The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Illustrations
• Foreword
• Preface
• Acknowledgments
• Part I: Family Life and Early Background
• Chapter 1: An American Family
• Chapter 2: Origins
• Chapter 3: Youth and Experience
• Chapter 4: Initiation Into Politics
• Chapter 5: The Early Years, 1894–1900
• Chapter 6: Entering the Business World
• Chapter 7: The Early Years, 1901–1916
• Part II: James P. Goodrich the Consummate Politician
• Chapter 8: The Political Years
• Chapter 9: The 1916 Campaign
• Chapter 10: Years As Governor, 1917–1921
• Chapter 11: The Middle Years, 1916–1923
• Chapter 12: The Great Russian Famine, 1921–1923
• Chapter 13: Emissary to Russia
• Chapter 14: Return to Russia, 1925
• Part III: Businessmen With the Midas Touch
• Chapter 15: The 1920s
• Chapter 16: The 1930s
• Chapter 17: Companies! Companies! Companies!
• Chapter 18: Ayrshire Collieries Corporation
• Chapter 19: The Ecologist
• Chapter 20: The Later Years, 1940–1960
• Chapter 21: The Later Years, 1960–1973
• Part IV: Pierre F. Goodrich Crusader and Philosopher
• Chapter 22: Associations and Causes
• Chapter 23: Wabash College
• Chapter 24: The Mont Pelerin Society
• Chapter 25: A Scholar’s Life
• Chapter 26: Education In a Free Society
• Chapter 27: Moral, Political, and Metaphysical Beliefs
• Chapter 28: Why Liberty?
• Chapter 29: Liberty Fund, Inc.
• Part V: The Goodriches Assayed
• Chapter 30: Who Was Pierre F. Goodrich?
• Chapter 31: Defining Influences
• Chapter 32: Why Did They Work So Hard? Work, Ideas, Citizenship, and Virtue
• Chapter 33: Epilogue
• Appendixes

Chapter 10

Years as Governor, 1917–1921

No sooner had he been elected governor in November 1916 than James Goodrich “was besieged upon every hand by persons who wished to receive appointments in [his] administration.”1 He put off filling most positions until after the General Assembly had met in the winter and early spring of 1917. Soon afterward, however, Goodrich made appointments that filled two of the most important offices in his administration: Fred Sims, state Republican chairman after Goodrich, was appointed chairman of the Board of Tax Commissioners; and Ernest Lewis, a reporter who had covered Goodrich’s campaign for the Indianapolis Star, was selected as chairman of the Public Service Commission. In almost all departments, Goodrich advocated a nonpartisan makeup of employees. He believed that many members of the previous administration—that of Democrat Samuel Ralston—had done a competent job, and he saw no need to replace them.2

At noon on January 8, James Goodrich was administered the oath of office by Moses B. Lairy, chief justice of the Supreme Court of Indiana. The new governor’s inaugural address immediately followed, and it reflected his no-nonsense approach to governing. He stated that the number-one goal of his four-year term would be “efficiency and economy” in the administration of the state’s duties. He proceeded to prove it by the brevity of his remarks: Goodrich’s entire inaugural address was not five minutes long.5 Moreover, in order to devote all of his energies to his new position, Goodrich had announced that he would not host an inaugural ball.6

On the afternoon of his inauguration, Goodrich did allow himself a longer time to address the General Assembly, a full thirty-six minutes. He outlined the plans of his administration: abolishing the oil inspection department, the state’s statistician department, and several minor departments; creating a highway commission, a conservation commission, and banking and insurance commissions; amending the workmen’s compensation laws and providing for absentee balloting; and making several offices, such as those of state geologist and superintendent of schools, appointive rather than elective. One of his most pressing concerns was to overhaul the unjust tax system, making it more equitable between real property owners and owners of nontangible property.7

While both parties generally favored the recommendations, some Democrats were afraid that all of the consolidations might result in giving the state’s top executive too much appointive power. These few Democrats had reason to be concerned. During his gubernatorial campaign speeches, Goodrich had repeatedly shouted the slogan, “You give me the power and I’ll be responsible for the results.”8 Goodrich recalled that Democratic-leaning newspapers were even more “venomous” in attacking his policies, referring to him as a “would-be Czar with a desire to centralize in the hands of the Governor complete control of the state’s affairs.”9

There was no official governor’s residence in Indianapolis when Goodrich took office. Therefore, James and Cora arranged somewhat makeshift accommodations. During their four years in the state’s capital, they lived in three different Indianapolis locations: 1828 North Meridian Street (1917); 2710 Sutherland Avenue (1918–19), and the Claypool Hotel (1920–21).10 Despite James’s hectic schedule, there was hardly a Sunday that he missed traveling back to Winchester, a distance of some eighty miles, to teach his men’s Sunday school class at the Presbyterian Church. He either took the Saturday evening train back to Winchester, during which time he would work on his lesson, or drove from Indianapolis on the poor roads between the capital and his hometown.

During the first session of the General Assembly, a prohibition bill had been passed and Goodrich had signed it. An excise tax on corporations promoted by Goodrich, however, was defeated in the senate by “men of small mind and narrow vision,” Goodrich claimed.11 Similarly, Democrats defeated Goodrich’s plan to abolish the oil inspector’s position, a position that employed sixty-seven inspectors around the state in what Goodrich considered totally useless government jobs. Since it was the Democratic members of the senate who defeated the bill, Goodrich did not hesitate to force the existing chief oil inspector to resign. Goodrich alleged that he had evidence of repeated graft by the chief oil inspector and threatened to see him prosecuted if he did not leave “voluntarily.” The governor replaced him with Carl Mote, a Randolph County native who had served as Goodrich’s press secretary during his gubernatorial campaign. Mote subsequently fired the remaining oil inspectors—all Democrats—and replaced them with Republicans.12

While the Democratic attacks against his legislative agenda were anticipated, Republican opposition was not. The newly elected governor never enjoyed a honeymoon period with the legislature. Instead, he encountered repeated and open opposition, mostly from members of his own party. This included criticism by his own lieutenant governor, Edward Bush, a Republican.13 “Goodrich could not, however, deny that he was himself responsible for having selected Bush, a dry, to run for lieutenant governor instead of John Lewis of Seymour, a wet. ‘As it turned out,’ recalled Goodrich, ‘I would have been better off with John Lewis drunk than Ed Bush sober.’”14

Goodrich wrote about difficulty he encountered in getting the General Assembly to approve his proposals: “It was a strange situation in which I found myself. The men who had been associated with party politics ever since 1900 complimented me during the campaign on the promises made and almost invariably said that it was ‘good stuff.’ But after my inauguration, they began to express grave doubts as to the wisdom and political expedience of so many new and unusual things.”15

James Goodrich took office just three months before the United States declared war against Germany. The European conflict indelibly marked his four years in the statehouse, as he would from that time thereafter be referred to as the “war governor.” Goodrich had been opposed to the United States’ entering the war, describing himself as initially “pro-German.”16 Indeed, the nation itself and Hoosiers in particular had been greatly divided regarding which side the United States should fight on if it did enter the conflict.17 By the end of March 1917, however, Goodrich had concluded that the United States’ entry on the side of the Allied powers was the moral thing to do. He proclaimed publicly that America “can not with honor stay out any longer.”18

On the evening of April 2, President Wilson delivered his war message to Congress. Knowing that a declaration of war was imminent, Goodrich held a conference on April 5 in Indianapolis with leading farmers, grain dealers, canners, and county agents from throughout the state. An increase in food production was the foremost topic. On the following day, April 6, Congress passed the War Declaration Act and Wilson signed it. Immediately, Goodrich’s office in the statehouse was besieged by eager young men who offered themselves for service in any capacity that was needed. By June, registration of available men was 100.6 percent of the census estimate for the state prepared by the United States Department of War. By July 1918, 88,500 men from Indiana had volunteered to serve in the army and navy, on the basis of percentage of population, more than from any other state.19 By the war’s conclusion, Indiana had supplied more than 130,000 troops, of which 3,354 Indiana soldiers and 15 nurses had been killed or had died of diseases, chiefly influenza and pneumonia.20 Hoosiers of all backgrounds supported the war effort. For instance, James A. Allison, owner of the Indianapolis Motor Speedway, declared in the spring of 1917 that there would be no more Indianapolis 500 races until the war was over; he further turned over his manufacturing companies to the army to be used to produce munitions.21

Hoosiers with more modest resources also contributed significantly to the war effort. At the request of Governor Goodrich and Indiana’s mayors, Hoosiers planted 500,000 home gardens in 1917 to produce necessary vegetables and crops. Senators Harry New and James Watson sent fifty thousand packages of seeds to Hoosiers, who spaded up every available backyard and vacant lot to produce food for the “boys overseas.” The next year, 640,000 gardens were planted.22 Goodrich also signed and promoted several “Liberty Loan Proclamations” whereby he challenged Hoosiers to lend money to the government to support the war effort.23 Perhaps most important, Goodrich established a State Council of Defense Committee to organize and direct the resources of the state for national use. On May 17, 1917, Goodrich placed his good friend, Will Hays, the state Republican Party chairman, in charge of the council. It proved to be one of the most successful statewide organizations of its kind in the country.24 Within months, Indiana led every other state in terms of production, conservation, volunteers, and service abroad. The state was so successful that Newton D. Baker, secretary of war in the Woodrow Wilson administration, requested that other state councils go to Indiana and study the Hoosier council’s methods.25

Despite the large percentage of people of German ancestry in the state and nation, American citizens of German blood were ridiculed, discriminated against, and even lynched.26 In Indianapolis, most street names that were German or even German sounding were anglicized. By the winter of 1919, the state legislature, with the encouragement of the Indiana State Teachers Association, banned the teaching of German in all Indiana grade and high schools.27 James Goodrich contested the legislation, but to no effect. As governor, he was limited to issuing a proclamation outlawing any conduct directed against any citizen because of his or her ancestry.28

In the face of general criticism of Hoosiers of German ancestry, Goodrich made one of his most difficult but most successful appointments. On March 17, 1917, Goodrich named German-born Richard Lieber secretary of the Forestry Board. Lieber was later appointed director of the Indiana State Parks Committee and chairman of the Department of Conservation. Additionally, just four days after the United States declared war against Germany, Goodrich extended to Lieber the position of military secretary to the governor.29 In addition to being a native of Germany, Lieber had three brothers who were colonels in the German army. James Goodrich bestowed upon Lieber the rank of colonel. Lieber went on to become the father of Indiana’s state parks system, serving three successive governors and helping to establish and preserve some of Indiana’s most scenic and historic land: Brown County State Park (1930), Clifty Falls State Park in Jefferson County (1920), Indiana Dunes in Porter County (1925), and Mounds State Park in Madison County (1930).30

Richard Lieber was a favorite of Cora Goodrich. For example, Lieber was the only man whom Cora would allow to smoke and drink alcohol in her home. Her fondness for the colonel is evident in the fact that she brought back from a trip to Cuba a box of cigars for him and always kept fresh cigars for whenever he visited the Goodriches’ Winchester home. Like James Goodrich, Lieber was an accomplished man with diverse interests. His greatest passion was conservation. In 1908, after attending a conservation conference at the White House called by President Theodore Roosevelt, Lieber became enamored of the preservation of natural resources. He returned to Indiana, and his official conservation efforts continued in the state for the next twenty-five years. After he resigned in July 1933 as chairman of the State Conservation Commission, he served on national ecology committees. The deep friendship between the Goodriches and Lieber and his wife Emma continued long after Goodrich left the governor’s office. After James’s and Cora’s deaths, Lieber advised Pierre in the early 1940s on conservation measures in association with the Ayrshire Collieries Corporation.31

Despite the numerous state issues that the new governor had to contend with, it was the European war that most concerned James Goodrich in the spring of 1917. He agonized over how best to support the boys overseas. Finally, knowing that the nation was experiencing an emergency, Goodrich made an appeal to all county commissioners, township trustees, school boards, merchants, and mayors to suspend building contracts until the war was over. In the meantime, however, the Wilson administration had advocated “business as usual.” Goodrich called the president to explain that he was “satisfied that the country could not carry on its business as usual [policy] and wage a war at the same time.”32

Goodrich added that the matter did not extend to construction contracts alone, but to the production of energy as well. Goodrich attempted to get the coal companies to commit to a fixed price for coal; demand had increased as much as 30 percent since the war had begun, and there was a fairly broad sentiment by coal operators, according to Goodrich, that this was a prime opportunity to maximize coal profits. Goodrich was in an embarrassing situation himself because he had, at the time, a large interest in two coal companies. He met with the coal operators of Indiana on June 15, 1917, asking them to make sacrifices. On July 9, he met in Bloomington, Indiana, with William Jennings Bryan, the former Democratic presidential candidate. He sought Bryan’s support to encourage President Wilson to fix a fair price for coal. Dissatisfied with his long-distance communications with the president, on July 16 Goodrich traveled to Washington, D.C. He first testified before the Interstate Commerce Commission and then held a private meeting with Wilson. He urged the president “to use his influence with the Congress . . . to pass a law regulating and reducing the price of coal.”33

On his return to Indiana at the end of July, Goodrich put all his efforts into governing the state and assisting the State Council of Defense in its efforts to raise resources for the war. Goodrich maintained a grueling schedule, and after he had been in office less than eight months, his health began to deteriorate. In August 1917, he contracted typhoid fever after visiting a northern Indiana prison.34 His condition was severely worsened when he contracted pneumonia. For several weeks, the governor was bedridden at Methodist-Episcopal Hospital in Indianapolis, at times bordering on death.35 He finally recovered after returning to Winchester in October and then spending a month in convalescence in Florida along the Gulf of Mexico.36

Back in the statehouse on November 26, Goodrich pursued his official duties. For the next several months, the state’s coal shortage occupied much of his time. On January 22, 1918, he again traveled to Washington, D.C., this time testifying before the Senate. There, Indiana’s governor claimed that the coal crisis was really a transportation crisis caused by the shortage of railroad cars and engines.37

Unfortunately, Goodrich’s attention to the state’s problems kept being diverted by personal crises. Three weeks earlier, on December 29, 1917, James’s mother, Elizabeth Edger Goodrich, died of heart failure in Winchester after a very brief illness. A little more than a year before her death, in October 1916, Mrs. Goodrich donated twenty acres of land to Winchester. In consideration of the gift, the town was to maintain the land as a park in the name of Mrs. Goodrich’s deceased husband, John B. Goodrich, and to impose a levy that generated at least nine hundred dollars annually for that purpose. The gift was bequeathed on the condition that alcohol would not be sold on the parkland and that no activities would be allowed on Sundays with the exception of religious, charitable, or educational entertainments.38

After his mother’s death, the governor’s own misfortunes continued as well. Almost exactly one year after his bout with typhoid, James Goodrich was in an automobile accident in Indianapolis. On the evening of August 28, 1918, Goodrich attended a dinner party, hosted by Dr. Amelia Keller, for a number of medical officers who were going abroad. Shortly after he left the party in his car, he was struck by a streetcar and critically injured. At the time of the mishap, Pierre was a second lieutenant stationed at the quartermaster depot in Jeffersonville, Indiana. He came immediately to Indianapolis to be with his father at St. Vincent’s Hospital. The governor had fractures of the hip, skull, ribs, and collarbone and experienced internal bleeding. Although Goodrich made a relatively quick recovery, his left leg was placed in a cast for several weeks. He had to walk with the aid of a cane for the rest of his life.39

The large victory of the Republican Party in Indiana in the 1916 election had given Will Hays a certain mystique in Republican circles throughout the country. Hays had achieved phenomenal success in returning Progressive Party supporters (Bull Moosers) to the Grand Old Party. For instance, whereas 162,000 Hoosiers had voted for the Bull Moose presidential candidate, Theodore Roosevelt, in the 1912 election, fewer than 4,000 voted for the Progressive Party candidate in 1916. Similarly, the Republican Party had garnered 190,000 more votes for presidential candidate Charles Evans Hughes in 1916 than it had for William Howard Taft in 1912. “Immediately there were calls for Hays to consult with national leaders to determine how the Indiana magic could be worked nationally.”40

Goodrich recognized that Hays had an excellent chance of gaining the national chairmanship of the Republican Party when the position became available at the end of 1917. Hays’s name had been mentioned for the position ever since the 1916 election. Goodrich personally lobbied every influential Republican he knew to support Hays’s candidacy.41 In November he traveled to New York and met with Theodore Roosevelt. According to Goodrich, Roosevelt agreed to support Hays. The former president started contacting “men by long distance all over the country, men who would respond to any request he made.”42 Over the years, Goodrich and Roosevelt had established a political and personal friendship. For instance, when Goodrich had met with President Wilson the preceding July in Washington, D.C., he traveled on to New York City at Roosevelt’s invitation. There, Goodrich met with the former president at the Harvard Club. At that time, Roosevelt discussed with Goodrich his plans to raise a military division and lead it into France. In a highly controversial and public decision, President Wilson rebuffed Roosevelt’s offer.43

With regard to Hays’s candidacy for chairmanship of the national Republican Party, Goodrich also lobbied Albert Beveridge. Beveridge had rejoined the Republican Party in June 1916 after having left it in 1911 to become a highly prominent leader of the Bull Moose Party. Beveridge was asked by Goodrich to solicit Roosevelt and others on behalf of Hays. Once Roosevelt’s support was obtained, the former president lobbied other influential Republicans across the country. Roosevelt’s efforts were not totally selfless. He had plans to seek the 1920 Republican presidential nomination. He knew that if he helped Hays, Hays could be counted on to return the favor.

The strong lobbying effort paid off. On February 13, 1918, Hays was elected to the top national Republican position. Hays, just thirty-eight, was the youngest Republican National Committee chairman up to that time. Hays resigned his position as chairman of the Indiana Council on Defense on February 21, and Goodrich was forced to name a successor. Concerned that the subsequent appointment not be seen as solely partisan, Goodrich appointed a top Democrat, Michael Foley.44

Within weeks, Goodrich had to contend with one of the most controversial issues ever to be debated and acted upon in the United States—prohibition. At midnight on March 30, 1918, the sale, transportation, and consumption of alcoholic beverages in Indiana were prohibited by state legislation. Immediately, 3,500 Indiana taverns and saloons were closed, 547 of them in Indianapolis alone. By January 1919, the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution, outlawing the sale and consumption of alcohol nationally, had been ratified. Fifteen years later, in 1933, the amendment was repealed, replaced by the Twenty-first Amendment.

Before his automobile accident, James Goodrich had been pressed by his brother Percy to ask Will Hays to be the keynote speaker at the National Hay Association’s annual convention in Chicago. Percy Goodrich was president of the national agricultural organization. Former Republican presidents William Howard Taft and Theodore Roosevelt had served as keynote speakers in previous years. Therefore, Percy believed that it was not too much to think that the new chairman of the national Republican Party might accept their invitation. Besides, Percy knew of the close friendship between his brother and Hays. He obviously believed that if James were to offer the invitation, the likelihood of a favorable response would be increased. In response to James Goodrich’s solicitation, Hays turned the tables. He wrote that the governor himself should address the large convention, since it would be “an opportunity to get into intimate personal touch with all of them.”45 Hays went on to encourage Goodrich to speak nationally and become known beyond Indiana’s borders. Hays wrote:

Hays’s suggestion stemmed from his desire to groom Goodrich for national office, but Indiana’s governor, if he was aware of Hays’s ulterior motive, did not take the bait. He responded to Hays:

Soon afterward, Goodrich’s term in office was disrupted by his automobile accident in August. Still another health crisis loomed, this one national—the great influenza epidemic of October 1918. Goodrich recalled that the disease “swept the country like wildfire,” killing many. On October 10, the governor issued a statewide prohibition against all public meetings, educational, political, and religious.48

The election of November 1918 preoccupied him next. The previous May, Goodrich had presided over the Republican state convention as the temporary chairman.49 In late October, still recovering from his automobile accident, Goodrich appealed to the voters in Indiana to support the Republican Party. He declared that it had been only Republican leaders who had made a “demand for an unconditional surrender and against peace [with Germany] through compromise and negotiation.”50 The appeal was well received. At the general election two weeks later, Republicans swept offices at the state and federal levels in an unprecedented fashion: eighty-nine out of one hundred Republicans were elected to the Indiana House, thirty-three out of fifty Republicans were elected in the Senate, and Republicans garnered all thirteen of Indiana’s United States congressional seats. On November 15, Goodrich called a special two-day meeting of all newly elected Republican members of the legislature. His purpose was to lay before them the proposals he would be submitting to the General Assembly in January 1919. At Goodrich’s invitation, United States senators Harry New and James Watson, along with Will Hays, met with the Republican majority in Indianapolis.51

On January 6, 1919, just before the General Assembly was to meet, news came that Theodore Roosevelt had died at the relatively young age of sixty. That sad fact “upset all the plans Will Hays and I had for nominating Roosevelt for the presidency [in 1920],” Goodrich recalled.52 Just four days later, on January 10, Goodrich addressed the General Assembly. He appealed to the legislature to support his platform, which, he believed, had been overwhelmingly endorsed by the voters, as the large Republican victory in November indicated. By January 14, the General Assembly had ratified the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution (Prohibition), which had been an accomplished fact in Indiana since the previous March. The General Assembly also passed a joint resolution on one of the other great national issues to be debated in this country’s history—woman suffrage. Although Goodrich admitted he was opposed to it, he signed the legislation, apparently submitting to legislative and public pressure.53

Through a hard fight, Goodrich next created a state highway commission. This placed control of the construction and maintenance of highways in the hands of the state. More than thirty-five hundred miles of roadway were taken over by the commission. Local contractors had been strongly opposed to the legislation.54 Moreover, during the waning days of the 1919 legislative session, Goodrich succeeded in getting passed a “shot-firers” bill, which compelled coal operators to hire experienced men to “shoot down” the coal as opposed to making miners do it themselves. Legislation was also approved that reduced the number of oil inspectors from sixty-seven to five, resulting in a net savings to the state, according to Goodrich, of $300,000 per annum. Finally, on March 10, the day before the legislative session ended, a tax bill was passed, although it did not contain all the reforms that the governor had offered.55

With the 1919 legislative session behind him, Goodrich could once again focus on the state’s efforts to support America’s war efforts overseas. As the war was winding down, Goodrich established a Reconstruction Committee to explore how best to manage the return of more than 130,000 Hoosier veterans. An early action of the committee was to send a letter to every employer of an enlisted soldier. The letter inquired whether the soldier’s previous job would be available upon his return; approximately 98 percent of the employers responded affirmatively.56

The end of World War I marked one of the highlights of James Goodrich’s administration. When the armistice was announced on November 11, 1918, Indianapolis was ablaze with fireworks. Anything that could make noise was employed to mark the occasion. The evening of November 11 found thousands crowded around Monument Circle in downtown Indianapolis singing “The Star-Spangled Banner,” “Nearer My God to Thee,” and other popular patriotic and religious songs.

The delays in transporting some two million men stateside from Europe were many.57 The following spring, on April 28, Goodrich traveled to New York City to welcome the first contingent of Indiana soldiers home. Ten days later, on May 7, 1919, a crowd estimated at 175,000 filled the sidewalks of downtown Indianapolis. Twenty thousand returned soldiers and others participated in the parade marching under a large Victory Arch and before Governor and Mrs. Goodrich in the stands.58 Goodrich later proclaimed September 22 as “Heroes Day” when the martyred were commemorated with a ceremony at Monument Circle.59

Just two weeks before, on September 4, President Woodrow Wilson had visited Indianapolis to seek support for his proposed League of Nations. Goodrich made it well known that he opposed the League, but he entertained the president while Wilson was in Indianapolis and introduced him at a packed rally at the state fairgrounds.60 In October, Goodrich had to contend with a serious coal strike in Lake County. On October 5, he declared martial law and ordered state troops to quell the labor uprisings.61 He met with John L. Lewis, the newly elected leader of the United Mine Workers of America. Negotiations between the two men failed because of their disagreement regarding guarantees to provide coal for state institutions and public utilities. The strike, which eventually became nationwide and continued through the months of November and December, resulted in price gouging. Goodrich met with governors from seven other coal-producing states in an attempt to resolve the problem, but the whole situation only grew more “chaotic.”62

In the fall and winter of 1919, Goodrich made two noteworthy speeches in New York state. Goodrich’s willingness to address gatherings so far from Indiana raises the question of whether he had, at that time, national political aspirations. On September 22, he addressed the National Security League in Albany, New York, and on December 21, he spoke in Brooklyn, New York, before the New England Society. To both, his advice was much the same: America should focus its attention on problems at home and not become involved in international entanglements. The addresses were in obvious response to President Wilson’s promotion of the entrance of the United States into the League of Nations.63 In Washington, D.C., at that time, James Watson was carrying water for the Republican Party against Senate ratification of both the League of Nations and the Versailles Treaty. Watson had been appointed to serve as floor whip by the minority leader, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, to manage the defeat of both measures.64

By the end of December, Goodrich had decided to call a special session of the General Assembly for the purpose of ratifying the constitutional amendment extending suffrage to women. Clearly, views on women’s rights at the time were archaic, and Goodrich’s own were hardly enlightened ones. He wrote years later: “I was never very strongly for [woman suffrage]; I did not believe it would accomplish a small percentage of the good claimed by the supporters of the movement. I maintained that it would increase the expense; that women when once engaged in politics would not in any way raise the morals of a campaign; women would adopt themselves to a political situation just the same as men.”65

The special session on the Nineteenth Amendment was held on January 17, 1920. Despite Goodrich’s lack of enthusiasm for the measure, it was ratified in the Indiana Senate by a vote of forty-three to three and in the House by a unanimous vote of ninety-three.

Soon afterward, a financial crisis confronted the state. State Auditor Otto K. Klaus reported in March that appropriations for state institutions would be exhausted within ninety days unless the General Assembly authorized money for the deficit. The war had placed an inordinate drain on the financial resources of these institutions. Ironically, the state had ample monies in the general fund, but these monies could not be transferred to pay for institutional debts without the General Assembly’s approval. Therefore, Goodrich called a special session, beginning July 12, 1920, to deal with the financial emergency.66

One of the final activities that Goodrich became involved in as governor involved a twenty-eight-acre memorial site that was constructed on a five-block area north of downtown Indianapolis. In 1919, the state legislature authorized $15 million (to be raised both publicly and privately) for the erection of the World War Memorial Plaza. The construction of the plaza first meant the razing or moving of some forty-five buildings. Goodrich was one of fifteen trustees appointed to oversee the raising of private money and the design of the plaza. The plaza ultimately included Memorial Hall; a fountain; Obelisk Square; and the statues of former presidents Abraham Lincoln and Benjamin Harrison, and a former vice-president from Indiana, Schuyler Colfax. The state’s decision to construct the plaza ultimately led to the relocation of the permanent national headquarters of the American Legion in Indianapolis. This seemed quite appropriate, since an earlier brotherhood of veterans, the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), had had its birthplace in Indianapolis shortly after the Civil War.67

On December 30, 1919, Will Hays, James Watson, James Goodrich, and James Hemenway, the latter a former United States senator from Indiana, met at the Hotel Severin in Indianapolis for lunch. The meeting had been arranged by Hays to encourage Goodrich to submit his name on Indiana’s primary ballot for president in the 1920 national election. More than a year earlier, Hays, Watson, Goodrich, and United States senator Harry New of Indiana had made a private pact that none of them would seek a change in political office without first consulting the others.68 With former President Theodore Roosevelt deceased, there was no clear front-runner for president. Hays was convinced that Goodrich stood a good chance of gaining the 1920 Republican nomination. On April 25, 1919, the Indianapolis mayor, Charles W. Jewett, who was in New York City to welcome home Hoosier veterans in the Rainbow Division, announced that Goodrich would be the choice for the nomination for president from Indiana’s delegation.69 Several other political insiders encouraged Goodrich to run for president at the Republican National Convention in Chicago in June 1920. Moreover, on January 27, 1920, in Washington, D.C., Senators New and Watson held a meeting with members of Indiana’s congressional delegation in an attempt to get them to commit to a Goodrich presidency.70

James Goodrich certainly had the credentials to be a legitimate presidential candidate. He was a highly successful and wealthy lawyer and businessman. Moreover, he had been deeply involved in Republican politics for twenty-five years, being everything from the local county chairman to a senior and respected member of the National Republican Committee. He personally knew most top-level Republican leaders throughout the country. Moreover, Goodrich had the right connections. He could clearly count on Hays’s influential support as national chairman of the Republican Party. Furthermore, Harry New and James Watson, now highly influential United States senators in their own right, promoted a Goodrich run. In fact, Watson was chairman of the Committee on Resolutions; Senator Henry Cabot Lodge was chairman of the Republican convention. Watson had pledged his total support for a Goodrich presidential run. He announced that in deference to his childhood chum he would not seek the one office he had cherished all his life.71 With the illness of Woodrow Wilson and the general dissatisfaction with Wilson’s post–World War I policies, the Republican presidential nominee stood an excellent chance of gaining the White House.72

James Goodrich, however, never threw his hat into the presidential ring. On January 27, 1920, he publicly announced that he would not be a candidate for president.73 When he would not consider taking a run at the top post, there were attempts to make him a vice-presidential candidate. In fact, Theodore Roosevelt had asked Goodrich to be his running mate when Goodrich met with the former president in November 1917.74 When Roosevelt died, General Leonard Wood, former governor of the Philippines and a conservative nationalist, commanded most of Roosevelt’s following. Wood had also built up a huge campaign chest of nearly $2 million. General Wood let it be known that he desired a Wood-Goodrich ticket. In fact, when Goodrich went to New York on April 28 to welcome home the first contingent of returning Indiana soldiers, a number of leading newspapers, including the New York Times and the New York Tribune, were proposing Wood and Goodrich for the ticket.75

The selection of Goodrich would have upheld the Indiana tradition of being the nation’s number-one supplier of vice-presidents. As previously noted, Hoosiers Charles Fairbanks and Thomas Marshall had served as vice-presidents to Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, respectively. As early as July 1917, Goodrich was considered vice-presidential material:

At the time, Indiana was an important center for geopolitical reasons. This did not go unrecognized by those seeking the White House, such as Roosevelt, Wood, and another New York politician, United States senator James W. Wadsworth.77

Despite Goodrich’s successes as governor, the call to higher office fell on deaf ears. Goodrich had already decided by the spring of 1920 that he was through with politics. He wrote to Harry New in April: “I have no desire or ambition to do anything but finish my administration as best I can and then go back to my business. I am done with politics for ever and a day.”78 And in November, with only two months to go as governor, he wrote another close friend: “I will be the happiest man in Indiana when the tenth day of January [1921] comes and I can once more be free. Never again will I even think of rendering any service to the people in an official capacity.”79 Even if Goodrich had wished to stay in the governor’s office, the position was closed to him. Under Indiana’s constitution at the time, a governor was limited to one term.

At the 1920 Republican National Convention in Chicago, none of the candidates, among whom were General Leonard Wood, Illinois governor Frank O. Lowden, and Senator Hiram Johnson of California (Goodrich’s pick), could muster enough support to gain the nomination for president in early balloting. James Watson was offered the nomination on the sixth ballot. In a moment he almost certainly regretted for the rest of his life, he turned down the chance. His wife, whom he telephoned back in Rushville, Indiana, about the offer, told him she had absolutely no desire to be first lady.80 Finally, on the tenth ballot, the convention nominated a former newspaper man and mediocre United States senator from Ohio, Warren G. Harding. The governor of Massachusetts, Calvin Coolidge, was slated as Harding’s running mate. Will Hays managed the national Republican team of Harding and Coolidge in a masterly fashion, but it was a lackluster ticket. The country was so opposed to the Democratic Party, however, that the pair easily defeated the Democratic ticket of James M. Cox and Franklin D. Roosevelt, winning by a margin of two to one.81

Goodrich returned to Indiana from the convention with the feeling of relief that the remaining few months of his gubernatorial term would soon be over. His frustrations with the job stemmed partly from the failure of his own Republican Party to support him in many of the reforms he had hoped to bring to state government. Perhaps Goodrich’s biggest disappointment was opposition by lobbyists and the General Assembly to his attempt to make the tax code more equitable. Goodrich believed that property owners were still bearing a disproportionate burden of state taxation. The tax package passed in 1919 addressed this inequity only partially.82 It was not until the 1930s that James Goodrich was praised for his attempts to revamp Indiana’s tax code. In 1931, the Indianapolis News won a Pulitzer Prize for advocating tax reforms, most of which Goodrich had pushed for during his years as governor. Finally, the Democratic governor Paul V. McNutt, during his four years in office (1933–37), succeeded in getting passed the tax reforms that James Goodrich had proposed some fifteen years before.83

Another apparent reason for Goodrich’s disappointment with the job had been his health problems. The fact that he spent several months during his tenure recovering from both typhoid and a nearly fatal automobile accident certainly did not bring back any fond memories for him. Finally, Goodrich’s approach to governing was seen by many to be high-handed. For example, he was attacked as the “Hoosier Caesar” by the editor of the Fort Wayne Journal-Gazette at the 1920 Democratic state convention.84 Goodrich knew that governing entails more consensus-building than does the arena of business, where decisions from the top are expected to be followed, yet he seemed to have difficulty making the transition from business executive to coalition-builder.

Despite these frustrations with the job, James Goodrich achieved a formidable record as Indiana’s twenty-eighth governor. He had established the State Highway Commission, the Department of Banking, and the Department of Conservation.85 Under the latter, many of Indiana’s existing state parks were created. James Goodrich had also directed through the state’s General Assembly legislation reorganizing the Public Service Commission, extending prohibition, improving workmen’s compensation, consolidating or eliminating several positions, consolidating most state publications into one annual yearbook, and providing for absentee voting. Moreover, his revamping of the tax law in 1919 incorporated the “Indiana Plan,” which controlled public expenditures and is estimated to have saved state taxpayers more than $100 million. Most important, during Goodrich’s tenure as governor, women won the right to vote, even though Goodrich was, at most, a lukewarm proponent of woman suffrage.86 On top of all of this, Goodrich had initiated the state’s Civil Defense Council, which was essential in the support of the European war effort, and had signed charters establishing two important state institutions of higher education: Indiana State Normal School—Eastern Division (later Ball State University) in 1918 and Evansville College (later Evansville University) in 1919. James Goodrich was known for being the first Indiana governor to introduce modern business principles and methods into state government. He was the epitome of the modern executive.87

Goodrich’s commitment as governor was admired by many. Thirty-five years after Goodrich’s tenure in office, Will Hays wrote in his memoirs: “The reader may already have gathered that Governor James P. Goodrich was one of my political ideals. He was a man of complete unselfishness and devotion to the service of our people.”88 Although James Goodrich would never again be a candidate for elective office, his accomplishments were far from over. Some of his most successful work in the business world and contributions in the public sphere were still to come.

[1. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 114.

[2. ]Ibid., p. 121. Goodrich’s decision to take a relatively nonpartisan approach toward his appointments is also discussed in his obituary, Indianapolis News, August 16, 1940, p. 2, col. 1.

[3. ]“Goodrich Ready to Take Seat,” Indianapolis Star, January 8, 1917, p. 1, col. 6.

Sincerely yours,

James P. Goodrich

[5. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 115–19; “Goodrich Counsels Economy: Recommends in Message Many Reforms to Reduce Public Expenditures,” Indianapolis Star, January 9, 1917, p. 1, col. 4; “Governor Outlines Program,” Indianapolis Star, November 11, 1916, p. 1, col. 1.

[6. ]“Inauguration of Goodrich to Be Simple,” Indianapolis Star, November 26, 1916, p. 1, col. 1.

[7. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 119–20; “Governor Goodrich’s Message,” Indianapolis News, January 9, 1917, p. 6, col. 2.

[8. ]See David Mannweiler, “Governors of Indiana,” Indianapolis News, March 16, 1964, p. 5, col. 8.

[9. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 121. See also “Governor’s Czarism,” Indianapolis News, January 15, 1917, p. 6, col. 1.

[10. ]Indianapolis City Directory (1917–21), Indiana State Library, Indiana Division; see also “Goodrich Selects Home Where He Will Live While Governor,” Indianapolis Star, December 28, 1916, p. 1, col. 2.

[11. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 125.

[12. ]Ibid., pp. 124–27. Regarding Goodrich’s tax revision proposals, see Ernest I. Lewis, “Governor Appeals to State’s People: Inequalities of Taxation,” Indianapolis News, March 14, 1917, p. 5, col. 4.

[13. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 122.

[14. ]Benjamin D. Rhodes, James P. Goodrich, Indiana’s “Governor Strangelove,” p. 31, quoting in part Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 107.

[15. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 120. See also John A. Lapp, “Legislation Is Branded Failure,” Indianapolis Star, January 1, 1918, p. 20, col. 7.

[16. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 127.

[17. ]See Cedric C. Cummins, Indiana Public Opinion and the World War, 1914–1917 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1945), pp. 17–41.

[18. ]Indianapolis News, March 28, 1917, p. 1, col. 3.

[19. ]Jeannette Covert Nolan, Hoosier City: The Story of Indianapolis (New York: Julian Messner, 1943), p. 262; Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 150. For a summary of Indiana’s involvement in World War I, see Charles Roll, Indiana (Chicago: Lewis Publishing, 1931), pp. 449–67.

[20. ]Indiana State News Bulletin, August 1, 1928, p. 4; see also Indiana War Records, Gold Star Honor Roll (Indianapolis, 1921); Clifton J. Phillips, Indiana in Transition: The Emergence of an Industrial Commonwealth, 1880–1920, vol. 4 of The History of Indiana (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau and Indiana Historical Society, 1968), pp. 610–11.

[21. ]Nolan, Hoosier City: The Story of Indianapolis, pp. 262–64.

[22. ]“Governor Calls Meeting in Each County to Urge Increase in Food Crops,” Indianapolis Star, April 6, 1917, p. 1, col. 1. See also George S. Cottman, Centennial History and Handbook of Indiana (Indianapolis: State of Indiana, 1917), with supplement, “Highlights of Indiana in the World War,” edited by Edith Margaret Evans and Freeman T. Felt, pp. 9–11. Goodrich’s belief in the importance of increasing the food supply is evident in a speech he delivered to two thousand farmers in Anderson, Indiana, on February 5, 1918, “2,000 Farmers Hear Goodrich,” Indianapolis Star, February 6, 1918, p. 5, col. 4.

[23. ]See “The Fourth ‘Liberty Loan Proclamation’ by James P. Goodrich, Governor of Indiana,” Indianapolis Star, September 28, 1918, p. 5, col. 5; James P. Goodrich, “Indiana Patriot League Articles,” Indianapolis News, March 16, 1918, p. 8, col. 2; and “Duty Calls to Every Hoosier: Each Loyal Indianian Must Do His Share, Goodrich Says in Message,” Indianapolis Star, January 1, 1918, p. 20, col. 2.

[24. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 130–31; Richard M. Clutter, “Indiana and the First World War,” Indiana Military History Journal 1 (July 1976), pp. 20–22; George S. Cottman, Centennial History and Handbook of Indiana (Indianapolis: State of Indiana, 1917), with supplement, “Highlights of Indiana in the World War,” edited by Edith Margaret Evans and Freeman T. Felt, pp. 9–11. Will Hays devotes an entire chapter to the State Council of Defense in his Memoirs of Will H. Hays (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1955), pp. 114–38.

[25. ]For instance, Goodrich claimed that by July 1917 Fort Wayne, Indiana, had sent more men as soldiers and sailors to the European war than the entire state of New York had. Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 133–34. See also Richard M. Clutter, “Indiana and the First World War,” pp. 20–23; Clifton J. Phillips, Indiana in Transition: The Emergence of an Industrial Commonwealth, 1880–1920, pp. 608–9; and Jeannette Covert Nolan, Hoosier City: The Story of Indianapolis, pp. 260–68.

[26. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 142–43.

[27. ]Laws of Indiana, 1919, pp. 50–51, 822–23. The Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis even inserted into teachers’ contracts a clause stating that disloyalty to the United States in spoken or written word (that is, the use of German) constituted cause for dismissal. The Indiana State Teachers Association passed a resolution on April 13, 1918, forbidding the teaching of German in Indiana schools. See Frances H. Ellis, “German Instruction in the Public Schools of Indianapolis, 1869–1919,” Indiana Magazine of History 50 (1954): 372, 374–78.

[28. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 142.

[29. ]Emma Lieber, Richard Lieber (Indianapolis: privately printed, 1947), p. 90; “Governor Names Military Staff,” Indianapolis News, April 11, 1917, p. 1, col. 6. Goodrich wrote in his autobiography that he first met Lieber accidentally when he was campaigning in Indianapolis for governor. He ran into Lieber on Monument Circle. At the time, Lieber was a wholesale liquor distributor. “I was struck with his knowledge, his spirit of liberality and broad vision with respect to the public service,” wrote Goodrich (“Autobiography,” p. 143).

[30. ]By the time Lieber left office in 1933, Indiana had sixteen state parks, all established during Lieber’s tenure as state parks director except two that had been created in 1916: Turkey Run in Parke County and McCormick’s Creek in Owen County. See “Indiana State Parks” (Indiana Department of Conservation, 1932; copy located in Indiana Division of the Indiana State Library). For more background information about Lieber, see “Richard Lieber, State Park System Founder, Dies at McCormick’s Creek,” Indianapolis Star, April 16, 1944, p. 1, col. 2; Harold Sabin, “Indiana Indebted to Richard Lieber for Excellent Park System,” Indianapolis Star, August 28, 1966, sec. 2, p. 10, col. 2; and Wayne Guthrie, “Father of Indiana State Parks,” Indianapolis News, October 22, 1965, p. 11, col. 6.

[31. ]Emma Lieber, Richard Lieber, pp. 95–103, 161.

[32. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 129–30.

[33. ]Ibid., pp. 131–33.

[34. ]Ibid., p. 135. See also “Governor Ill at Methodist Hospital,” Indianapolis Star, August 25, 1917, p. 1, col. 7; “Goodrich Little Better; Friends Not Admitted,” Indianapolis Star, August 25, 1917, p. 1, col. 7; and “Has Typhoid Fever,” Indianapolis News, August 27, 1917, p. 1, col. 4.

[35. ]“Governor Takes Turn for Worse,” Indianapolis Star, September 10, 1917, p. 1, col. 7; “Governor Leaves Hospital for Home at Winchester,” Indianapolis Star, October 22, 1917, p. 1, col. 2.

[36. ]See Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 136; “Governor Leaves Hospital for Home at Winchester,” Indianapolis Star, October 10, 1917, p. 1, col. 7; and “Goodrich Resumes Duties at State House,” Indianapolis News, October 29, 1917, p. 1, col. 4.

[37. ]Everett C. Watkins, “Goodrich Gives Coal Testimony,” Indianapolis Star, January 23, 1918, p. 1, col. 4.

[38. ]Donald P. Whitted, “Recollections,” Winchester News-Gazette, January 6, 1998, p. 8, col. 6.

[39. ]“Governor Seriously Hurt in Automobile Accident,” Indianapolis Star, August 29, 1918, p. 1, col. 4; “Goodrich Has Peaceful Day; Is Improving,” Indianapolis Star, August 30, 1918, p. 1, col. 1; “Governor’s Progress Pleases Physicians,” Indianapolis Star, August 31, 1918, p. 1, col. 5; Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 150–51.

[40. ]Walden S. Freeman, “Will H. Hays and the Politics of Party Harmony,” in Their Infinite Variety: Essays on Indiana Politicians (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1981), p. 340.

[41. ]“Will Hays Boomed to Head G.O.P.: National Leaders Launch Move to Displace Wilcox with Indiana Chairman,” Indianapolis Star, January 9, 1917, p. 1, col. 3.

[42. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 140.

[43. ]Ibid., p. 133.

[44. ]Ibid., p. 141. Hays’s account of his selection as national Republican chairman is contained in his Memoirs of Will H. Hays, pp. 153–68.

[45. ]Letter from Will H. Hays to James Goodrich, June 13, 1918 (in response to Goodrich’s letter to Hays dated June 11, 1918), Will H. Hays Collection, James P. Goodrich file, Indiana State Library, Manuscript Section, Indianapolis.

[46. ]Letter from Will H. Hays to James Goodrich, June 10, 1918, Will H. Hays Collection, James P. Goodrich file, Indiana State Library, Manuscript Section, Indianapolis.

[47. ]Letter from Goodrich to Hays, June 20, 1918, Will H. Hays Collection, James P. Goodrich file, Indiana State Library, Manuscript Section, Indianapolis.

[48. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 151.

[49. ]“Goodrich Delivers Speech at Republican Convention,” Indianapolis News, May 29, 1918, p. 9, col. 1.

[50. ]“Governor Pleads Republican Cause,” Indianapolis News, October 23, 1918, p. 1, col. 3.

[51. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 152–53. See also “Governor Will Pen Bi-Ennial Message Soon,” Indianapolis Star, December 18, 1918, p. 13, col. 8.

[52. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 154.

[53. ]Ibid., pp. 180–81.

[54. ]Ibid., pp. 157–58.

[55. ]Ibid., pp. 163–65.

[56. ]See “Governor Will Pen Bi-Ennial Message Soon,” Indianapolis Star, December 18, 1918, p. 13, col. 8. Goodrich discussed the committee’s correspondence with soldiers’ employers in an exchange of letters between Goodrich and Seymour Avery, president of the Wheeler-Schebler Carburetor Company, Indianapolis. Letter from Avery to Goodrich, December 6, 1918; letter from Goodrich to Avery, December 9, 1918, Goodrich files, Archives, Indiana State Library. See also “Governor Thinks Surplus Labor After War May Be Used for Road Building,” Indianapolis News, October 23, 1918, p. 5, col. 3.

[57. ]Roll, Indiana, p. 460.

[58. ]See Hazel E. Crawford, “Indiana’s Victory Celebration of World War I,” Indiana Military History Journal 4 (October 1979): 16–20; “Governor Proclaims Welcome Home Day,” Indianapolis News, March 29, 1919, p. 44, col. 7.

[59. ]“Governor Proclaims Heroes’ Day,” Indianapolis Star, September 23, 1918, p. 4, col. 2.

[60. ]Ibid., p. 177; “Governor’s Address Welcomes President Wilson to the State,” Indianapolis News, September 5, 1919, p. 3, col. 3.

[61. ]“Governor Issues Statement Regarding the Keeping of Militia in Calumet Strike Region,” Indianapolis News, October 28, 1919, p. 5, col. 1.

[62. ]In August 1919, the nation experienced a large increase in inflation, which led to extremely high prices for basic commodities. On August 5, Goodrich proposed government intervention to stop those who were manipulating the markets in order to enjoy excessive profits. There is no indication that any of Goodrich’s proposals were ever adopted at the state or federal level. See “Governor Seeks Method to Lower Basic Commodities,” Indianapolis Star, August 6, 1919, p. 1, col. 3.

[63. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 177–80; “Goodrich Addresses New England Society in Brooklyn,” Indianapolis News, December 22, 1919, p. 23, col. 1.

[64. ]James E. Watson, As I Knew Them, pp. 189–203, 214–16 (League of Nations); pp. 190–203 (Versailles Treaty).

[65. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 180–81.

[66. ]Ibid., p. 184.

[67. ]Nolan, Hoosier City: The Story of Indianapolis, pp. 269–75.

[68. ]Watson makes reference to this agreement in a letter to Goodrich dated January 7, 1919, James P. Goodrich Papers, James E. Watson file, box 28.

[69. ]“All on Goodrich Wagon,” Indianapolis Star, April 26, 1919, p. 1, col. 4.

[70. ]E. C. Watkins, “Solons Shy at Goodrich Boom,” Indianapolis Star, January 28, 1920, p. 4, col. 1.

[71. ]See Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 179–80. See also “Indiana Republicans for Goodrich for President,” Indianapolis Star, April 26, 1919, p. 1, col. 4. For a brief account of Watson’s presidential opportunities at the 1920 convention, see “Indiana Senator Refused Republican Nomination for President in 1920,” Indianapolis News, March 2, 1964, p. 28, col. 7. He did run, however, against Herbert Hoover for the 1928 Republican nomination.

[72. ]Had Goodrich seriously sought the Republican nomination, he would have been a very strong contender. James Goodrich discusses briefly being suggested as a presidential candidate in his “Autobiography,” pp. 179–80.

[73. ]“Goodrich Announces He Will Not Be Candidate for President,” Indianapolis Star, January 28, 1920, p. 1, col. 8.

[74. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 141.

[75. ]Ibid., p. 167.

[76. ]“Goodrich Boom Stirs for 1920,” Indianapolis Star, July 23, 1917, p. 1, col. 2.

[77. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 141.

[78. ]Letter from Goodrich to Senator Harry S. New, April 3, 1920, James P. Goodrich Papers, box 13.

[79. ]Letter from Goodrich to Ezra Mattingly, November 6, 1920, James P. Goodrich Papers, box 7.

[80. ]For a brief account of Watson’s presidential opportunities at the 1920 convention, see “Indiana Senator Refused Republican Nomination for President in 1920,” Indianapolis News, March 2, 1964, p. 28, col. 7.

[81. ]Williams, Current, and Freidel, A History of the United States: Since 1865, pp. 421, 730.

[82. ]See Charles F. Remy, “Governor Goodrich and Indiana Tax Legislation,” Indiana Magazine of History 43 (March 1947): 41–55.

[83. ]Also, in 1933, the Indiana General Assembly adopted a gross income tax, combining income and sales tax, to help finance poor relief during the Great Depression. See Encyclopedia of Indiana, 2d ed. (New York: Somerset Publishers, 1993), pp. 83–84.

[84. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” p. 185.

[85. ]For a description of the establishment and operations of the state departments of highways, conservation, and banking, see Indiana (Indianapolis: State Board of Public Printing, 1930), pp. 148–64.

[86. ]Goodrich, “Autobiography,” pp. 180–81.

[87. ]Goodrich’s term as governor is briefly treated in James H. Madison, The Indiana Way: A State History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 221–22; Clifton J. Phillips, Indiana in Transition: The Emergence of an Industrial Commonwealth, pp. 126–27, 611–12; Philip R. VanderMeer, The Hoosier Politician: Officeholding and Political Culture in Indiana, 1896–1920 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), pp. 19, 65, 196–97; Will H. Hays, The Memoirs of Will H. Hays, pp. 106–38; and Charles F. Remy, “Governor Goodrich and Indiana Tax Legislation,” pp. 41–56.

[88. ]Hays, The Memoirs of Will H. Hays, p. 138.