irish revenues which expired Christmas, 1675, and to the new farm concluded in December of that year. See Essex to the Lords Justices, 4 December, 1675, in the Capel Letters, 418.

[1]H, ‘Wall.’

[1]H, ‘Garden.’

[2]17 & 18 Charles II., c. 9, Ireland, An Act for the Advancement of the Trade of Linen Manufacture, provided that tenants of cabins outside cities should have not less than one Irish acre of land each, and sow one eighth part of it with hemp or flax.

[3]H, ‘little above 2000,’ altered by Petty to ‘about 3000.’ The correction obviously represents Petty's intention for he goes on to speak of 500 requisite and “25 Hundred superfluous Churchmen.” Cf. also p. 164.

[4]H, ‘Manufacture.’ The blunder was not corrected by Petty.

[1]H has ‘a’ inserted by Petty.

[2]H, ‘Tythes,’ corrected by Petty to ‘Titles.’

[1]H, ‘nor suffered.’

[2]H, ‘bring.’

[3]H, ‘Ireland.’ The blunder was not corrected by Petty.

[1]See note 2, p. 186.

[2]H, ‘we estimate.’

[3]? successfully.

[4] H, ‘The.’

[5]H, ‘bound,’ altered by Petty to ‘forced.’

[1] H, ‘and’ is inserted by Petty.

[2]20 Charles II., c. 20, Ireland.

[1]In H Petty inserted after ‘Penalty,’ ‘viz. of Nine Pence per Sunday payable by the Statute; and likewisé to make.’

[2]See note 2, p. 218.

[3]H, ‘Finis. Dublin, 24 March, 1676.’

[1]The long descriptive title was probably supplied by Lord Shelburne; neither the Southwell, the Rawlmson, nor the Sloane MS. has it. In line six ‘Manufacture’ should be ‘Manufactures,’ an ‘s’ has dropped out.

[1]Sir Josias (not John) Bodley, youngest brother of the founder of the Bodleian Library, born about 1550, was engaged in military service in Ireland before 1600, and was employed in 1605 on fortifications in Munster. In 1609 the survey for the Ulster plantation was intrusted to him, with others, and was ably performed. He died, probably, in January, 1618.